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IRELAND.

NEW CATHOLIC ASSOCIATION.

ADDRESS TO THE IRISH PEOPLE.

ether a certain motion and smack be indispensable. As much ity might be elicited from the bar, as was formerly displayed by A Society, entitled "The Friends of Ireland," of New York, comeological casuists of the good old times; and all would of course posed chiefly of emigrant Irishmen, who have become Citizens of the ad to the dignity of the law, and the glory of Christianity. To United States, has published an address to the Irish people, written by to our waspish functionary, however: after this explanation Dr Macneven, formerly an active and able member of the Society of by Lord, conscious perhaps of the silliness of the fuss he had United Irishmen, advising them to labour sedulously to procure a sepaand wishing to brave it out, Mr Justice PARK addressed the rate Legislative Assembly for Internal Affairs, and urging the breaking man in the witness-box in a tone of offended authority:-evils of that country. An address on the subject of the grievances of the up of the Protestant Establishment in Ireland, as the best remedy for the ollect, Sir, that you are taking a solemn oath in the presence of Catholics of Ireland to the Catholics of South America is also written, Maker!" A very mal-apropos reference to solemnity, just when for the purpose of being distributed among the influential people of the were taking by bushels, and in a style which inspired anything new States. From the " Address to the Irish People" we extract the spect either in the swearers or the audience! The spectators following striking and most instructive passages:“We owe to our a good deal, and it was not difficult to read in their faces what Catholic countrymen a particular condolence upon their recent affliction. hought of this preposterous sally. We grieve with them that their high-wrought expectations were frustrated, and that a sentence of unrelenting proscription was passed upon their liberties, so far as the British Lords and the Heir Presumptive to the British Throne, are competent to such a measure. But while the allied bigotry and despotism of the English Church and Government pronounce their final reprobation, the stronger spirit of liberty, and the more indomitable fortitude of the Irish character, present them with new means of resistance, and plant the lever of the Irish rent in this new world, to assist in upsetting the greatest thraldom in all the old. We will also promulgate through North and South America the story of Ireland's wrongs, and expose the crimes of her oppressors. The hypo crites shall not walk in credit to their graves, nor cheat the new world with professions of liberality, which they belie by all their acts in Ireland. Thanks to the spread of knowledge and of free inquiry, governments, especially those of commercial nations, stand already in some need of character. Strong as they may deem themselves, they can be made to feel that to be hateful to mankind may be attended with loss of property no less than with loss of fame. England, more than any nation in Europe, has need of a good report. There are many points of interest in which she is vulnerable, and the press can exhibit her throughout this vast republic, and to the Catholic millions of South America, in her true colours of intolerance. It can be shown, that while she boasts of liberal principles abroad, she persecutes the religion of her Catholic subjects at home; and that, although so far subdued by the spirit of the age as to have relaxed in some practices of her tyranny, she clandestinely favours a factious persecution of the Catholics of Ireland, which immolates more victims in silence and impunity than her own, or any other government in its delirium ever sacrificed publicly at the stake." "Were there a free parliament in Ireland, the Catholics would be electors and representatives, and enjoy the highest prerogatives of liberty; but since it has been transferred to another country, where Irish and British Members do not sit in the proportion of the population of Ireland to Britain, but where the representation of Ireland has only a kind of honorary existence, with an overwhelming majority of British Members against it, Ireland is not represented to any efficient purpose. There is consequently, permit us to say it, a question of more impor tance to Irish liberty than Catholic emancipation, and at the same time one that includes it. It appears to us, viewing the question at this distance, that a mass of energy and effort is expended upon Catholic emancipation disproportioned to its value to the Catholic; and that a pertinacity is evinced in withholding it, disproportioned to the loss of monopoly it would cause to the Protestant."

he meeting held on Saturday week, Messrs O'CONNELL and SHIEL various observations respecting the Etoile French newspaper, has of late contained some very severe strictures on the shameful ent of the Irish Catholics by the British Government. O'CONNELL, in alluding to the attacks made upon him by the and other journals, said, "they had maligned him by asserting was his object to obtain foreign influence over the affairs of 1; but he could assure them, there was nothing in life to which he greater antipathy than to foreign influence in the destinies of Ire- | He did not care what might be the name of that foreign influence. hter, and “hear, hear !") The Irish might indeed well dispense , for they never could forget that it was owing to such influence eir country, which Providence had marked with the features of an ndent nation, was reduced to a pitiful, impoverished province." ruse.) SHIEL exclaimed, "What! Is it a crime in the captive to listen ars of his dungeon to the expression of pity, which is offered by ual passenger to his sufferings? (Loud cheers.) This, after all, xtent of our criminality-here is the head and front of our offence. ere is further matter in the Etoile, which is represented as false by dignant ministerialists of the Courier. The Creoles of South ca (it says) were not more oppressed than the Catholics of Ireland, day may come when the example which England has afforded turned against herself.' The first branch of this proposition is I doubt. The second, I trust, is destitute of all truth. It is, after ere prophecy, and whether to the Editor of the French or English he larger portion of inspiration has been awarded, it must be left to determine. The Courier tells us that the bare sympathy of a Power will exasperate the pride of the English people. I doubt It is with nations as with men. Prosperity is a great hardener eart. There is however one important fact upon record illustrahe facility with which a transition from haughtiness to humility effected. The people of England spurned at America, and apthe mad injustice of her oppression. Not long after, the people and received from misfortune a lesson in humanity, and bowed cir heads. But, Sir, I have done with the calumnies which the has attributed to the Etoile, and, yet, let me see, here is a passage it is alleged that the repeated disasters sustained by the Irish ave not yet subdued their love of liberty, and that the spirit of try is unbroken still. (Loud cheers.) Is this false? Is this among the fabrications of the French Journalist? Is this another calumny? so false ? No! Thanks to Almighty God! In the midst of all we are condemned to suffer-bailed and spurned as we have den with injustice, and besmeared with contumely, denounced - steps of the throne itself, and with almost everything lost, what a chivalrous and gallant King of France still boasted that preserved, with everything lost, except what constitutes the f a people, (Loud cheers.) Thanks to Almighty God! and I e adjuration, the heart of Ireland is not tamed, her soul is not her enthusiastic spirit is not broken. (Loud cheers.) No! the menace which the organ of the Orange part of the Cabinet resentative of Eldon and of Peel, has presumed to utter, deter e pursuit of that great object to which we are devoted. The as threatened us with the re-enactment of the penal code! Re= penal code! Re-enact that barbarous, that flagitious, that ous and parricidal code, which was a revolt against nature, and e to the eternal God! Re-enact those laws from which the an recoils, and of which it is impossible to think without horror! the penal code! Never! or if they do, it shall le at the price e of blood! (Here the whole meeting rose up on repeatedly r Shiel.) The earth shall soak with hum e before it. hes of massacre must be fastened to the twheels of Seven millions of men must be first mowed down. They must nd into a sepulchre before it. I do not speak of the law as it s-to that it is our moral duty to submit; but I do not hesitate t any attempt to re enact the penal code in the plenitude of its rocity, would not only justify but demand an appeal to those original rights, the consciousness of which is graven in the man, and that it would be better that our veins should be every drop of our blood, than they should be laden with the fetters of the penal code again," (Long continued cheers.)

