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“Ah, yes, Doctor, but what else will be cast off with it? Will not Faith in God, and, indeed, all religion, go with it? They may learn more of the world and its wonders, and come to believe less of God and His goodness. I both see and feel that the first result of such education will be the repudiation of all religious claims. And if so, what of it? When a body is diseased we frequently administer a medicine whose first effect is to produce nausea and other unpleasant sensations. That, however, furnishes no reason against its use; the ultimate effects are curative, and that is all we care about. But who is the infidel Stokes,' the preacher connected with yourself ?”

“ Personally, I do not know him, but I intend to pay him an early visit. I have heard that he is a confirmed Atheist, which, however, may not be any nearer the truth than it is when they say that I deny the Bible. It is really quite dangerous to repeat what one hears in Crosswood.”

“And yet,” said the Doctor, “ you want me to come and reside here.”

“Yes, I do; and I don't think what the people should choose to say about you will hinder your coming.”

“Certainly not, George; for if I require boots, clothes, or servants, they will readily supply my wants if I carry the cash in my hand. Why, then, am I to trouble about their idle talk? But come, the night has closed in, and I must not leave the rectory without giving an hour or so to Ella. Perhaps she can persuade me to come.”

Lester hurried forward, but whether it was to hint his hopes to his sister, must, for the present, remain untold.

ANCIENT EGYPTIAN PAPYRI. So much has recently been spoken and written about the ancient writings of the Egyptians, that the following passages from an essay by Mr. Goodwin, better known as one of the Seven Essayists and Reviewers, cannot fail to be interesting to our readers. After having given an account of the Sallier and other papyri, of a date anterior to Abraham, he thus proceeds:

I have now to present to the reader an author to whom Penta-our and Enna would have bowed as a venerable sage, and have acknowledged themselves but children in comparison with him. Rise up, Ptah-hotep, king's son, provincial governor, or lord-lieutenant in the reign of Assa, sovereign of both Egypts. It will be asked, when then did King Assa reign? Perhaps, no more can be certainly affirmed of him than that he belongs to one of the earliest Egyptian dynasties (Lepsius places him in the 7th). Speaking vaguely, he may be placed about 3000 B.C. The work which bears the name of Ptah-hotep, may not, perhaps, be quite so old as this. The papyrus which contains it was obtained by M. Prisse d'Avennes while making explorations among the tombs of the early Theban kings of the eleventh dynasty, the ancestors or predecessors of Amen-em-ha, the founder of the twelfth dynasty. In the course of one of these explorations, an Arab employed in the work of excavation, produced a papyrus which he pretended to have got from a third party, but which there is every reason to believe he had found in the tomb under examination. It is in hieratic characters, but extremely different in appearance from those of the nineteenth dynasty. A little attention, however, shows that the writing is essentially the same, and, any one

acquainted with the works of the Ramesside period, will quickly be able to identify the symbols and groups. The forms of the characters are bold and massive, and at first sight appear clumsy; but when the archaic forms have been mastered, the manuscript appears to be not legs carefully written than the best of the later epoch, if, indeed, it does not surpass them in this respect. Mr. Heath was the first to call attention to the contents of this papyrus, in an essay published in the “ Monthly Review," 1856, entitled, “ On a Manu" script of the Phænician King Assa, ruling in Egypt earlier than Abraham.” It has since formed the subject of an able Etude by M. Chabas, of Chalonsur-Saône, a distinguished French Egyptologist, published in the “Revue Archéologique" during the present year, to which I am indebted for the extracts I am about to give. Mr. Heath has also lately published a translation of the whole, containing some valuable hints, but which will require, as we believe, considerable revision before it can be considered as representing with accuracy the opinions of Ptah-hotep, whose name Mr. Heath converts into Aphobis.

The Prisse papyrus contains eighteen pages of writing, the first two being the conclusion of a work. Then follows an erasure of the size of a page or two, the papyrus having been carefully scraped, as if with the intention of inserting a new text. After this come sixteen pages, which comprise a complete work, entitled, “ The Instructions of the Magistrate Ptah-Hotep, under “ His Majesty the King of Upper and Lower Egypt, Assa, Everliving."

