whether his great and dreadful name be reverenced or blasphemed ? and, doth not the religious observance, or profane violation of our promissory oaths amount to all this? For, let any impartial man narrowly examine the importance of those diversified oaths that have been imposed, and let him try this act of reconciling the terms if he can; and, by the time that he has a while employed his thoughts, as in God's presence, about them, he may come to conceive a difference betwixt him that sweareth, and him that feareth an oath. The very heathens had always the greatest tenderness and regard for their oaths, whereof abundant instances might be given: And shall they seem to lose their sacredness amongst those who are called Christians? God forbid! and yet, what esteem can he be thought to hold them in, who swears incompatible inconsistent things? What can it be to take the name of the Lord in vain, if this be not it? And is not it a frightful impiety, first to take them, and then to break them? And what must it needs be to require, to urge, and force them? That is what may exact men's most attentive consideration; every one, who has a due care of his soul, will be studious to examine himself in this? Men will find it dreadful, appearing before Christ's tribunal, to answer, not only for their own personal sins, but for the guilts of others which they have caused. And, if there was any specifick kind of sin, which I did more especially dread the danger of, that I were to put up my most earnest suit to God, to be kept from, as being of the most atrocious provoking nature; I think I should not much mistake in my condescensions, if my most hearty prayer, when I shall at last stand before the dread judgment-seat of Christ, were, O God, I pray more particularly, that I never be found guilty of the most horrid sin of perjury.' Think what the character of a perjured person is, in the common verdict of mankind, and even in the estimate of our own laws! And is the sin so black and scandalous, when it is personal; and is it less so, when it is national? No, certainly it is not; for it is such a most formidable piece of wickedness, such a horrid crime, a piaculum, as may well be judged to forfeit the divine protection, and leave a people and nation, guilty of it, open to all the rage and malice of the devil, to be hurried on by him, at his pleasure, from sin to sin, till they fill up the measure of their iniquity, and the wrath of God come upon them to the uttermost; and therefore, to this purpose, most applicable is the admonition of St. James, wherewith I shall conclude, but, above all things, my brethren, swear not."

THE

DECLARATION

OF THE MOST CHRISTIAN

KING OF FRANCE AND NAVARRE,

Against the most horrid Proceedings of a rebellious Party of Parliament-men and Soldiers in England, against their King and Country. 'Iranslated out of French by P. B.

Lewis the Fourteenth, by the Grace of God, the most Christian King of France and Navarre, to all Christian Kings, Princes, States, and People sendeth greeting.

WHEREAS we are informed, by our dear aunt, the queen of Eng

land, of the distressed estate of the king her husband, forced upon him by a rebellious party of his meanest subjects, under the command of the Baron of Fairfax, who is likewise countenanced by a small handful of the basest of the people, crept into the lower house of parliament, but not being a tenth part thereof, the worthiest being either imprisoned, or banished by the tyranny of the army, have a design to proceed against the person and life of their king; which is an action so detestable, and so destructive to the national rights of princes and people, who are like to be enslaved thereby, and to know no law, but that of the sword, that we conceive ourself obliged, by the laws of God and man, in the duty of a christian, as well as the rights of a king, either to redeem from bondage the injured person of our neighbour king and uncle, or to revenge all outrages already done, or hereafter which may happen to be done thereupon.

Therefore, with the advice of our dear mother the queen-regent, and council, we do publish and declare our detestation of all such proceedings, and vow, in the presence of God and his holy angels, a full revenge upon all actors or abettors of this odious design, to the utter extirpation of them, their wives, and children out of all parts of Christendom, wherein our power, or interest, can prevail, if they proceed to this damnable fact; we conceiving it fit to root out from human society such a spurious and viperous generation of men: And we do therefore prohibit all such persons, their wives, and children to come into any of our dominions, unless they will be proceeded against, as traitors to God and nations.

And we do likewise invite all our neighbour kings, princes, and states in amity with us, or with whom we have any difference, to an honourable peace, that we may all join, in God's cause and our own, to re

venge these hypocritical proceedings of enraged villains, who, we hear, take the cause of God for their pretence to destroy his ordinance.

And we desire all our neighbour kings, princes, and states to make the same proclamation, we have done, against any of these, or their adherents, from coming into their territories; that, when, by God's justice, and ours and others endeavours, they shall be chaced out of their native country, they may wander like vagabonds, in heathenish places, with the odious brands of regicides upon them: And further to consider, whether that, if the like madness took any of their armies, they would not implore our helps, as now this afflicted queen and aunt of ours hath occasion to do theirs, against persons who are now twice rebels; first, against their lawful sovereign, upon pretence of reformation of government; and, now, against the very men and authority, which raised them for that pretended occasion: Wherein God's justice is so apparent, that we are confident he will bless this work intended by us, and which, we hope, will be seconded by all persons of honour and justice, both at home and abroad, to help to suppress these rebels against their raisers; who yet presume, upon the success of their arms, to erect their own base thoughts and fortunes above the limits of religion or reason, to suppress that authority which God hath set over them.

Signed, LEWIS.

And below, BRYAN, Secretary of State. Published at Paris, the second day of January, Stylo novo, 1649.

SOME

REASONS FOR AN ANNUAL PARLIAMENT,

AS THE BEST

SECURITY FOR ENGLISH RIGHTS.

Together with the Qualifications required in a good Member of ParliaOffered to the Consideration of all Electors of Parliament

ment.