"We might refer to the experience of a quarter of a century since the Union, to prove that a British Parliament, with a sprinkling of Irish members, has done nothing for improving the condition of Ireland, or conciliating her attachment, though no country offers a greater scope for the exercise of wisdom and benevolence. Those members who should be the guardians of Irish interests, are in such a minority, that were they nearly all voted for the Catholic Relief Bill, which was yet rejected. even patriotie, they cannot be efficient. On the late occasion they In an Irish Parliament the same men would have passed it. The British Members have to prepossess or divert their attention to a thousand objects of more importance, or they have rival objects which they prefer. This tion and self-government must ever germinate and lurk for ever at the course of things is inevitable; but while it lasts, the desire of separabottom of many an Irish heart. In this country, which has solved so many problems in Government, it is universally admitted that our representation in Congress would be a very inadequate substitute for our State Legislatures, and procure but a very small part of the manifold advantages, which the nation derives from the latter. This is more particularly conspicuous in all cases of local or internal improvement. What have we not done through the instrumentality of our domestic legislature and all was accomplished by men who have been scarcely half a century free from a foreign yoke; but who amply prove, that' practice, freedom, and opportunity, are wonderfully quick teachers of mankind. The old world, with all its talent, and all its wealth, and all its strength, has performed nothing that can bear comparison with the improvements of this one state in the last eight years; and all this great result arises from our governing ourselves, and legislating for ourselves, and having a legislative body, which we choose annually by universal suffrage."

"Our American Union is immoveably firm, because it is perfectly voluntary, and secures to each State full power and sovereignty to do everything for its own welfare that does not injure a sister State: it adopts and enlarges the cardinal principle of civil liberty, that no restriction shall be put upon individual rights, but the obligation of not doing

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wrong to our neighbour. The world will learn from this fair-dealing I which runs throughout our entire union, that the strongest bond on earth -is the perfect satisfaction of the people with the condition and extent of our mutual connection; and that, compared with these, a reliance on - brute force, and on the small and vulgar arts of dissensions and jealousies, would be consummate folly.

The steps taken by shortsighted despotism to insure the subjection of Ireland and the Protestant Church should be speedily retraced. A legis. Jative body for internal purposes, like one of our state legislatures, should be restored to freland; and, springing like ours from a basis of perfect freedom and equality, like ours it would be the security of a strong, and cheap, and lasting union. Let us suppose, for argument's sake, that Ireland, as happened to these States, should become independent by successful war and foreign alliances, the British Government would gladly give all that is here proposed to get her back, as she once offered to do by the emancipated colonies. Then why not give it now to prevent the chance (God knows how near) of such an occurrence? Or is it that Rulers can never be just but by compulsion, nor wise before catastrophe? If the British Government shall concede such measure of liberty to Ireland, she will perhaps be for ever exempt from revolution; but refused, she will be for ever exposed to it. In some eventful moment she may effect a separation. Every one acquainted with the country (unless it be materially changed) is well assured that the great majority of its population would prefer to break off like America, and be like America free, prosperous, and independent, rather than exist as it now does, under the control of a foreign Parliament, a rapacious clergy, and a fanatical "Let England persist, and be the forms of trace or intercourse what they may, the parties are really in a state of smothered war, in which overt acts are no longer considerations of duty but of prudence. Any one party can produce a state of war, though the concurrence of two is necessary to peace. If one assume the right of domineering while it has the power, the other enters into the co-relative right of liberating itself when it can. The one avails itself of present force; the other must be patient, but prepared for future opportunity. This state of the case being well understood by both sides, it is the part of wisdom to enquire if there be no better way of settling it than by a resort to violence at some time

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or another.

