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of the case.
The bill was again
brought before parliament in its
constitutional and regular charac-
ter: every part of it was again can
vassed; and on every debate and
division the strength and numbers
of ministry increased, while the op.
position became more feeble and
languid in their efforts.

A committee of each house was
appointed to wait upon the prince
of Wales, for the purpose of re-
ceiving his formal acceptance of
the regency.
At the same time
that he signified his acceptance, he
lamented that the restrictions which
would be imposed upon him, under
the pretence of their being neces-
sary to secure the resumption of
the royal authority in all its
power and splendour, deprived
him of the opportunity of ma-
nifesting to his beloved parent
and to the nation at large, that his
duty and affection for the one, and
his regard for the interests of the
other, would not have permitted
any wish or idea to have entered
his mind of doing any act which
would have restored a diminish-
ed power into the hands of his
father.

As it was well known that the political attachments and principles of the prince lay all on the side of lord Grenville and lord Grey, it was naturally and generally supposed that as soon as he became regent he would dismiss the present ministry, and take the opposition into power. Arrangements were certainly in train for the formation and appointment of a new ministry: frequent conferences were held by the heads of the Whig party and of that of lord Grenville; particularly among that noble lor, lord Holland, lord Grey, and Mr. Ponsonsby. It was rumoured that many difficulties stood in the way

of a complete and final arrange. ment. Certainly the time for the prince to be invested with the regency was fast approaching, and no arrangement for a new ministry had taken place. In the mean while, the malady of the king, after undergoing frequent and great variations, assumed a much more mild and favourable form: the physicians expressed themselves with more confidence respecting his complete recovery, and were disposed to hope that it was not far distant. The prince thought it his duty to ascertain exactly the sentiments of the physicians before he decided respecting the formation of a new ministry: and when he found it was so favourable, and that probably his regency would continue but a very few months, he resolved not to change the ministry, but to retain them, and by their means conduct public affairs as nearly as possible in the same manner as they had proceeded under his majesty. This determination he communicated to Mr. Perceval, at the same time explicitly and candidly stating to him, that his duty and affection for his be loved and afflicted parent made him unwilling to do a single act which might retard his recovery; and that this consideration alone had led him to come to the resolution which he now communicated to Mr. Perceval. He added, that it would not be one of the least blessings that would result from the restoration of his majesty to the royal authority, that it would set him free from a state in which, from the restrictions im posed upon him, he could not do all that the interests of the nation might require at his hands, and which, on account of those restric tions, he deemed unconstitutional.

Mr.

Mr. Perceval in reply, after stating the willingness of himself and his colleagues to remain in office, la mented that the prince should still regard the restrictions as unconstitutional; but assured him, that even

under them, any ministry who pes sessed the confidence and support of his royal highness, would find no difficulty in conducting the affairs of the nation with satisfaction, credit, and success..

CHAPTER XVI.

State of Ireland-Advantages which it was supposed would result from the Union-not yet enjoyed-Discontents of the Irish-the Benefits of Catholi Emancipation, though great, over-rated—Misunderstanding and Disputes about the Veto-Lord Grenville's Letter to Lord Fingal--Complaints of the Irish turned from Catholic Emancipation to the Union-Evils alleged to have proceeded from this Measure-examined-Observations on the State of Ireland-Miscellaneous Military and Naval Affairs of Great Britain-Capture of Guadaloupe of imboyna of the Isle of Bourbon-Unfortunate Affair at the Isle of France-British Achievements in Sicily-Preliminary Remarks on the State of the Island and of its Government-Murat's Preparations for Invasion-makes the AttemptPart of his Army lands and is shamefully defeated-State of the Dispute between America and Britain-Attempt to open an Exchange of Prisoners with France.