The author of the fragment on the first two pages, whose name is not given, and who may or not have been Ptah-hotep, says, 'When the king of both Egypts, Our-en, died, then the king of both Egypts, Snefrou, became the king of the whole land. Then was I made a magistrate.' We have here mention of one of the oldest kings of Egypt of whom any contemporaneous monumental traces remain. The tablets of king Snefrou, at WadiMegara, in the Sinaitic peninsula, recording his conquests over the Arabs, are thought to be the earliest historical monuments in existence. Whether, however our papyrus goes back to this date may well be doubted. It may, very probably, be a production of some writer of the court of the Antef kings, of the eleventh dynasty, who put his own maxims into the mouth of a sage of former days, just as we find Enna, of the court of Seti II., writing the instructions of Amen-em-ha. There can be little hesitation, however, in recognising, with MM. Chabas and de Rougé, this MS. as the most ancient book in the world, unless, indeed, we accept another, said to be of the same epoch, now at Berlin. The contents of both works in the Prisse papyrus, that of which we possess but the last two pages, and that which fortunately remains entire, are much of the same kind. They were collections of proverbs or maxims upon moral and social subjects. The obedience of children to their parents is particularly dwelt upon. We shall borrow a specimen from M. Chabas :-" The obedience of a docile son is a blessing : he who is “ obedient walks in his obedience, and he who listens to him becomes " obedient. It is good to listen to everything which produces affection; it " is the greatest of blessings. The son who attends to the words of his “ father will become old thereby. God loves obedience; disobedience is “ hated by God. The heart is a man's master for obedience or for disobe“ dience, but a man through obedience causes his heart to live ; to listen to “ instruction, to love to obey, this is the fulfilment of good precepts. The "obedience of a son to his father is joy. A son of whom this can be said " is agreeable in all respects, docile and obedient; he of whom this is said

“has piety in his bowels; he is dear to his father, and his fame is in the “ mouth of the living who walk upon the earth.

« The rebellious one, who obeys not, accomplishes nothing at all; he “ sees wisdom in ignorance, virtue in vice. Every day he commits all sorts " of frauds with boldness, and therein he lives as one dead. His ..... “ are contradiction ; he feeds therein. That which the wise know to be “ death is his life every day. He goes on his way, loaded with curses daily.

A son, teachable in God's service, will be happy in consequeuce of his “ obedience ; he will grow to be old, he will find favour; he will speak in “ like manner to his children. Precious for a man is the discipline of his “ father. Every one will respect it, as he himself has done. That which he “ says to his children concerning it, oh ! let their children repeat it, feeding on " that which proceeds from thy mouth, the true seed of life to thy children.”

Ptah-hotep continues his instructions by saying :-" It is thus that I " would gain for thee health of body and the king's peace, in all circum. " cumstances, and that thou mayest pass the years of this life without deceit. I have become an ancient of the earth, I have passed a hundred and ten “ years of life by grace of the king, and the approbation of the ancients, fulfilling my duty towards the king, in the place of their favour.” The scribe adds " Finished from beginning to end, as it is found in the “ original.” Enough has been said to convince the reader that we have in the papyri something more than the mere dry bones of the Egyptian language, and to prove their importance towards the completion of our knowledge of this wonderful people. The value, however, of the monumental and sepulchral records must not be underrated. These have yielded the most brilliant results to the labours of antiquaries. Through their assistance the names of whole dynasties of forgotten kings have been recovered, and great progress made towards the completion of the chronicles of Egypt, of which the fragments of Menetho give us but a bare and defaced outline. The late researches of M. Mariette in the Serapeum, or tomb of the Apis gods, have been particularly fruitful in materials for this purpose. From them M. Lepsius has restored the twenty-second and some part of the twenty-first dynasties. The anpals of the reign of Tothmes III, on the walls of Karnak, which have been successfully translated by Mr. Birch, are a noble record of the splendour of the Egyptian monarchy at the commencement of the eighteenth dynasty.

The labours of Egyptologists during the last thirty years have been vigorous and well directed, yet how much remains to be done before Egypt's " place in the world's history," not chronologically merely, can be defined and appreciated. The names of her kings have been collected from the stones of their palaces and tombs with unwearied industry, and now the Königbuch of Lepsius presents lines of monarchs more interminable than that which the witches' cauldron disclosed to Macbeth ; but for us the most of them are but ghostly nonentities as shadows they come, and so depart. The works of Sir Gardner Wilkinson are in everybody's hands; and here the Egyptians as painted by themselves move and gesticulate before us; yet how silently ! Who has not felt, in surveying the minute details of Egyptian life which those interesting volumes present, the wish that these people could speak for themselves, and tell us something of their thoughts and feelings?

It is through the hieratic papyri that we once more hear the voice of tbese ancients, speaking more or less intelligibly, and as man with man. The heart of Satou is found. By-and-bye these sepulchral utterances will be plainer to us than they are yet. Penta-our and Enna will yet walk and talk

again, “ as they did upon the earth,” according to the aspiration found in every page of the ritual. But patience and labour are still required before the vivification is complete. The crying want is for more papyri. It is true that the greater part of those which we already possess have been but imperfectly read, but every additional one increases the chances and means of discovery. A few more in the style of the Two Brothers would be of immense value. And some such surely must exist, either above or below the ground. It is to be feared that an enormous destruction has taken place of these fragile records. The Anastasi, Sallier, and D'Orbiney papyri probably all came from a single tomb, and are the remnants of a large collection. What has become of the rest ? At one time mere ignorance and carelessness on the part of the Arabs, who are usually the finders of these treasures, caused their destruction. At present these people are well aware of the commercial value of papyri, and unluckily this knowledge is accompanied by another cause of ruin; for their desire of making the most of their commodities, leads them to break up the manuscript into fragments. And so perish the world's records !