"If we are asked what is the grand impediment to a connection as stable, as cordial, as beneficial between Ireland and Great Britain, as that between the States of this confederacy, we reply, in candour and sincerity, that it is mainly owing to the Church by law established. And then what reasonable man will forbear enquiring, of what utility is the civil establishment of that Church, in comparison with the good it prevents, and the evil it entails? It is surely time to undo that establishment, so useless to religion itself, as the example of this whole nation proves, and so oppressive to every Dissenter, whom it taxes enormously without the least requital. It is true, many individual interests would suffer by its suppression. Purchase them, and at a liberal price. It is better that a nation should be profuse than parsimonious, in redeeming public rights or advantages from individual claims. "But since the Irish must go abroad for justice, the Catholics should make common cause with all the Dissenters in England, who, as well as themselves, suffer some degree of persecution for conscience sake, and merge the narrower pursuit of Catholic Emancipation in the broad Christian principle of Religious Liberty. The sacred, inalienable right of worshipping God according to conscience and the measure of light he has vouchsafed to his creatures, without let or penalty from man, was mainly conducive in carrying the Christian religion itself to the nations of the earth, and causing it to prevail over the world's hinderance. Upon that principle they would have the zealous support of all unprejudiced Christians; and the powerful and enlightened body of English Dissenters, assisting and assisted, would aid their triumph and partake of their victory. It might also remove much of the asperity incident to the discussion of their question, if words associated with such angry recollections as Protestant and Catholic were kept out of sight, and a demand preferred on behalf of all for unshackled liberty of conscience.

"It is one of the many questions in polities, solved by the practice of this country, that no Christian Church stands in need of a Civil Establishment. All sects are found here, and followed according to people's tastes or convictions. Their Clergy have an honourable and competent maintenance derived from the services they perform. They are all protected by the law, but it prefers and pays none. This order of things is followed by such a state of peace and liberty, and true religion among the Christians of America, as was never seen elsewhere since the primitive ages, and is indeed incompatible with the establishment of one set of favoured Clergy over all the rest of Christ's Ministers.

"By having long witnessed the salutary effects of free and frequent elections in this country, we feel authorised to recommend that, far from consenting to the abridgment of the right of suffrage, you should seek rather to extend, and call it often into practice. That this can be done with perfect order, in little time, and according to the wishes of the voters-fake the example of Pennsylvania, where the Election of Representatives for the whole state begins and ends the same day, between sunrise and sunset. It is conducted by ballot, and bribery and corruption are things unheard of.

We also find it a happy consequence of our perfect freedom, that our whole population is armed, and that we are at no expense for soldiers to preserve our internal peace. Our just Government has no internal euemies. There needs no standing army where every citizen is armed. This

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is the cheap defence of free nations, and their unfailing resource in | great emergencies. "People of Ireland! beloved Countrymen! We frankly submit to v the result of our experience, and shall ouly add, that the highest wor for nations, no less than for individuals, is to scrutinize their true site tion without prejudice or partiality; and their best proof of courage to decide upon it without dismay and without rashness. Your situatia is that of contributors on a large scale to the power and resources England. What equivalent in beneficence of government, liberality intercourse, or honest and impartial dealing, does she give you in retur You languish in poverty, and you are harassed by an everlasting c war. How much of these evils do her statesmen expressly contrive, a insidiously foment? The great majority of your brethren are in chara and the minority are not free. Who keeps them in this base and imp verished condition? What answer lies at the bottom of your heart these inquiries, and do you never consider how these things sh terminate? "No doubt, there is great dignity of soul in bearing irremediable ev with fortitude; but since human affairs are perpetually fluctuating, men are transitory, no national depression should be deemed hopeless especially if the oppressed will only meditate beforehand, and make their minds to profit by the opportunity of redress which Heaven she present. Time and opportunity are the friends sent by Providence to suffering people; but always with the condition, that their own & operation shall not be wanting. And where such resolution is known ? suspected to exist, it is possible that partial interests may be made to gre way, and that your country may be yet redeemed by the workings prudence and foresight in its rulers. But lest these things should fall out so happily, remember that discussion will concentrate son opinions, and prepare unanimity on points of general interest; so tha when men should be acting, they will not be drawn aside by unforesee difficulties or distracting subjects of unsettled controversy. "And do not waver in well doing: for in due season you shall reap, you faint not.”

DINNER TO JOSEPH HUME, Esq. M.P.

On Friday week an entertainment was given by the Citizens of Ednburgh to Mr Hume, in the Waterloo Hotel. Upwards of 500 gentleme were present. Leonard Horner, Esq. was in the chair. When the clot was drawn, and after the usual regal toasts had been drank,

The CHAIRMAN rose to propose the health of Mr Hume, and proceeds to review the public life of that public-spirited statesman. The enthssasm, he said, which the bare mention of his name excited, proved t meeting to be well acquainted with the firm ground whereon his fare was built. Without any of the advantages attendant on high birth or p tronage, and totally unknown in the House, he had risen and establishe his reputation in the view of the whole kingdom. Mr Hume had not o voted himself to those questions where immediate and profitable rence. was to be won, but to the difficult and wearisome task of unravelling the voluminous public accounts of a mighty commercial empire; and,:: perseverance, he had so well armed himself with their minutest detai that he was able to come forward and meet the directors of every branch, each in his particular department. Nor had Mr Hume to contend on with the weapons which his adversary brought openly into the fie. It would be a great stretch of charity to believe, that, in making the returns which Mr Hume required from the public offices, the clerk were particularly careful to present them in that condensed form, whic would enable the Hon. Member to obtain his information with the test possible trouble, or the least risk of error. I will answer for it that these official gentlemen took especial care that he should have abundance ef figures, that he should have a considerable mass of crude matter to dist before he should be able to obtain the essence he was in search d (a laugh). That this was the case, there is no doubt, for my Hon. Frien has again and again stated in his place in Parliament, that accours which it took weeks to understand, might have been rendered perfect clear and intelligible by a single hour's labour on the part of the cleris Had this work of the examination of the public accounts, which ▼ Hume has individually gone through, been performed by a Boar! : Commissioners, with ample salaries, assisted by a numerous establish ment of well-paid deputies and clerks, they would have been called, sai justly so, most meritorious public officers, who had most honestly, and the full extent, earned every shilling they had gotten from the pub purse; and exactly in proportion as Mr Hume had done away with burdens of the people, he had also abridged the power of those in off to exercise a corrupt and mercenary influence. For we know that a exact proportion as Ministers are abridged of their power of bestow so is the purity of both Houses of Parliament increased. There is a p of Mr Hume's conduct connected with this subject, which deserves to particularly noticed, as it forms a very remarkable contrast with that some of his opponents. At the very moment they were resisting ev proposal of Mr Hume's to economise the resources of the country, ther were urging Ministers to break faith with the public creditor. But w was Mr Hume's conduct on this occasion, in the midst of all his effe to lessen the weight of taxation? With that honesty and consistent which has marked the whole of his public life, he protested against dishonest a proposition, and gave his strenuous support to his Majesty Ministers, when they announced their determination to uphold national credit undoubted and secure (Applause). There was also ther part of Mr Hume's conduct to which he would direct their atten

