benighted as to believe that Louis Napoleon did not intend marching upon London, to sack the Bank and destroy Downing Street.

"If the gentleman doubts that," he continued, and in a louder tone, "then, perhaps, he will doubt if I am the Crosswood hatter, he will doubt if we are now in the parlour of the Flying Dutchman, or perhaps he will deny that the moon is not made of green cheese? The fact is, that, as I said before, the subject is like a hat, it has not two sides."

"Inside and outside," was immediately whispered so loudly by the stranger that all could hear, and a loud laugh responded to the observation.

"Yes, gentlemen," said the discomfited hatter, "you may laugh, for there is no answering a silly remark of that kind; but as I wished before to say, let the gentleman rise up and show us that the traitor Napoleon will not come. I shall be glad to hear it proved, for, as I said the other day to our member, the great Sir George Losel, when he was trying on a new hat, there will be no need of such heavy taxes when we have got rid of the wretched usurper and destroyer of France."

This proposal for the stranger to speak was received with evident satisfaction, and when orders had been given to the waiter, and the chairman had rapped thrice, and called for "Order to hear the strange gentleman, who will undertake to defend the Paris assassin," such a profound stillness reigned in the room as had never before been felt during any public meeting. But he spoke not, neither did he appear to notice the general anxiety to hear him speak. At length, after a very prolonged silence, Milder, the chatty, prim, and fussy little barber, a regular attendant in the long parlour, who generally sat smoking a pipe as long as his arm, and who spoke vaguely upon all questions, yet as with the authority of a judge, said :

"I am quite sure, whatever the gentleman may think, that Louis Napoleon will invade England, as soon as he can do so with safety and in confidence of being successful."

"Hear, hear; that at least is a safe opinion," cried the stranger, who evidently was not "the spy " that some of those present had suspected.

This "hear, hear," astonished the assembled company, but when the broken order had been restored, Johnson, a master mason, who was well known as entertaining very democratic notions, suggested that "perhaps after all the gentleman was in the right."

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"The fact is," said he, "that we had better take care of our own money, and curb those gentlemen who vote supplies. Here we are spending millions every year to fatten the aristocracy, and what comes of it more than the cry for more money? The more millions we spend, the more is wanted. can remember when we were a-spending a great deal less than we are doing and yet we were quite as safe, and every bit as much respected. And I more than doubt if all this talk about young Boney is anything else than a blind to get more money out of our pockets. It's easy enough to say he is coming, but it 'aint so easy for him to come. And, for my part, I believe we had better look at home to see what can be done about lowering the taxes.'

now,

But," shouted Mat Mailler, the pork butcher, "what's the use of running on in that way about home, when the chances are that very soon we shall have no home to call our own? It was only last week that I read an account in the Weekly Pastehorn of how he had cheated the Frenchmen, and how he had got all his ships in readiness, so that they should sail at once with the soldiers. There could be no mistake about it, for the ships had been counted. I don't like heavy taxes any more than others do, but I'm

not a-going to sell the old country to a villainous usurper for a mess of pottage, not I."

Ah," interposed the Chairman, "that was a fine letter in the Pastehorn, the writer of that epistle knows a thing or two; and didn't he just give a lashing to the Emperor? I shouldn't wonder if he was to enter an action for libel against the editor, for a few more touches like that and away goes Boney. No man can stand long against such writing."

A merry laugh came from the stranger, who was evidently much tickled by the idea that the letters of Jukes in the Pastehorn were powerful enough to weaken the position of one who had risen through so many difficulties to the lofty position attained by Louis Napoleon; but although he was amused, the last speaker was irritated, while many of his friends felt that such inopportune merriment rendered an apology necessary.

"I have not the slightest objection to apologise," said the stranger," if you will first inform me how you have learnt that the French nation has been duped, how you came to know the plans of its ruler, who is supposed to have no confidants, and how many ships of war he is capable of sending to sea. Or, to set an easier task, if you can inform me whether England approves the policy of its government, what are the plans of our ministry, and how many ships we could send to sea in case of any war emergency arising. If you can speak so absolutely about the affairs and people of France, there can be no difficulty in dealing with the same class of facts in relation to our own free country.'

It was astonishing what a measure of uneasiness was caused by these simple questions; every gentleman present had considered himself fully competent to speak upon such subjects, but when they were reduced into the tangible form presented in these questions, all felt their ignorance to be overwhelming. Generally, it was acknowledged that there was no one in the room competent to speak upon either of the subjects, they could only guess at an answer, and when the stranger pressed Mailler to state how many ships of war we possess, he confessed his inability to do so, "but," he added, "although I don't know the number we have, I do know that the French have more than us."

A smile passed over the stranger's face as he asked, "Can you tell the number within fifty ?"

