ing the proposition, that taxation is no part of the governing power, but that taxes were a voluntary gift and grant of the people. He recommended that the stamp act should be repealed, absolutely, totally and immediately. These views were strongly opposed by the late Ministers, especially by Grenville who manifested the greatest hostility to American interests and claims, and urged the execution of the stamp act at every hazard. He said that the disturbances in America were growing to tumults and riots, and if the doctrine he had heard that day, should be confirmed, he feared that instead of riot, there would soon be revolution. He contended that taxation was a part of the sovereign power, and that it might be, and had been exercised over those who were not represented. The administration, with their supporters, resolved upon an intermediate course. The stamp act was totally repealed, but the repeal was attended by a "declaratory act," in which the power and right of Great Britain to bind the colonies in all cases whatever, was asserted. 18 The repeal and the declaratory act passed the House together on the 5th of March, 1766, and were sent to the House of Lords. In the latter House, the repeal was strenuously opposed. But the measure was strongly supported by Lord Camden. He denied the right of Parliament to tax the colonists because unrepresented. "Taxation and representation," he said, "were inseperably connected, no British Parliament can separate them; to endeavour to do it is to stab our vitals." The two bills passed

** Although the debates of the House in relation to the stamp act seemed to touch most upon constitutional questions, yet other considerations had scarcely less weight. The merchants and manufacturers exerted themselves in favor of repeal. The non-importation agreements which had been entered into by the colonists, and the confusion that existed, were found extremely prejudicial to the commercial interests of the country. The condition, disposition, and feelings of the colonists, were also considered. Persons were examined before the House, touching these particulars; Franklin underwent a long examination, and he declared to the House, that the Americans never would pay the stamp duties, however modified, and that the Assemblies would not acknowledge the right of Parliament to tax them, or rescind their resolutions upon that point "unless compelled by force of arms." The petition from the American Congress was rejected, because the meeting had not been called under authority from the Crown, yet this and other petitions on the subject, had their influence.

the House of Lords on the 18th of March, and on the following day received the Royal assent. 19

The news of the repeal of the stamp act was received in America with the highest satisfaction. The relief from an immediate evil was deemed of so much importance, that but little attention was paid to the principles and claims that were advanced in the declaratory act; indeed that act was considered as being designed rather to save the honor or pride of Great Britain, than to point out the course to be afterwards pursued.

The Legislature of New Jersey was convened by the Governor on the 11th of June, 1766. His Excellency said that he had deferred the meeting until he was enabled to communicate the determination of his Majesty, and of Parliament, respecting the stamp act, and he congratulated the House upon the repeal. He expressed his satisfaction that no act of outrage or violence had been committed in the province, and spoke of the "tenderness, lenity, and consideration, the wisdom, justice, and equity which his Majesty and the Parliament have manifested on this signal occasion." An address was afterwards prepared by the Assembly, to the King, in which they expressed their gratitude to his Majesty, his Ministry, and Parliament, for the relief that was experienced by the removal of the burden of an "impolitic law."

"The King himself was opposed to the repeal, as were all his particular favorites, and confidants. The Lords of the Bedchamber, and most of the Bishops, as is said, urged that America should rather be desolated with fire and sword, than pacified by concession. Griffith's Historical Notes, p. 26.

CHAPTER XIX.

IMPOSITION OF NEW TAXES.-OPPOSITION TO THE NEW TAXES.THE TEA DUTY.-THE TEA DUTY RESISTED.-CONGRESS OF THE COLONIES. PROCEEDINGS OF CONGRESS APPROVED IN NEW

JERSEY.-COERCIVE MEASURES OF ENGLAND.

THE joy of the colonists on account of the repeal of the "impolitic law," was not long continued. Measures soon followed that were calculated to dampen satisfaction, and revive distrust. A circular was received in the colonies from Secretary Conway, in which he announced, that the King and Parliament were disposed to forgive and forget the marks of an undutiful disposition that had lately been shown, but at the same time required, that full and ample compensation should be made to those who had suffered from their deference to the act of the British legislature. This order, though it might bear the semblance of justice, was yet founded upon an assumption of the rightfulness of the act which the people had resisted.. This, together with other circumstances, caused it to be but tardily and reluctantly complied with. Yet as this was finally done, no important difficulty arose from this source.1 More serious dissatisfaction was created by the execution of the act for quartering soldiers in the colonies. This act required, that the troops should be furnished with quarters, fire, bedding, candles, small beer, rum, &c., at the expense of the colo