his exertions to procure the abolition of the Combination Laws; 2

still more, the manly manner in which he had acted and spoken respecting combinations. Yet in speaking of what Mr Hume had done in national questions, he was but doing him half his deserved honour: for in all others wherein the people of Scotland were more immediately concerned, they had found him a strenuous and an effective champion, But proud as they must feel in rendering him this tribute of applause, they could scarcely be equally so with the Hon. Member himself, when he saw that vast assemblage of the most independent and intelligent minds of his native land, pressing forward to do homage to his patriotism. (Mr Horner sat down amidst tumults of applause.)

Mr HUME returned thanks: he had, he said, done no more than many of his fellow citizens would have done similarly situated. To hard labour he had been accustomed from his boyish days: it had become, as it were, a recreation; and now that he had acquired for himself a fortune in a foreign land, he esteemed it both a duty and a pleasure to devote the remainder of his days to improving the moral and political condition of his fellow-countrymen. In such circumstances, he had no emoluments to look for from office-nothing to lure him from the path whereon he had set forth. He had obtained an independent seat for his native town, and greatly he wished that he could say as much for the representative of Edinburgh. Yet he still entertained the greatest confidence that extensive benefit would eventually result to Scotland from the investigation which had taken place respecting the close-burgh system. He never would despair of success for any measure, while the people acted upon sound principles. When he found in the House of Commons the details of our great Establishments contained in a page or two, and that millions were voted away upon an estimate of a few lines, the difficulties he had to encounter appeared as great as those in the task he now called on them to step forward and undertake. Were not, he would ask, the many intelligent citizens he saw around him as capable of electing their rulers, as those 32 or 33 into whose hands it was intrusted? Year after year he had been aspersed, and in refutation he would only appeal to those who knew his private life :-he [had been called ambitious-that he would own: he was indeed ambitious of serving his country to the utmost; and the events of this day would be a stimulus to redouble his exertions. (Mr Hume sat down amid universal applause.) The Hon. Member rose again in a short time to propose a toast-" Prosperity to the City of Edinburgh."

The CHAIRMAN gave "The immortal memory of Charles James Fox," which was drank in silence.

Mr FERGUSON of Raith, the Croupier, proposed the health of Sir Henry Moncrieff, and Prosperity to the Church of Scotland."-(Three times three).

were 146 newspapers published, and in 1820 the number had increased to 284. Was it at all to be wondered at that, wielded by independent men, as the majority of newspapers are, that powerful organ the press should resist every attempt at abuse and oppression? It was its pride to treat with equal impartiality the great and wealthy, and the lowest. of the low. It is impossible to point out the manifold advantages we derive from "The Liberty of the Press."-(Toast drunk with great enthusiasm.)

Mr JEFFREY, in rising to propose a toast, prefaced it by alluding to the repeal of the Combination Laws. They had long been a blot, he observed, on the statute-book, and at length, after a full enquiry in Parlia ment, were expunged thence without opposition. The chief mischief connected with them was the rancorous feeling which was engendered among the labouring classes, by denying to them, this privilege of lawfully adopting measures for protecting their interests. This led them to form secret cabals and combinations, in which they acquired habits and feelings which reduced them almost to the condition of desperate ontlaws. Their abolition was one of Mr Hume's proudest triumphs. Unfortunately, scarcely were they repealed, when a fearful set of combinations started up in the country: but every one at all acquainted with human nature must be aware, that the repeal of a series of laws which had long galled a large body of the people must necessarily cause some coinmotion, a kind of seasoning fever, among them. As the novelty, however, of the state which they now enjoyed, passed away, so would the mischiefs that novelty had generated; but the benefits of the state itself would remain. The Learned Gentleman reprobated the inconsistency of the misled men, in supposing that Mr Hume, whose object was to give freedom to trade, would assist them in enslaving their employers. As the friend, the advocate of the labouring classes, he entreated them to abstain from those violent and unjust measures which could scarcely fail to reduce them again within their former shackles.-[At the earnest request of the Meeting, Mr Jeffrey consented to furnish a copy of his speech for publication.]-Mr Jeffrey concluded by giving-" The Freedom of Labour; but let the Labourer recollect, that in exercising the freedom of his own rights, he cannot be permitted to violate the rights of

others."

The "Memory of the late Francis Horner" was next drank in silence. Deacon PATERSON concluded a speech which was much cheered, by saying, "Highly as we admire Mr Hume-much as we esteem him greatly as we value him-dearly as we love him-(bursts of laughter and applause)-give us but a thorough burgh reform, and we shall have an hundred as faithful as he. Deacon Paterson concluded by proposing "Lord A. Hamilton, and the Cause of Burgh Reform."

P

Mr JAMES MONCRIEFF returned thanks for his father, and directed the attention of the Meeting to a subject which he would propose as a toast. "I have heard (said Mr M.) that the cause of Catholic Emancipation has lost ground of late. I do not believe it. I will not believe it. When there is such a march of the human mind-to use the words of the Ho-ally revealed themselves in all the magnificence of fur and ermine, and nourable Gentleman-it is impossible that the principles of toleration can be losing ground. I conclude by giving-" Catholic Emancipation, and the removal of all religious disabilities."-(Great applause.)