Mailler looked helplessly over to Smith, the schoolmaster, and seemed to hint a desire to be helped out of his difficulty; but Smith merely said that nobody knew, for one party set forth one number, and their opponents, with equal claims of knowing the truth, supplied another.

"Then," asked the stranger, "does it not occur to you as something remarkable, or even unbelievable, that while in this country, where everything is done in public, we do not know how many ships we have, we should be able to speak so definitely in relation to the number belonging to France? For my part," he continued, "I am convinced that it is all guess work; men first form opinions, and then create facts wherewith to support them, so that we are walking on the road to ruin by a borrowed light."

There was now a general cry for "the gentleman" to address the company, and to let them know what should, and what should not be believed upon the subject.

The stranger was a commercial traveller, who, having taken up his quarters for the night at the Flying Dutchman, had been informed by the waiter, while sitting alone in the commercial room, that there was a public meeting up

stairs. He had joined it without any intention of taking part in its proceedings, but when he had heard the remarks about Louis Napoleon, incapable of remaining silent, he interposed in the manner just now reported. And when thus pressed to deliver his opinions, he did so without hesitation, or much caring about wounding the feelings of those unto whom he spoke. There was a visible sneer playing over his countenance when he rose, for, unlike the others, he spoke standing. "Gentlemen," said he, "you seem to be labouring under the delusion that Louis Napoleon is a fool.”

"No, no," was immediately shouted by a dozen voices, "not a fool, but a rogue."

"But who else than a fool would think of invading England? You cannot impute foolish actions without calling him a fool! Louis Napoleon has but one hope for his dynasty, and that is peace with this country. They who hate and desire to overthrow him have but the one hope, that is, of a war between him and England. If he be not a fool, how will he play so falsely with his best hopes of success? Will he risk his throne in order to commence doing that which cannot be completed without involving him and his in utter ruin? To invade Eugland is to throw down the gauntlet to Europe, for although the other nations do not love this country, they know what would be in store for them if he were its conqueror. They hate the principle upon which the French acted when placing him in power; they hate him also, and would gain their victory over him in such a war. Unless we suppose

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him to be blind to what everyone else can perceive, there is no reason for supposing he will undertake such a Quixotic measure in which nothing but ruin can follow. You say, and doubtless believe, that he will be compelled by the French Nation to engage in such a war, and this because of the defeat they encountered at Waterloo. But you should be aware of the fact that the French Nation never believed in that defeat as dependant upon English armies. They believe that the victory was with their own army until the Prussians came to snatch it out of their hands, and it is exceedingly difficult to sustain in argument the contrary opinion. But apart from that, how can the French Nation compel him to make war upon England if it be true that he has enslaved it, and makes it subservient to his purposes s? Some gentlemen have declared that France is the slave of his will, while others, as in this instance, make it out that he must be the slave of the National will. Then, gentlemen, you are dealing with him as a ruler, as the king of a great nation; and here, in Crosswood, without any personal knowledge of France, you seem to know all its wants and weaknesses. I am not so wise. I pretend not to understand either the wants or passions of France better than he does; and when I have the proof before me, as we all have, that he is attending to its interests, doing everything he can towards extending its commerce, towards promoting its manufactures, I am assured both of his practical aims and his wisdom. No French King has ever proposed to do as much for France as this man has accomplished; and as to the Republic, no sane man at all acquainted with the facts will venture upon setting it up as a model government. From the first hour of his obtaining possession he has pursued the policy of endeavouring to introduce practical measures, and we, in England, ought never to forget that it is not this country but France for which he is legislating. Surely, too, we can allow that nation to progress without being jealous."

"We are not jealous," interposed Mailler, "and least of all jealous of the French. What is there about them to make us jealous ?"

"No, as a nation we are not, but we act as if we were; and it would be nonsense to deny that there are jealous men amongst us who do all in their power to keep up the feeling of hatred. Moreover, there are other monarchs in Europe whose lease of despotic power is threatened whenever these two great nations are in friendly union. The strength of Austrian injustice lies in the alienation of English from French hearts. We have persons in England who would use it in order to serve their own interests, and they are perpetually sowing the seeds of discord."

"Yes, that is just what I say," shouted Johnson. "A set of skulks as don't care a rap for any of us, but for what they can get out of our pockets." "Well, but he wants to upset the balance of power, and to bring all Germany into one nation, so that he can do as he pleases with it."

