When Florida Blanca found that no exhorta- CHAP. 72. tions could induce Mr. Cumberland to pass the 1779-1781. strict letter of his instructions, he once more dispatched Mr. Hussey to London, with the hope of resuming that subject in a direct discussion with the british government. He instructed Mr. Hussey to make this demand the indispensable basis of a negotiation, and could not refrain from some insulting language, relative to the american contest. But the british government, convinced that it was impossible to detach Spain by any reasonable concession, declined any further negotiation, and after, a stay of eight months Mr. Cumberland was recalled.

Meanwhile the negotiation had produced one Feb. 1, 1781. of the effects expected by the spanish minister. It drew France into an active and zealous co-operation in the attacks meditated against Gibraltar, Minorca, and Jamaica. Accordingly, when Mr. Hussey returned to Lisbon with the same propositions as before from the british ministry, Florida Blanca assumed a decisive tone, refused to receive him, and declared a firm resolution to enter into no negotiation, except in concert with France. This communication, therefore, whatever were the original views of the respective cabinets, only terminated in a more determined resolution to prosecute the contest, and Spain hoped to extort by force that

CHAP. 72. acquisition which she had in vain sought to 1779-1781, obtain by treaty.*

*The account of this mysterious transaction is drawn from official papers, and from Mr. Cumberland's Memoirs of his own Life.

It is proper to apprise the reader, that this negotiation for the restoration of Gibraltar was at no time a cabinet measure. It was proposed and continued by lord George Germaine alone, with the tacit permission of lord North, whose known pliancy of temper was overborne by the impetuosity of his colleague. The serious form which it at one period assumed, may be attributed to the sanguine dispositions of Mr. Hussey and Mr. Cumberland, who were anxious to figure as the restorers of peace. Mr. Hussey, when on his journey to Spain, triumphantly observed to a friend, from whom I received the anecdote, that " he had Gibraltar in his pocket." In the course of conversation, he however admitted, that although lord George Germaine had decidedly and explicitly expressed his readiness to agree to the cession, as the price of a separate peace, yet the case was far otherwise with lord North, whom Mr. Hussey had only once seen, and then received from him the declaration, that " Gibraltar was a forbidden word, which must never pass his lips."

CHAPTER THE SEVENTY-THIRD.

1779-1782.

Origin and progress of the armed neutrality-Intrigues of the bourbon courts to gain the empress of Russia-Florida Blanca's account of the transaction—Russian declaration, and convention of the neutral maritime powers-War between England and Holland—Invasion and conquest of Minorca by Spain.

AT the very moment when Spain was carrying CHAP. 73. on this private negotiation with England, she 1779-1782. was no less secretly engaged in another with Russia, for the formation of a confederacy calculated to subvert the maritime power of England. This was the Armed Neutrality, of which the spanish cabinet claimed the merit, and to which they doubtless essentially contributed.

The naval superiority of England, and the almost constant destruction of the french marine at the commencement of a war, naturally rendered France desirous to deprive her rival of the command of the ocean. Hence she had laboured to introduce the principle, that neutral ships might carry on the trade, both coasting and general, of hostile nations, except warlike stores, and the few articles by common consent

CHAP. 73. deemed contraband, and obtained a considerable

support among nations who were jealous of England, or eager to share the spoils of her lucrative commerce. But hitherto, the dread of the english power, or temporary interests, had prevented the maritime nations of Europe from embracing this new species of naval code. In particular, an application had been made to Spain, during the reign of Ferdinand, but it was frustrated by his pacific views; and the war in the commencement of the reign of Charles was too short to bring this measure into execution.

The present juncture, however, appeared favourable for its attainment. The united fleets of the House of Bourbon were numerically superior to that of England, and dissipated the dread hitherto prevailing of her naval power. But the circumstance which most forwarded the design, was the influence which the House of Bourbon had recently acquired among the maritime nations of the north. France governed the counsels of Sweden and Holland; and Denmark was wholly subservient to Russia, where the two bourbon courts spared no intrigue to obtain the preponderance.

The share taken by Spain in this memorable transaction, is best related by Florida Blanca himself.

"To deprive our enemies of every maritime

alliance which might incommode us in case of a CHAP. 73. rupture, by the order of your majesty, I culti- 1779-1782. vated a good correspondence with the court of Russia, with which some causes of coldness and want of confidence had arisen, in regard to the etiquette and treatment of an imperial crown, and to the ceremonies and pretensions of that

court.

"France entered into similar ideas, and we not only prevented Russia from uniting with England during the war, but even prevailed on her to send us purposely two of her frigates, charged with naval stores, at the time when the war prevented the transport of them for the equipment of our fleet.

"We also succeeded in inducing the empress of Russia to place herself at the head of almost all the neutral nations, to support the honour of her flag, a confederacy which has been called the ' armed neutrality.' Thus was England deprived of the resources she might have drawn from the maritime powers, not excepting even Holland, her ancient ally. Permit me, sire, here to touch on an intrigue employed to strike this blow, which, although attributed to Russia, and firmly supported by her, took its rise in the political cabinet of your majesty, and in the maxims you adopted.

"The acknowledged rule in the treaties of