Mr COCKBURN, in an eloquent speech which was loudly applauded, said there was a time-(how long it had gone past Mr C. did not pretend to say)-in which people had not a right conception of what a Magistracy meant, except that it was composed of some people who occasionthen withdrew, and re-appeared in the shape of some measure which the people neither liked nor understood. (Great laughter). The Citizens of Edinburgh owed much to the last Magistracy. He trusted and believed (although it must be confessed it was more a wish than a hope) that there would be room for a vote of congratulation to the present Magistracy, He concluded by giving" The Lord Provost and the Magistrates of Edinburgh, and a cordial union of all men and of all parties for the moral improvement of Edinburgh. (Three times three,)

Mr CUNNINGHAME rose to propose the health of Mr Brougham. The exertions of that distinguished individual, he said, bad signalized him in every quarter, as the genuine friend of the people, and the champion of Education. The strenuous and unceasing exertions made by Mr Brougham in the cause of public education form the most prominent distinction of his public life. When he first entered on his career, he found this to be the most neglected corner of the vineyard. Former statesmen had been either insensible to its importance, or they had allowed the fleeting interests of the day to divert their attention from it. It was reserved for Mr Brougham to stand forward and prove that the education of the peo-public justice." ple was one of the most momentous and sacred duties of a Government.(Cheers.) "The health of Mr Brougham and the cause of General Education." (Three times three, and great applause.)

Mr PETER BROWN, in speaking of Mr Hume's great public services, said, we have returned a Member to Parliament who is never absent from his post on any occasion, who takes an enlightened, honest, and manly view of every question brought before the house. We have chosen the only person who has had courage to speak common sense in the House about bishops and tithes. Others have brought in tithe commutation bills, but Mr Hume has said, that they who don't work, neither should they eat. Unappalled by power, untrammelled by party, and uninfluenced by factious motives, Mr Hume never calculates whether he will have 20 or 150 Members to support him; but whenever public benefit is to be accomplished, or private wrongs redressed, he proceeds straight forward with his measures, and if he cannot secure the votes of the House, the publicity which is always obtained, often silently and surely produces the desired results. It is thus that, without family or party influence, our distinguished Guest has risen to such a pitch of usefulness, and laid his country under a debt of gratitude which they never can repay. Mr B. concluded with giving ❝ the Independent Burghs which returned Mr Hume to Parliament."-(Drank with great applause.) Mr HUME, in returning thanks, said he hoped in another Parliament he should still be Member for Montrose. He then, prefatory to a toast he had to propose, eulogized the press. "No means," he said," are more important for securing the liberties of England than the freedom of the press. (Much cheering.) Through the freedom of the press, all the misdeeds which power would conceal, are made known-all change of sentiment or proceedings which might take place in any order of society was instantly communicated to every part of the country. In 1790 there

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Mr J. MURRAY called the attention of the Meeting to the improved administration of justice, accomplished by the Jury bill introduced into Parliament by Mr Secretary Peel. "Mr Secretary Peel, and success to the efforts of every Minister who endeavours to improve the administration of

Mr JEFFREY said, the toasts had hitherto been very naturally directed towards our own domestic interests, but he thought it not becoming that a meeting of this kind should separate without adverting to the friends of liberal principles in other countries of Europe. After the convulsions of war had ceased, and the violence of party been allayed, we had now returned to our own characteristic principles of liberality. The termination of that general war had not led, however, to the same results on the Continent. The Sovereigns who had been restored to thrones there, regardless of past experience, had requited those who placed them there with chains and scaffolds. At this moment there were multitudes of those virtuous spirits wandering in our happy land, now their only European asylum. It was to their sufferings, their wishes, their hopes, he would call the attention of the meeting, particularly to those of the Spanish and Italian refugees. It was the characteristic of this free country to afford refuge to the victims of all political opinions (applause.) The persons for whom he now claimed attention had not pursued impracticable schemes, but wished to be guided by the pole star of the British constitution (applause.) They were persons of high rank in the unreformed country they left, and they were willing to renounce some of their own privileges, to offer a more secure throne to their monarch, and some portion of liberty to the lower classes. In the case of Spain it was not they, but the King that had rebelled against the established royalty (applause.) In Italy it was still worse. In Milan the same constitution was established as in Spain, and the same change had taken place, when Russia from the north arrayed her bayonets, and Austria from the east blew in the breath of her withering pestilence. These men were then driven from their country, for whom he claimed not pity, not welcome merely, but honour, respect, and admiration. And should any of these individuals wander into such a meeting as this, to gratify their eyes