Men.

Quarto, containing eight Pages.

I

SIR,

SUPPOSE nobody has forgot, that, at the beginning of the revolution, in the act which was made for declaring the rights of the sub

ject, after the grievances reckoned up, it says, That for redress of all grievances, and for the amending, strengthening, and preserving of the law, parliaments ought to be held frequently, which must mean frequent parliaments, and not frequent sessions of the same parliament or our constitution is but little amended by that act. Our ancestors understood the necessity and wisdom of having frequent parliaments. Alfred, as you may see in the Mirrour of Justice, chap. i. sect. 3. ordained, that the parliament should meet every year twice, or oftener, if need were. There are many statutes in Edward the Third's time, that a parliament should be held once a year, and oftener, if need be. That act is no less than three times reiterated in his reign. Acts of the same import are made in Richard the Second's; and these acts were made when prorogations, and long continuances of the same parliaments, were not in use. Henry the Sixth's reign was the first in which prorogations began at all to be made for any time, and they were but very little used 'till Henry the Eighth's time. But the usual way formerly was to call a parliament, at least once a year, and, as soon as their business was done, to dissolve them. They adjourned themselves for some short time, but the king did not prorogue at pleasure. That this was the constant practice, I appeal to the parliament rolls; but I do not so much doat upon antiquity, as to desire to revive that practice, unless I can prove 'it reasonable and advantageous. I think it is very much so in the present juncture. I cannot be unknown to K. W. how much he has been libelled, because so many of his officers were in the house. Those, that wish him ill, have hit the blot: But it has disgraced him with those that wish him well. It is fit the king should chuse whomsoever he thinks fit to serve him in his employments; but it will be a matter of scandal, if the people think their representatives are bought off, whether by places, or pensions. But, if they are chosen annually, it will not easily be believed, that an unfair bargain can be struck with them. Our taxes will be less heavy, whilst we think our representative assessors pay their proportion. How just the clamours and suspicions of mankind are, I do not determine, but I know they are great, and by every body, and every where believed, and that by this course they would be avoided. If the accusations are well grounded, if votes are purchased by places, or most of the members should be more than ten times reimbursed their own shares of the publick payments; then indeed the safety, and very being, of our constitution would be struck at, our fundamentals would be debauched, our house of commons would become a parliament of Paris, to do as the court would have them, and nothing but what they direct; Scotch lords of the articles would be, as it were, introduced by a court cabal; and membership would become a preferment for life, &c. But whatever the malicious say, I am not willing to believe these things have of late, or will be attempted. I am only desirous that it should be made apparent for the future, in every parliament that sits, that there is no likelihood that it is debauched, and that will be made apparent by annual parliaments. But, to lay aside the peculiarity of our present case, let me treat of it under a general consideration. And I will endeavour to shew the expediency of annual parliaments; and that I shall endeavour to make good by the nature of

parliaments, and of their delegations; by which it appears, that the members are delegated by their electors, to supply their places, in advising, treating, consulting, and determining upon the great and important affairs of the nation, which appear, and are upon the stage, in that juncture wherein the parliament is summoned. When such a parliament is continued longer than answers the present occasion for which they were summoned, great inconveniences may, and are likely to follow. A man may be fit to represent me in one juncture, whom I might very reasonably judge unfit to do it in another. A man may be qualified to advise, consult, and determine about the improvement of trade, and the manufactures of the nation; and yet may be unfit to offer advice in the great affairs of peace and war. A man may have knowledge enough to act in such matters, who may want integrity, faithfully to represent, and procure redress for grievances, which will be springing up in any government. When parliaments are annually chosen, we can chuse our representatives, with an eye to the present circumstances of affairs, and the present exigencies of the nation. But, when the same parliaments are continued upon us, we are put upon the unreasonable task, of prophetically chusing men fit to represent us amidst the unforeseen and unexpected accidents and affairs which may fall in, so long as the prince and his ministers think fit to continue the parliament then summoned. Besides, when the business of the nation has been, as it were, monopolised for many years, then, whensoever we have the opportunity of electing a new parliament, we are put upon the same necessity of chusing a knave skilful in the rules of the house and parliamentary laws, as we are sometimes in private matters of chusing one that is expert in pleadings, and the methods of the common law, though we are not satisfied of his moral honesty; whereas, if every body had their turn, in a little time, all the principal freeholders would be instructed, and directed in the interest of their country.

Again: Delegation imports, in its own nature, a power in the person, or persons, who delegate, to revoke it at his, or their pleasure, and can be continued no longer than during the time, and particular occasions for which it is granted; and is understood to be no longer in being, than the constituents think fit to continue it. And delegates are always upon their good behaviour. When parliaments are not annually chosen, but continued during the prince's pleasure, longer than the present exigency for which they are called, the nature of a delegation, and the undoubted privileges of those that chuse them, are quite altered and overturned, and the delegation is perpetuated; though it should appear that the delegates are unfit for it, or unfaithful under it. From delegates, whom we ourselves have impowered, they become absolute masters; or, if delegates still, they are transformed from being the people's delegates and representatives, into the prince's delegates and creatures. By every repeated prorogation the people's commission is cancelled, and their new being is derived from the prince's will and pleasure, and measured out, and continued, according to their humble compliance with what is demanded from them.

Again: Annual parliaments are best suited to a limited monarchy (which I hope all Englishmen think the best) annual parliaments con