A

MONG the many advantages to the empire which Mr. Pitt held forth to public expectation, when he proposed and carried through the union between Great Britain and Ireland, he anticipated the future tranquillity of the latter, and the progress which from that tranquillity, and its forming an integral part of the empire, it would make towards civilization, intelligence, and welfare. It certainly happened, whether in consequence of the union or not it would be difficult to ascertain, that from the accomplishment of that measure no serious or formidable insurrection took place, and the Irish, if they were not contented, were at

least submissive and tranquil. Still they had many causes of complaint; and no person, in the slightest de gree acquainted with what the country and its inhabitants were formed by nature capable of, contrasted with what they actually were, could hesitate in his belief, that the British government had many things to undo, and many things to perform,with regard to the sister-kingdom, before they could either secure its prosperity, or reap all the benefits which that portion of the empire was capable of affording and enjoying.

By many persons both in Great Britain and in Ireland, the emancipation of the Catholics, as it was termed, was held forth and dwelt

upon

upon as a sovereign remedy for all the evils under which that country laboured, and the main object towards the accomplishment of which, the Catholic portion of her inhabitants directed their hopes and their endeavours. That, if this were granted, many unquiet spirits would be soothed to peace and contentment; that it would open the path of honour and emolument to the higher classes of the Irish Catholics; and, by wiping off the opprobrious stigma by which all of them had been marked out to the suspicion and contempt of their Protestant fellow-countrymen, would. make them more readily form one firm and solid mass,-cannot be denied: and these are sufficient reasons why the measure of Catholic emancipation should be granted. But it may well be doubted, whether the accomplishment of this measure would strike at the root of the evils under which the well-being of this fair portion of the empire labours: they lie deeper and extend much further: they must be sought after in the absurd, the impolitic, and the mischievous system of government, and of political and commercial legislation, which Great Britain has adopted towards this country ever since the fortune of war placed it in her power. Had Ireland been treated not like a conquered province, not as an object of jealousy and suspicion,-but as a portion of the empire, as intimately and essentially connected with the rest as any of the counties of Eng. land are, she would not now, at the commencement of the nineteenth century, be so far behind Great Britain in the civilization, prosperity and contentment of her inhabitants.

Though we are disposed to think that the beneficial consequences

which are anticipated by many from the Catholic emancipation are rated much too high; yet, as we do not deny that it might in some measure tranquillize Ireland, we must view with regret the reiterated fruitless attempts which the Irish Catholics have made to attain it; and especially, when the measure has failed of receiving the support which it would otherwise have done, from any misconduct or misunderstanding of their own.-Some of the most active, zealous, and enlightened friends of the Catholics, in the house of commons and the house of lords, were disposed to believe that the objections of government to their emancipation would in a great mea sure be done away, provided his majesty were vested with an effectual negative on the appointment of their bishops. Accordingly, after those were consulted who were supposed to be best acquainted with the sentiments of the Catholics on this head, and their approbation of the measure was received, it was publicly stated in the house of lords and house of commons, as being perfectly agreeable to the Catholics.Some misconception, however, had taken place:-the Irish Catholics expressed themselves in firm and indignant terms at the idea of submitting the appointment of their bishops (as they conceived the veto would virtually be) to a Protestant prince. It was a reflection on their loyalty: it was totally repugnant to the spirit and essential articles of their religion. Sooner than accede to it, they would continue under all their disabilities;-they would not consent to purchase one kind of emancipation at the expense of subjecting themselves to another, as injurious to their character for loyalty, and inconsistent with the privileges of a free and full toleration,

1

It is impossible, nor is it of much consequence, to trace this misapprehension respecting the veto to its source: it is more important to mark its results. The bold and contemptuous manner in which 'this proposal was rejected by the Catholic body was instantly seized upon by their opponents, as a symptom at least, if not a proof, that it would not be safe to grant them emancipation; and that they did not deserve a boon which they were not disposed to purchase on such easy terms. This misapprehension also caused a coolness between the Catholics and those members of both houses who had hitherto supported their cause with the most warmth and talent. Lord Grenville, in particular, addressed a long letter to the earl of Fingal, in which he strongly insisted on the necessity of vesting in the crown an effectual negative on the appointment of the Catholic bishops; and, unless that were acceded to, declined moving for the Catholic emancipation, though he had no objection to lay a petition to that effect on the table of the house of lords, and to support any motion which might be made on the subject.

