ble authority of princes, which had so justly sunk into contempt and almost into oblivion. Kings and princes derive their power from the people; and to the people alone, through the organ of their representatives, did it appertain to decide in cases for which the constitution had made no specific or positive provision." Thus, in this famous political question, it was remarkable that Fox, the steady, uniform, and powerful advocate of the people, appeared to lean to prerogative; while Pitt, who had been loudly and justly accused of deserting the principles of liberty, stood forth their intrepid and zealous assertor. All those popu lar arguments and primary axioms of government on which the friends of liberty delight to dwell were upon this occasion urged by Pitt with energy and eloquence. If he was sincere in this, his sentiments, as will appear in the sequel, afterwards underwent an entire revolution. At the opening of the session of 1792, the table of the house of commons was covered with petitions from all parts of the kingdom, imploring the abolition of the slave-trade. On the 2d of April Wilberforce moved the question of abolition in a most eloquent speech, in which he declared "that from his exertions in this cause he had found happiness, though not hitherto success. It enlivened his waking, and soothed his evening-hours; and he could not recollect without singular satisfaction, that he had demanded justice for millions who could not ask it for themselves." Whitebread distinguished himself by the energy and animation of his remarks. He observed, "that a fatality attended the arguments of those who defended this detestable and shocking trade. In an account of selling the stock of a plantation, one of the evidences in favour of the slave-merchants said, that the slaves fetched less than the common price, because they were damaged.' Damaged! what is this but an acknowledgment that they are worn down by labour, sickness, by every species of ill treatment. A trade attended with such dreadful evils ought not to be thought of; it cannot be mentioned without horror, nor continued without violating every moral and religious obligation!" Dundas, now advanced to the dignity of secretary of state by the resignation of the duke of Leeds, recommended to the house the adoption of a middle and moderate plan, such as would reconcile the interests of the West India islands with the eventual abolition of the trade; and concluded by moving "that the word gradual might be inserted before abolition." But Pitt declared his decided disapprobation of the amendment; and in a speech fraught with argument and eloquence, conjured the house not to postpone even for an hour the great and necessary work of abolition. "Reflect," said he, "on the eighty thousand persons annually torn from their native land! on the connections which are broken! on the friendships,-attachments,―relationships that are burst asunder! There is something in the horror of this trade that surpasses all the bounds of imagination! How shall we repair the mischiefs we have brought upon that continent! If, knowing the miseries we have caused, we refuse even now to put a stop to them, how greatly aggravated will be the guilt of Britain !" On the 27th of the same month he thus expressed himself on the same subject: "I do not understand complimenting away the lives of so many human beings. I do not understand the principle on which a few individuals are to be complimented, and their minds set at rest, at the expense, and total sacrifice, of the interest, the security, the happiness, of a whole quarter of the world, which, from our foul practices, has, for a vast length of time, been a scene of misery and horror. I say, because I feel, that every hour you continue this trade you are guilty of an offence beyond your power to atone for; and by your indulgence to the planters thousands of human beings are to be miserable for ever. I feel its infamy so heavily, I am so clearly convinced of its impolicy, that I am ashamed I have not been able to prevail upon the house to abandon it altogether at an instant,-to pronounce with one voice immediate and total abolition. There is no excuse for us, seeing this infernal traffic as we do. It is the very death of justice to utter a syllable in support of it. Sir, I know I state this subject with warmth. I feel it is impossible for me not to do so; or if it were, I should detest myself for the exercise of moderation." On the bursting forth of the French revolution, Pitt-after some hesitation, we think-joined in the cry against French principles, or rather against the mode of asserting these principles. On the 1st of February, 1793, in moving the address on his majesty's speech, the member began by adverting to the execution of the French king, "that act of outrage to every principle of religion, justice, and humanity; an act which in this country, and throughout Europe, had excited but one general sentiment of indignation and abhorrence, and could not fail to excite the same sentiments in every civilized nation. He should, indeed, better consult his own feelings and those of the house, could he draw a veil over this melancholy event. It was in all its circumstances so full of grief and horror, that it must be a wish in which all united to tear it, if possible, from their memories,-to expunge it from the page of history, and remove it for ever from the observation or comments of mankind: Excidat ille dies evo, nec postera credant Such," he continued, "were the words applied by an author of their own, to a transaction (the massacre of St Bartholomew) which had always been deemed the standing reproach of the French nation, and the horrors and cruelties of which had only been equalled by those atrocious and sanguinary proceedings