"Pray tell me," resumed the stranger, "why should Germany remain in its present miserable condition, ruled by a set of dolt-headed princes, who care only for the honour and stability of their dynasties, but never give a thought to the people? Germany should become one great nation, and it must do so before it can take its proper place in the councils of Europe. If England and France remain at peace, that glorious reconstruction would be accomplished, and the miserable horde of princes would be swept away, leaving free scope for a nation's growth. This, howerer, cannot be done if any ill-will exists between England and France, because in that case the people are kept busy in their preparations for any war contingencies, and thus deterred from venturing upon any grave internal changes. In short, the policy of the German Courts is to keep alive the hatred between England and France, as the best and only available means of preventing reform at home. Unhappily, too, in this country, there are men, very high in position, who have never ceased to render those princes all the assistance in their power. Thus, the English weaver and labourer being persuaded that Napoleon intends attacking this country, consents to be heavily taxed in order to prevent him from succeeding in his aims; while they who clearly understand the facts, are galled at the duplicity, and anxious for the truth to be made clear. Their doctrine is, that if English waste were prohibited, European progress would be secured. And as to any danger from Napoleon, they would provide against it thus,-by making our own country to be the best and, relatively, the cheapest governed among nations. Let every cottager in England have justice, and then woe betide the man who is insane enough to attack us. That, however, will never be done by the present ruler of France, for, were it only a matter of policy, its costs and certain consequences render it clear that he will not be so unwise. He, of all men, is the least likely to undertake such a profitless task; and thus, entirely independent of what he may wish to do-although I do not believe that he wishes to fight us-the absolute certainty is that he will not enter into a state of war against us if in any reasonable manner it can be avoided. Of course it is in our power to force him into a fighting position ; but, in that case, let us be honest enough to avow ourselves as the creators of that unhappy state of things.'

It was quite evident that this speech made a deep impression upon the company, much deeper than they cared to acknowledge, for no one rose either to contradict or to confirm it. The chairman turned to another subject--" the character of the young rector," and his style of preaching-but this the stranger said he could not remain to listen to. Being pressed to remain he eventually consented, but as the conversation which followed proved to be both interesting and important, it demands a separate chapter to itself.

LIFE AND TEACHING OF ZOROASTER.

§ 5. THE RECEPTION OF HEAVENLY WISDOM.

Ir was, then, into the presence of the Creator, Ormuzd, that Zoroaster was conveyed, and it was Ormuzd who answered his many questions. With strong desire to know the right, Zoroaster inquired, Which of thy servants on earth is superior? Ormuzd answered, "The righteous professor of righteous"ness; he who to righteousness joins generosity and liberality, walking "unceasingly in the way of righteousness, and withdrawing from evil; he "who is friendly to fire and water, to all living and animated beings; for "man by the knowledge and practice of this precept delivers himself from "hell, and attains to union with the eternal Paradise. O Zardusht! whichsoever of my servants in this transitory sojourn of existence practises oppres"sion and cruelty towards my creatures, and averts his head from obedience to my commands, repeat thou to such this warning, that unless he desist from rebellion, he shall dwell in hell to all eternity."* Zoroaster now solicited that he might see and know the guardian angels who were most acceptable in the Divine sight. "Cause me to hear their discourse, and graciously enable "me to discern the impious Ahriman, who through his evil nature turns not "to good; give me power to behold the good and evil of this world, and its "termination; the effect of the revolving sphere, with the successive produc"tion of modes (forms) or the reappearance of things." Ormuzd answered, I am the author of good, the benevolent and the beneficent: I neither do 'evil nor enjoin it to be done by others. I consent not to wickedness, "neither do I bring calamity on my creatures; evil and wickedness belong exclusively to Ahriman. It is, however, incumbent on me to keep in hell "to all eternity the troops of Ahriman in reward for their deeds. Only the ignorant say I do evil." Zoroaster inquired, "In what manner shall thy worshippers celebrate thy praise, and what is to be their Kiblah?" To this question Ormuzd answered, "Tell all mankind that every bright and luminous "object is the effulgence of my light; at the time of worshipping me let them "turn to that side (to the light), in order that Ahriman may flee from them; "in the world there is no existence superior to light, out of which I have "created Paradise, the angelic nymphs, and all that is pleasant, whilst hell was produced out of darkness.

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"Wherever thou art, and in whichever of the two abodes,

"Dost thou not perceive that either place is formed out of my light ?"†

Here, however, is a passage somewhat higher, and one that reminds us of Jewish bards, it is still a part of this conversation with Ormuzd, but is given entirely up to a description of God. Zoroaster asks, "What is that sublime and delectable word which gives victory and diffuses light; which "to man is the guide of life, which disappoints the efforts of the malignant spirit, and which gives health at once to the body and the soul?" Ormuzd answers, "That word is my name. I am called the God who loves to be consulted, the father of men and flocks, the powerful, the pure, the 'celestial, the seed of all that is good, the author and preserver of all that is "pure, the sovereign intelligence, and he who communicates it; knowledge, "and he who gives it; excellence, and he from whom it flows; the prince of "holiness, the fountain of felicity, he in whom there is no evil, the strong "who is not wearied; he who numbers and weighs all things, the giver of * Dabis., 235,

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+ Ibid. 239.