Soon after this, the question respecting Catholic emancipation gave place to meetings and discussions respecting the repeal of the union. Many of these who had been most warm and loud in behalf of the former measure, now declared,with that versatility which marks the Irish character, that, compared with a repeal of the union, Catholic emancipation was scarcely a worthy object of desire; and that the latter, without the former, would be but the shadow of a blessing to Ireland.

The cutcry against the union was

confined almost entirely to Dublin. This city continued to suffer from a its parliament, and of the residence measure which had deprived it of of some of its most wealthy inhabitants.

ber, a meeting was held in the RoyOn the 18th of Septemal Exchange there, at which all the evils which, it was affirmed, had sprung from the union, were enumerated, and dwelt upon with great emphasis and violence, in a petition for its repeal, addressed to the house of commons. pointing out and reprobating the After means by which the union was power of the parliament of Ireland brought about, and denying the rity without the express sanction to transfer their legislative authoand approbation of their constituents, the petition proceeds to contrast the state of Ireland before and since that event.-Under an Irish parliament, the national debt, during 7 years of war, increased but 20 millions-under an imperial parliament, in the same space of time, it had increased 40 millions.

of foreign invasion and domestic During the year 1798, a year rebellion, the expenditure of Ireland, under an Irish parliament, was but four millions."-" During army was so employed as to leave the year 1809, a year in which the Ireland under no apprehension of either invasion or rebellion, her expenditure by an imperial parliament was ten millions five hundred debt of Ireland was to the debt of thousand pounds."-In 1793, the Great Britain as one to one hundred; now it is as one to seven ; creased in proportion as one to two. and since the union, it has inThe petition pointing out in what manner the concluded with multiply the dangers and distresses union had operated to increase and

under

under which Ireland had so long laboured: these arose from the inattention of its landlords to the welfare and comforts of their tenantry;-from the foreign expenditure of the country, caused by its absentees and its foreign national debt;-and from its consequent want of capital, of trade, and of tranquillity." In these proceedings and invectives against the union there is certainly much exaggeration and, misrepresentation; the distress under which Ireland laboured, during the year 1810, arose, partly at least, from those commercial embarrassments under which Great Britain suffered at the same time. And as Ireland was inferior in capital and credit, the unfortunate circumstances of the commercial world pressed more heavily upon her.-At the same time it must be admitted, that to such a country as Ireland is, where much remains to be done towards the cultivation of the soil, the extension and encouragement of trade, and the education and civilization of the people, great evil must result from the constant or frequent absence of her principal landholders, who by their example, their attention, and their encouragement, much more than by their money, would materially benefit and improve their native land.

In our last volume we narrated the particulars of the attack and capture of Martinique; and remarked that the main if not the only real advantage resulting to the nation from this conquest, consisted in our being able more effectually to clear the West India seas of the privateers which infested them, to the great annoyance and loss of our merchants and underwriters. In so far as this capture put us in possession of another su

gar island, it might justly be considered as an injury rather than a benefit.-Sugar, from the num ber of islands producing it, which we possessed, and from the inabi lity under which the continental blockade placed us of exporting it, was become of very little value, so as scarcely to repay the planter, and to remain in great abundance in the warehouses of the customs and the merchants. It was impossible, therefore, under these circumstances, to congratulate ourselves on the conquest of a West India island, merely because it put a greater extent of sugar plantations into our possession: but in so far as it tended to destroy or narrow the receptacles for privateers, -to deprive Bonaparte of colonial produce,-and to remove, though in a very trifling degree or manner, the impediments and difficulties that lay in the way of an amicable arrangement between this country and America, such a conquest might justly be deemed advantageous.

The same observations will apply to the capture of Guadaloupe, which was effected by a force under the command of lieut.-general Beckwith. He proceeded from Martinique with an army consisting of about 6000 men, divided into five brigades. By the prompt and judicious operations of these several corps after they had effected a landing in Guadaloupe, under the protection and with the assistance of a squadron under the command of sir Alexander Cochrane, the enemy was driven from the positions he had occupied, and obliged to compress his force beyond the bridge of Nozeire, having the river Noire on his front, and extending his left in such a manner into the mountains, as to make it

difficult

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