with the spectacle of a free people, and to afflict their hearts with the determined to have the clause which requires the signature of the Parson melancholy contrast, he hoped it would be satisfactory to them to find, struck out, or to insure at some other office, where the same objectionable that their hopes, their sufferings, their vengeance, were not matters of in-clause is not inserted in the policy. The offices ought to be, and most difference to us. (Immense and long continued cheering.)-He then gave be, protected against fraud, but I should wish my cliaracter to be certified "The refugees of Italy and Spain, and may England ever glory in being by those who know something of me, and not by those who perhaps the asylum of expatriated foreigners."-The Chairman announced that never heard of me, unless it was when I discontinued to pay him Easter two of these refugees were present, the Marquis de Bossy and the Offerings, which was about the time he "journeyed" from Chester to Chevalier del Pozzo; the latter of whom is the author of an article on the Carlisle, and also signed a “ Loyal Address," in which the multitude (in Alien bill in the last number but one of the Edinburgh Review. The which I had, on that occasion, the honour to mix) was called by very Chevalier is regarded as one of the most liberal and most distinguished ugly names. Now, Sir, I have already trespassed much, or I would give patriots in Italy, and there known as one of its greatest juris-consults. you the particulars of a case in point, where the Parson (not our Parson) The CHEVALIER expressed his admiration in contemplating the daily actually refused to sign-I beg pardon, where he declined to sign a cert increasing prosperity of Great Britain, and the knowledge so widely ficate when presented to him for that purpose; and that too without diffusing among all ranks. In mixing in the present company, he forgot choosing to assign any reason for so "declining" to sign it! And as some of his own and his country's misfortunes; and to this calm of this form was made a sine qui non by the office, no money was ever paid oblivion succeeded ardent hopes that this blessed state should be extended to the sufferer or on his policy! The only cause that could be imagined to his expecting country.-The Chevalier spoke the English language for this vile act of oppression was, that the man had, unfortunately for with accuracy, though with a foreign accent, and was loudly cheered dur- him, made himself obnoxious by prying into parish affairs;-may not ing his speech. others have done so, and one among them be made to suffer? I was not aware this said clause was so generally inserted. St George, Hanover square. I am, Sir, yours very respectfully,

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IN CHURCHES.

S. D.

Mr HUME, after premising a few remarks on the unfortunate dissensions of the Chiefs of Greece, gave "The triumph of freedom in Greece." Mr COBURN noticed with great effect the deplorable state of Edinburgh in regard to the right of election to Parliament. It was not, he said, necessary to tell them that the inhabitants consisted of UNWHOLESOME PRACTICE OF BURYING THE DEAD 120,000, or 130,000 persons. Their property he need not mention--that was found out well enough when the taxes came to be raised; (a laugh) their intelligence was equally well known, and, in short, he would ask where was there a population so fit to exercise the elective franchise. Now, of these two, or perhaps three-and-thirty-(for he would not do them injustice)-respectable individuals, of whom seventeen constituted a majority, without consulting the wishes of the people, elected the representative. They retire into an inner chamber, come forth, and next day the citizens learn, through the medium of the public papers, that they have received an adequate representative (thundering applause with laughter) with whose appointment they have had no more to do than the dog that sleeps beneath their table. No sane man could set his face to support this system. Was he a whig ?-he need say not a word respect ing him. Was he a tory ?-why then was he not anxious that the voice of toryism should be heard beyond the walls of a private room? Was he a selfish and unprincipled jobber?-then there was a wider field for the exercise of his vocation, for the member would be worth more when he represented the intire population, than when he represented 17 individuals. He who is of opinion that the majority should yield to the minority, that intelligence should crouch to ignorance, and that wealth should give way to poverty-he and he alone might maintain that we enjoyed an adequate representation. He gave "The Hon. James Abercromby, and success to his efforts for giving Edinburgh a due repre

sentation."

Mr RITCHIE gave," the Cause of Parliamentary Reform."

Mr A. SCOTT gave-" Mr Robinson and Mr Huskisson, and success to their efforts to establish the freedom of trade."-And among other toasts, the following were given from the Chair:-"The President of the United States:"-" The Establishment of Civil and Religious Liberty in every part of the Western World.”—The immediate Suppression of the African Slave Trade, and the speedy Abolition of Slavery all ver the World."-" May our Civil Liberties never be endangered by he Abuse of Military Power."..

Mr GIBSON CRAIG paid a merited compliment, and proposed a vote of hanks to Mr Horner, for his conduct as Chairman; and the Meeting eparated.

FIRE AND LIFE INSURANCE.

TO THE EDITOR OF THE EXAMINER.

SIR-I cannot refrain from expressing my humble but sincere thanks to yourself and Correspondents, for the valuable light which has lately been thrown (through the medium of the Examiner) upon the subject of Insurances, I have for many years, from my commencement of housekeeping, insured my property in the Royal Exchange, and have never thought of renewing my insurance until the last of the fifteen days mentioned in my yearly notice, and which were, as I thought, allowed for that purpose. How fatal might these delusive notices have some time or other proved to my prospects, had not my mind been thus awakened! Is it possible that there exists so wide a difference betwixt legal and common sense? It is clear that at most of the offices there was more of common sense and of common honesty prior to the legal decision in the cause of Tarleton v. Staniforth and others (referred to by your correspondent R. J. E.) than has been shown by them since that period; or what otherwise could induce them to continue the practice of sending the same ambiguous notices to their customers? Notices which they must have known were calculated to mislead those to whom they were sent; while they must have known also of the legal loop-hole through which they themselves could escape! After what has appeared in the columns of your paper, I would not have troubled you with any remarks of my own, had not felt the vast importance to which I deem the subject entitled, Henceforth, I shall make a point of renewing my insurance on the day before the fifteen days-the days of “ indulgence ”— commence; considering that to be the only course which the vessel of common sense must steer to avoid the rocks of legal sophism. On reference to my policy, I find that, like your correspondent T. H. I too am insured with the Parson! and for the precise reasons advanced by T. H. am