which had been witnessed in some late instances. But whatever might be their feelings of indignation and abhorrence with respect to that dreadful and inhuman event to which he had set out with calling their attention, that event was now past; it was impossible that the present age should not now be contaminated with the guilt and ignominy of having witnessed it, or that the breath of tradition should be prevented from handing it down to posterity. They could only now enter their solemn protestation against that act, as contrary to every sentiment of justice and humanity, as violating the most sacred authority of laws and the strongest principles of natural feeling. Hence, however, they might derive a useful theme of reflection, a lesson of salutary warning: for, in this dreadful transaction they saw concentrated the effect of those principles pushed to their ut ume. See apology for the alarmists of this period in our notice of Canning, in this vol most extent, which set out with dissolving all the bonds of legislation by which society were held together, which are in opposition to every law, divine and human, and which, presumptuously relying on the authority of wild and delusive theories, rejected all the advantages of the wisdom and experience of former ages, and even the sacred instructions of revelation. While therefore he directed their attention to this transaction, he paid not only a tribute to humanity, but he suggested to them a subject of much useful reflection; for, by considering the consequences of these principles, they might be duly warned of their mischievous tendency, and taught to guard against their progress. Indeed he wished that this subject might on the present occasion be considered rather as matter of reason and reflection, than of sentiment. Sentiment was now unavailing; but reason and reflection might yet be attended with the most beneficial effects; and while they pointed out the norrid evils which had disgraced and ruined another country, might preserve our own from becoming a scene of similar calamity and guilt. No consideration indeed could be of greater importance, than what tended to avert in this country such transactions as had taken place in a neighbouring state; here, where a monarch, clothed with that inviolability which was essential to the exercise of the sovereign power, formed an essential part of the government; where the legislature was composed of a mixture of democracy and aristocracy; and where, by the benefits of this system, we had been exempted from those mischiefs which in former ages had been produced by despotism, and which were only to be exceeded by these still more horrid evils which in the present time had been found to be the fruits of licentiousness and anarchy. The situation of the country, he must, indeed, compare to the temperate zone, which was the situation in every respect best fitted for health and enjoyment; and where, enjoying a mild, beneficial, regulated influence, the inhabitants were equally protected from the scorching heats of the torrid, and the rigorous frosts of the frigid zones. Compared with this country, where equal protection was extended to all, and there existed so high a sum of national felicity, dreadful indeed was the contrast afforded in the present situation of France, where prevailed a system of the utmost licentiousness and disorder, and where anarchy through a thousand organs operated to produce unnumbered mischiefs. Such a system could surely never find its way into this happy country, unless industriously imported; and to guard against the introduction of such a system was their first duty and their most important care. "His majesty had declined taking any part in the internal government of France, and had made a positive declaration to that effect. When he took that wise, generous, and disinterested resolution, he had reason to expect that the French would in return have respected the rights of himself and his allies; and most of all, that they would not have attempted any internal interference in this country. A paper on the table contained, on their part, a positive contract to abstain from any of those acts by which they had provoked the indignation of this country. In this paper they disclaimed all views of aggrandizement; they gave assurances of their good conduct to neutral nations; they protested against their entertaining an idea of interfering in the government of the country or making any attempts to excite insurrection, upon the express ground that such interference, and such attempts would be a violation of the law of nations. They had themselves, by anticipation, passed sentence upon their own conduct; and the event of this evening's discussion would decide, whether that sentence would be confirmed by those who had actually been injured. During the whole summer, while France had been engaged in the war with Austria and Prussia, his majesty had in no shape departed from the neutrality which he had engaged to observe, nor did he, by the smallest act, give any reason to suspect his adherence to that system. But what, he would ask, was the conduct of the French? Had they also faithfully observed their part of the agreement, and adhered to the assurances which, on the ground of his majesty's neutrality, they had given, to reject all views of aggrandizement,-not to interfere with neutral nations, and to respect the rights of his majesty and his allies? What had been their conduct would very soon appear from a statement of facts. They had showed how little sincere they were in their first assurances, by immediately discovering intentions to pursue a system of the most unlimited aggrandizement. The first instance of their success in Savoy had been sufficient to unfold the plan of their ambition. They had