GREGORY OF HEIMBURG AND JACOB OF JUTERBOCK. The sources and characteristics of the Reformation were manifold. It was a revolt, on the part of the laity, against the priesthood, arising from a desire to break the chain of slavery which the Church had bound around men in every relation of life. It was, too, a religious movement arising from disgust at the vice and degradation of the clergy, and having for its aim the restoration of the purity of early Christianity. It was, moreover, an intellectual rebellion against the ignorance which had been fostered by the Church. In some measure, also, it was a priestly movement of national Churches to cmancipate themselves from the supremacy of Rome, and, in this connection, ambition, greed, hate, bad motives, and sordid considerations, all had their part, more or less, in bringing it abont; while, as we have already pointed out, the disputes of the Schools had not a little to do with it. And, lastly, one of its most important sources of success lay in the fact, that it became so generally a national movement, based on patriotic feelings, or political considerations. All these things will have to be taken into account in forming our estimate of the Lutheran epoch, which became what it was because, in the person and age of Luther, so many of these influences converged to a focus.

We have already seen somewhat of the contest of reason and authority in the Schools, and of the work done by Wycliffe in England, and Huss in Bohemia, and of other the movements within and without the Church. During all this time, the Germans had remained the obedient sons of the Church, and it was to be some time ere, as a people, they were to become thoroughly roused to opposition. Although John of Goch's influence was by no means unfelt in Germany, it was in the Netherlands, nearly a century after his time (through the publication of his writings, and the advocacy of his principles, by Cornelius Graphæus), that his influence was most felt, and, assisted by other causes, bore its fruit in the revolt of the Netherlands against Spain. We have now to turn our attention to the commencement of the patriotic movement in Germany against the Papacy. These we find in the writings and career of Gregory of Heimburg. It is a mark of the change which was now taking place in the views and feelings of men, that this Gregory was not an ecclesiastic, but a layman. In fact, the age of the civilians had now arrived, and a knowledge of law and learning was no longer to be confined to the clergy. In looking at what this Gregory did and said, we find that the servile belief of the laity, in the power and dignity of the priesthood being something far too sacred to be touched by their profane hands, was rapidly departing; for, not merely did he oppose the vices of the hierarchy, and attack their extortionate demands and abuse of power, but entered into an examination of the bases on which that power rested.

Gregory came of a noble Franconian family, and studied at the university of Wurzburg, where he took the degree of Doctor of Laws in the year 1430. He spent most of his life in the city of Nuremburg, a city already distinguished by its liberal tendencies, as we saw in the treatment which John Huss met with there. Gregory held there the office of City-syndic. “Three tendencies,” says Ullmann,“ different in kind, but yet auxiliary to each other, are “prominently conspicuous in his life; first, lively zeal for the commencement “ of the study of classical literature and eloquence in Germany ; secondly, “active endeavours to strengthen the tottering empire, to promote its unity “and independence, and exalt the class of peaceful and industrious citizens “in opposition to the martial power of the princes; and, thirdly, indefatigable “ war against the encroachments and usurpations of the hierarchy.”* The moving spring of his action was patriotism, and he, therefore, represents the early growth of that side of the Reform movement. Like all who honestly work for the future, who oppose the powers that be, Gregory had to suffer ; to suffer, not only the hatred of those he worked against, but the coldness and neglect of those he was working for. Such has ever been the hard lot of the progenitors of those movements which in their success have blessed mankind. It is instructive to compare the fate of this man with that of Æneas Sylvius, with whom he was associated in his early career in opposition to the hierarchy. Gregory remained true to his principles, and died in poverty, exile, and excommunication : Sylvius betrayed them, and rose from rank to rank, until he became Pope Pius II. Such instances are found in all times; the man of honesty, who unflinchingly stands by the truth, must be prepared to suffer ; yet, after all, he is happier than he who betrays the truth.

Throughout the entire Middle Ages there was existent, hidden, it is true, but not quenched, the spirit which produced the Reformation. It is only by the light of this fact, that the political struggles of those ages can be understood. What were Guelph and Ghibelline but the supporters and opposers of the Church represented by the Papacy? The Church triumphed over the Empire, but she failed to destroy the political animosity towards her engendered by that fact. So it is, that in the literature produced by the darkest of the Dark Ages there is hidden under the guise of fable and covert satire, a feeling of uncompromising hostility to the Church. The secret societies of the Middle Ages, of which so little is really known, were doubtless political combinations against the Papacy; and, as has been repeatedly pointed out, the spirit of the Italian Classics-Dante, Petrarch, and othersis entirely anti-papal, and (as the Church and Papacy had become so intimately bound together), therefore, antagonistic to the Church. This, too, becomes evident, in the ready listeners and abettors that such men as Arnold of Brescia and Rienzi obtained. Beneath the seeming submission to the Spiritual Despotism there was ever a spirit of secret and deadly enmity to

* Reformers before Reformation, i. 69.

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