The following paragraph appears in a late Dutch paper:-" It is reported that his Majesty the King has submitted to a committee, com posed of physicians and chemists of various parts of the kingdom, the question whether the practice of burying the dead in churches is or is not injurious to the public health; and that the opinion of this Committee is, that the custom of burying in churches should cease, as being in the long-run injurious to the living."-The practice of interring in churches and church-yards, which, till lately, was as universal in Catholic Europe as extreme unction, has been discontinued in several countries of the Continent, both Catholic and Protestant. It is rather curious that this reformation of the church-yard and the vault should have begun in Spain, where the reformation of the Church is considered so hopeless, and that such a religious monarch as Charles II should have been the first to carry into effect a measure for burying in ceme teries without the precincts of the towns. Perhaps in that kingdom, where the population is crowded into cities, and where the climate is so warn as to occasion rapid putrefaction, the inconvenience was more felt, and a remedy was more urgent than in northern countries. The clergy, however, regular and secular, who conceived that the shutting up of the church vaults was a diminution of their domain, at first raised a loud clamour against a practice, which is now, we believe, generally, if not universally, observed throughout the Peninsula. The example of Charles III was followed, though with unequal success, by Joseph II of Austria. His Imperial Majesty made interment in cemeteries without the walls of towns, one of the reforms which he had decreed for his Belgic provinces, and, unhappily, it was likewise one of those which excited most against him the fanaticism of the clergy, and the violence of the mob. It is well known that in the capital and all the considerable towns in France, interment within the churches is now prohibited by law. For the burying-grounds and church-vaults within the city of Paris, from which so many evils were experienced or dreaded before the Revolution, four great cemeteries have been substituted beyond the Boulevards, the chief of which is that of Pere-la-Chaise. It is singular that in the Protestant countries of Holland and England-where the doctrine of Purgatory is renounced, where masses for the dead are unknown-and where, of course, less superstition is connected with the spot where they are interred, the practice should still exist of burying the dead in places of worship, and among the habitations of the living. It would appear that the King of the Netherlands has now got the opinion of a Medical Commission that such a practice is injurious to the public health-and every one who, in this metropolis, observes our church-yards converted into thoroughfares, and our temples into charnel-houses, must allow that it is at once offensive to health and decency.-Times.

It is a singular coincidence, that at the very period of the above im portant Council being held, the design above alluded to was officially submitted to the Minister of every Parish of this Metropolis, and also “ to the Gentlemen of the Vestry" of each parish.-Wishing to aid a plan which so immediately interests the public, we subjoin a copy of the latter notice alluded to :—'

"GENTLEMEN, I am instructed to transmit to you a copy of a prospectus relative to a plan for lessening the number of interments amidst our habitations.-The great satisfaction with which a suggestion of this nature has been received by several incumbents of parishes, and by a large portion of the public, whilst highly gratifying to the society, causes its members to look forward with pleasure to the fall benefits of its execution. The Committee will feel honoured by any communication from your body, either in suggesting what may render the adoption of it more generally beneficial, or with respect to any interests not hitherto sufficiently considered. "I have the honour to be, Gentlemen, your obedient humble servant, "JAMES CARDEN, JUN. Solicitor to the Association, "Nov. 3, 1825. No. 10 Farrar's buildings, Temple. The following observations on this highly interesting subject, though they do not touch on the important question of health, contain argu

ments quite as forcible, and as deserving public attention, as any that could be urged on that more palpable ground:-They are from the pen of the poet Wordsworth, and seem to us as convincing as they are touching and elegant:

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"In ancient times, as is well known, it was the custom to bury the dead beyond the walls of towns and cities; and among the Greeks and Romans they were frequently interred by the way-sides.

"I could here pause with pleasure, and invite the reader to indulge with me in contemplation of the advantages which must have attended such a practice. I could ruminate upon the beauty which the Monuments, thus placed, must have borrowed from the surrounding images of Nature, from the trees, the wild flowers, from a stream running perhaps within sight or hearing, from the beaten road stretching its weary length hard by. Many tender similitudes must these objects present to the mind of the traveller, leaning upon one of the tombs, or reposing in the coolness of its shade, whether he had halted from weariness or in compliance with the invitation," Pause, traveller," so often found upon the Monuments. And to its epitaph also must have been supplied strong appeals to visible appearances or immediate impressions, lively and affecting analogies of Life, as a journey-Death, as a sleep overcoming the tired wayfarer-of Misfortune, as a storm that falls suddenly upon him-of Beauty, as a flower that passeth away, or of Innocent Pleasure as one that may be gathered-of Virtue, that standeth firm as a rock against the beating waves of Hope, "undermined insensibly like the poplar by the side of the river that has fed it," or blasted in a moment like a pine tree by the stroke of lightning upon the mountain-top-of Admonitions and heart-stirring Remembrances, like a refreshing breeze that comes without warning, or the taste of the waters of an unexpected fountain. These and similar suggestions must have given, formerly, to the language of the senseless stone a voice, enforced and endeared by the benignity of that Nature with which it was in unison. We, in modern times, have lost much of these advantages; and they are but in a small degree counterbalanced to the inhabitants of large towns and cities, by the custom of depositing the dead within or contiguous to their places of worship, however splendid or imposing may be the appearances of those edifices, or however interesting or salutary the recollections associated with them. Even were it not true, that tombs lose their monitory virtue when thus obtruded upon the notice of men occupied with the cares of the world, and too often sullied and defiled by those cares, yet still, when death is in our thoughts, nothing can make amends for the want of the soothing influences of Nature, and for the absence of those types of renovation and decay, which the fields and woods offer to the notice of the serious and contemplative mind. To feel the force of this sentiment, let a man only compare in imagination the unsightly manner in which | our Monuments are crowded together in the busy, noisy, unclean, and almost grassless church-yard of a large town, with the still seclusion of a Turkish cemetery in some remote place, and yet further sanctified by the grove of cypress in which it is embosomed."

FROM THE LONDON GAZETTES. Tuesday, Nov. 22.

INSOLVENTS.

W. Garter, Brighthelmston, Sussex, corn-dealer.

T. and I. Phillips, Fenchurch street, boot and shoe-makers.

BANKRUPTCY SUPERseded.

E. Jacobs, Windsor, jeweller.

BANKRUPTS.

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J. Maidlow, Portland-Town, Regent's Park, builder. · Carlon, High street, Marylebone.