immediately adopted the course to annex it for ever to their own dominions, and had displayed a resolution to do the same wherever they should carry their arms. That they might not leave any doubt of their intentions, by a formal decree they had stated their plan of overturning every government, and substituting their own; they threatened destruction to all who should not be inclined to adopt their system of freedom; and, by a horrid mockery, offered fraternization, where, if it was refused, they were determined to employ force,—and to propagate their principles, where they should fail to gain assent, by the mouths of cannon! They established, in the instructions to the commissioners whom they appointed to enforce the decree with respect to the countries entered by their armies, a standing revolutionary order; they instituted a system of organizing disorganization. And what was the reason they assigned for all this? 'The period of freedom,' said they, must soon come; we must then endeavour, by all means in our power, to accomplish it now, for should this freedom be accomplished by other nations, what then will become of us? Shall we then be safe? It is a question indeed which they might well put, 'What will become of us?' for justly might they entertain doubts of their safety. They had rendered the Netherlands a province in substance as well as name, entirely dependent upon France. The system pursued by the Jacobin societies, in concert with their correspondents, had given a more fatal blow to liberty than any which it had ever suffered from the boldest attempts of the most aspiring monarch. What had been the circumstances which had attended the triumphal entry of General Dumourier? Demonstrations of joy inspired by terror! illuminations imperiously demanded by an armed force! And when the primary assembly met to deliberate, in what circumstances did they assemble? With the tree of liberty planted amidst them, and surrounded by a hollow square of French soldiers,-a situation surely equally conducive to the ease of their own thoughts, and the freedom of their public deliberations! And what had happened, even since the French had professed their intention of evacuating the territories which they had en tered, at the conclusion of the war? A deputation had been received from Hainault, requesting that it might be added as an eighty-fifth department. And how had this deputation been received? Had the request been rejected? No; it had only been postponed till a committee should be able to prepare instructions, how those nations, who should be desirous of the same union, should be able to incorporate themselves with France in a regular and formal manner,-in other words, till the preliminaries should be settled by which it should subject to its govern. ment, and add to its territories, every country which should be so unfortunate as to experience the force of its arms, and give to its wild and destructive ambition only the same limits with those of its power. It was matter of serious consideration how far such conduct not only ought to rouse the indignation, but might tend to affect the interests of this country. To show how the French had behaved with respect to neutral nations, he need only refer to their decree of the 19th of November, which had already been so often mentioned and so amply discussed. Some pretended explanations had indeed been given of this decree, but of all these explanations he should say nothing but what had already been stated by the noble secretary of state,-that they contained only an avowal and a repetition of the offence. The whole of their language, institutions, and conduct, had been directed to the total subversion of every government. To monarchy particularly they had testified the most decided aversion; and so violent was their enmity, that they could be satisfied with nothing less than its entire extermination. The bloody sentence, which the hand of the assassin had lately carried into execution against their own monarch, was passed against the sovereigns of all countries! Were not these principles intended to be applied in their effects to this government? No society in this country, however small in number, however contemptible, however even questionable in existence, had sent addresses to their assembly, in which they had expressed sentiments of sedition and treason, which had not been received with a degree even of theatrical extravagance, and cherished with all the enthusiasm of congenial feeling. Need he then ask if England was not aimed at in this conduct, and if it alone was to be exempted from the consequences of a system, the profession of which was anarchy, and which seemed to aspire to establish universal dominion upon the rain of every government? "On the subject of the violation of the rights of his majesty and his allies, he had already on a former occasion spoken at some length. He had stated, that the only claim which the French could have to interfere in the navigation of the Scheldt, must either be in the assumed character of sovereign of the Low Countries, or as taking to themselves the office of the arbiters of Europe. There were the most solemn engagements of treaties to protect the Dutch in their exclusive right of navigating the Scheldt. An infringement of treaties more notorious and more flagrant perhaps never had occurred than that which now appeared in the instance of their conduct with respect to the Scheldt. For this infringement they had advanced some pretences, alleging that the exclusive privilege of navigating the Scheldt was contrary to certain principles with respect to the rights of rivers. Capricious and wild in their theory, and in entire contradiction to whatever had been sanctioned by established practice, they likewise pretend that |