The compensation required was for injuries done to the property of persons connected with the distribution of stamps. In Boston and New York, especially the former, opposition had been carried to violence, and the houses of some of the officers demolished. The order for compensation was rendered more displeasing in Massachusetts, by the arrogant and positive manner of Governor Bernard in demanding compliance therewith. The compensation was finally made, but was connected with the addition of a free pardon to all offenders. In this form the act was but little acceptable, and was rejected by his Majesty, but the compensation was afterwards furnished to the sufferers.

nies, and thus in effect a direct and unusual tax, was imposed. In Massachusetts the requisition was partially complied with. In New York the Governor applied to the Assembly to make the required provision for the troops that had lately arrived under General Gage, but the House replied, that according to their construction of the act, it required, that all the forces that should at any time enter the colony should be quartered during the whole year in a very unusual manner, and that by marching several regiments into the colony, the expense would be ruinous, and that they could not, consistant with their duty to their constituents, put it into the power of any one (whatever might be their confidence in his prudence or integrity,) to impose such a burden. The requisition was laid before the Assembly of New Jersey in June, 1766, and the House directed that provision should be made according to the former laws of the colony. The subject was frequently urged by the Governor, who insisted upon full compliance; but the unusual requisitions for the accommodation and supply of the officers and troops, were said by the House to be a matter of "surprise and concern," and they informed the Governor that they looked upon the act for quartering soldiers in America to be virtually as much an act for laying taxes, as the stamp act.2

But occurrences of a character still more unfavorable to harmony soon took place. In July, 1766, the administration of the Marquis of Rockingham terminated, and was succeeded by one composed of men of various political principles and parties. Charles Townsend, a man whose qualities were far more brilliant than solid, became Chancellor of the exchequer, and he presently ventured a boast that he was able to devise a plan for taxing the colonists. Grenville, the former Minister, actuated by dislike to the colonists, or by a desire to retrieve in some manner his former defeat, was constantly urging the adoption of plans for this purpose, and at length abruptly charged upon the Ministry, that they were deterred by fear from making the attempt. Townsend, yielding to an excitement but little suited to the place or the occasion, hastily declared: "I dare tax America," and directly proceeded

2 Votes. Franklin's letter to Shelburne.

to vindicate his courage, at the expense it may be of his judgment, and certainly at the cost of the best interests of the country. Unhappily, a change had occurred in Parliament that enabled the Minister to carry out his designs; a sense of justice had given way to a feeling of pride, and a desire to reduce the colonists again to subjection, began to prevail. Under these circumstances, the Minister submitted a bill to the House for imposing duties on glass, paper, paste-board, white and red lead, painter's colours, and tea, payable on the importation of these articles into the colonies. The preamble declared that it was expedient to raise a revenue in America, and to make more certain and adequate provisions for defraying the charge of the administration of justice in the provinces. This bill passed both Houses of Parliament with scarcely any opposition, and became a law in June, 1767. Very soon afterwards, the conduct of the Assemblies of Massachusetts and New York was brought into notice; the refusal of the latter to comply with the requisitions for supplying the troops, gave particular offence, and an act was passed restraining the Legislature of that province from passing any act whatever, until the late requisitions were complied with. Nearly at the same time, an enactment was made authorizing the King to put the customs and other duties in America, and the execution of the laws relating to trade there, under the management of Commissioners, to be appointed for that purpose, and to reside in the colonies.

These three acts were received in America almost at the same time. The passage of such laws within one year after the struggle against the stamp act, excited amazement and indignation throughout the colonies. The act for laying duties on glass and other articles, if somewhat different in form, as it imposed charges to be paid upon imports, was yet in its principle and objects the same as the stamp act. It was still a plan for taxing the people without their consent. The entire suspension of legislation in a

A provision in the bill empowered the Crown to establish a general civil list throughout every colony in North America to any extent, with salaries, pensions, or appointments to the whole amount of the new du ies. This was the attainment of the object that had been sought by every Minister since the reign of Charles II, the establishment of a civil list independent of the Assemblies. It was a great advance toward the destruction of liberty.