Solicitor, Mr

J. Hansell, Clare street, Clare market, linen-draper. Solicitor, Mr Minchin, Verulam buildings, Gray's Inn. T. B. Gregory, Drummond street, Euston square, painter und glazier. Solicitor, Mr Bostock, George street, Mansion-house. R. Astley and E. Hickman, Shrewsbury, smiths. Solicitor, Mr Mosley, Burton-upon-Trent. R. S. Ashby, Lombard street, engraver. Solicitor, Mr Cottle, Aldermanbury. S. Fruer, Upper Fountain place, City Road, builder. Solicitors, Messrs Clarksons, Essex street, Strand. D. Knowlden, Store street, draper. Solicitor, Mr Gates, Cateaton street. W. Habgood, St John street, Clerkenwell, grocer. Solicitor, Mr Partington, 'Change Alley. H. Shee, Dowgate hill, merchant. Solicitors, Messrs Barrow and Vincent, Basinghall street. N. di Theodoro Ralli, Suffolk lane, merchant. Solicitor, Mr Wilks, Finsbury place.

street.

J. Jarvis, Brompton, Kent, tailor. Solicitor, Mr Tanner, New Basinghall . A. Sweet, Bitton, Gloucestershire, coal-dealer.

Mark lane.

F. Drake, New street, Covent garden, baker. Jewin street, Cripplegate.

Solicitor, Mr Clabon,

Solicitor, Mr Fawcett,

J. Pearce, Church passage, Guildhall, warehouseman. Solicitor, Mr
Robinson, Walbrook.
R. Turner, London-road, blacking manufacturer. Solicitors, Messrs Jay
and Byles, Gray's Inn place.
A. Gibbon, W. F. Gibbon, and R. Gibbon, Old City Chambers, mer-
chants. Solicitor, Mr Ogle, Clement's lane.
B. M. Nias, Berners street, St Mary-la-bonne, upholsterer. Solicitors,
Messrs Saunders and Bailey, Charlotte street, Fitzroy square.
J. R. de Alzedo, Bank Buildings, merchant. Solicitors, Messrs Pearce,
St. Swithin's lane.

G. Yorston, Tottenham-court road, cheese-monger. Solicitor, Mr Coleman, Tysoe street, Welmington square, Spa fields.

J. K. Wooster, Middle row, Holborn, straw-hat-manufacturer. Solicitor, Mr Roche, Charles street, Covent garden.

J. Peacock, Blackfriars road, grocer. Solicitor, Mr Partington, Change alley, Cornhill.

W. Culyer, London wall, harness-maker. Solicitor, Mr Richardson, Cheapside.

I. White, Holland House, Isleworth. Solicitor, Mr Young, Poland street, Oxford street.

W. Lee, Charing cross, hosier. Solicitors, Messrs Pearce, St Swithin's | J. Knife, jun. Harp alley, Fleet market, broker. Solicitor, Mr Richardson, Cheapside.

Jane.

T. Maltby and H. Buckland, Gutter lane, lace-manufacturers. Solicitors, Messrs Pearce, St Swithin's lane.

P. Barker, Cambridge, grocer. Solicitors, Messrs Tate and Johnson, Copthall buildings.

J. Nutting, High Holborn, umbrella-manufacturer. Solicitor, Mr Courteen, Lothbury.

J. Sheppard, Frome Selwood, Somersetshire, clothier. Solicitor, Mr
Hartley, New Bridge street, Blackfriars.
W. Damant, Sudbury, Suffolk, linen-draper. Solicitor, Mr Jones, Sise

lane.

R. Seward, Bullo Pill, Gloucestershire, coal-master. Solicitors, Messrs
Scott and Son, St Mildred's court, Poultry.
H. Benattar, Howford buildings, Fenchurch street, merchant. Solicitor,

Mr Hindmarsh, Crescent, Jewin street.

H. Stratton, Chapel place, Stratford, wine-merchant. Solicitors, Messrs Kearsey and Spurr, Lothbury.

L. Crown, Monkwearmouth-shore, Durham, ship-builders. Solicitors, Messrs Holme and Co. New inn.

T. Milligan, Hanway street, Oxford street, haberdasher. Solicitors, Messrs Smith and Buckerfield, Red Lion square.

A. 11. Chambers, sen. and A. H. Chambers, jun. New Bond street and South Molton street, bankers. Solicitor, Mr A'Becket, Golden square. 1. Thomson, Birmingham, bookseller. Solicitors, Messrs Norton and 'Chaplin, Gray's into square.

C. Murray,Bath, hardwareman. Solicitor, Mr Smith, Wardrobe terrace, Doctors' Commons.

J. Lund, Dutton, Lancashire, sizer. Solicitors, Messrs Blakelock and Plowman, Sergeant's inn, Fleet street.

THE FUNDS.-The slight appearance of revival in the price of Consols, which was noticed last week, has again vanished, and the tending downward is still maintained. A settlement and pay-day have passed in the course of the week; and, although no defaulters have been declared, it is known that much composition has taken place. All the foreign funds have been heavy, owing to the continued scarcity of money; and schemes can be neither sold nor pawned. The alleged differences between the Bank of England and Government have created a considerable sensation. The Bank Directors, in fact, have found their own discretional

power a dangerous implement, and have cut their own fingers. Another meeting with ministers, it is said, is to take place to-morrow. The panic increased yesterday: Consols fell more than one per cent. owing to the extensive sales which appear to be made by private holders under the joint influence of distress and alarm. Latest quotations.

Consols, 831

3 per Cents. reduced, 90}

PRICES OF FOREIGN Brazilian Scrip (1825) Acc. 13 12 13 dis.

Chilian Bonds, 58
Colombian Bonds 61

Ditto (1824) 624 2

Ditto for Account, 637 3} 21 2} } Greek Bonds, 20

Guatimala Scrip for Account, 6

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The concluding article of J. H. on the WORKS OF THE LATE Pursivent, is delayed till next week by a press of temporary mustter.

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