of it. I do not intend any discourtesy. I want to be brief. I am going to bring this matter to a close-to a determinaton before I leave it. When Senators talk about referring this to the people I say if they are true to the Constitution they are insincere, because these people have said, Here is our will; here is the organic law. What does that tell you to do? It says that whenever the Constitution of the United States is to be amended it shall be done by a vote of two thirds of the States. Now what shall be done with it? The people made that Constitution; it is their will-their command to you and to me; and we have sworn to obey it. It says that Congress shall determine whether the voice of the people shall be called or whether this Constitutional amendment shall be referred directly to the people's representatives or agents in the several Legislatures. I say there have been fourteen amendments to the Constitution of the United States and every single one of them have been made in the very mode proposed now to adopt this Fifteenth Constitutioual amendment. I say that when the Democratic party or the Repubcan party propose to fight this thing of negro suffrage they have chosen a bad place to fight it. If they had been in good faith and determined to fight this suffrage question they should have done it when they permitted the negro to be made a citizen, because now if you can withhold suffrage from any class of citizens, have you not the same power to rob and take from other classes the elective franchize? Certainly the same power will fully authorize you to take it from any other class.

As to the mode I will be frank. There is no other Senator upon this floor responsible for this resolution introduced this morning. The main thing in it is what? The very thing these Senators have been asking day after day for a postponement of the consideration of this question. I now ask the Secretary to read the concurrent resolution, which followed the introduction of the joint rresolution, and I call the attention of the Senate to the language of it.

The Secretary read as follows:

Resolved by the Senate, the House of Representatives concurring, That the consideration of the joint resolution accepting and ratifying, on the part of Indiana, the proposed Fifteenth Amendment to the Constitution of the United States, be postponed and made the special order for action at 2 o'clock P. M. on Tuesday, the eleventh day of May next ensuing, in joint A4sembly of the two Houses to be held in the Hall of the House of Representatives on said day and at said hour,

Mr. HAMILTON. Will the Senator yield? Mr. CRAVENS. I want to get clear of this, so that you can do what you want to. This resolution proposes to postpone the consideration of that joint resolution. I supposed this proposition to make it a special order would be voted for directly, and I supposed some of my own

party would have to vote for it. It was introduced for this simple reason,—and I will be as frank as gentlemen dare be;-there was only one poor, pittiful, lame advantage, and that was that we would have the benefit of these Democrats in each end of this Capitol to legalize the joint assembly, and for nothing else. I do not know

Mr. BRADLEY (interposing.) Will the Senator tell us that he did not deny that this morning?

Mr. CRAVENS. No sir;-I do not know whether the Reporter took it or not;-I said the main proposition was the question of postponement; and another thing, the other proposition was to get it from before both of these bodies, so it would not be a temptation to the majority, nor a terror to the minority without let or hindrance. I say all the advantage was simply legalizing the joint Assembly. I recollect in caucus, I proposed myself that mode of ratifying that Constitutional amendment, and I know it was most promptly and decidedly voted down by a caucus of my own political party. I say we are taking all the chances of the legality of that mode;-and even more risk upon ourselves than they. We are taking the risk of again presenting the proposition to the same body of men who upon a former occasion refused to adopt it.

The Senator from Sullivan, [Mr. Hanna,] in his speech this morning, took issue with myself. I understood him to say that mode would not be legal. I said no other man was responsible for this. I regret now that it had not been made the subject matter of a caucus; and when I find members of my own party reject a proposition of this sort, I certainly have no right to persist in trying to force it to a vote; and I do not feel that I am authorized individually, in my own person, to assume the responsibility of even one day's delay of the necessary legislation of the State by my own individual action. But, as I was alone responsible for this proposition; and as I find members of my own party are not in favor of it, many of them;-I know it will look a little harsh to others that I pursue this course, I now propose; and inasmuch as this debate has gone as far, perhaps, as practicable; and inasmuch Mr. President, as I won't reply to this cracking whip operation; when I see the effect of those threats, and see the disposition to yield to them that I have seen around me today; I do not feel that I would be authorized to answer the responsibility of delaying legislation, continuing acrimonious debate, or further disturbing the harmony of this body, I now, if the Senator from Montgomery will withdraw his amendment and motion to postpone, I will put an end to the matter.

Mr. JOHNSTON of Montgomery. I would like to know what kind of an end? [Laughter.]

THE BREVIER LEGISLATIVE REPORTS.

VOLUME ELEVENTH.

Proposed Amendments to the Constitution of the United States The Fifteenth Article ---- Debate in Continuation.

out embarrssment. I assume that it will not be urged against me, that I am committed to States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the any pledge, direct or indirect; or that any act

United States, nor by any State, on account of race,
color or previous condition of servitude.
"SEC. 2. The Congress shall have power to enforce pose.
this article by appropriate legislation."

back among us. This is a version both pleasing to the Democratic ear and flattering to Democratic pride. But unfortunately it lacks the foundation of truth.

When this session began, our colleagues of the opposition were in this city in close cabal and conspiracy, determined to deny their presence to the legislature until we of the Republican party, should secure them against the intrusion of the Fifteenth amendment, at any time during the session by firm and unequivocal pledges. We were given to understand in a variety of ways that this was a condition absolute; without which we should, under no circumstances, enjoy their companionship aud aid in the work of legislation. We were served with notice as early as our first preliminary caucus-held last Wednesday evening; the day before the meeting of the present General Assemply. Did we quail? did we yield then? What was our action on the demand? We laid it on the table, coupled with a resolution which, in the most authoritative manner apprised the Democratic members that we were here to perform our Constitutioual duties and would in no wise trammel ourselves with pledges precedent as an inducement to their reappearance. Here was our action and our utterance as a party. Has the resolution then passed been since retracted? If so, when? Do we not know that the same proposition which came to us on Wednesday evening was again sent to our caucus the next day-sent certified as the demand of the Democracy as a party?—and that it encountered the rebuff of a decisive silence. Not a word of response was deigned on the occasion. What next? An hour later, and while our caucus was still in session, a second proposition was sent to us. It proved a huge descent from the first lofty stand-point. It was now requested that we should give our Democratic friends at least two days notice before acting upon the obnoxious amendment! But this proposal fared no better than the first. Its treatment was a like silence. And here ended our action and intercourse upon the subject, as a party. Here, as a party, ends our record; and you search it in vain for the trace of those assurances and pledges concerning which so much is said in and out of print; in and out of this chamber.

But we are given to understand that individual pledges from our side are out on this subject. Concerning these it is enough to say that they cannot be urged against us as a party. They may bind those implicated, but can reach no farther. They constitute a matter of account to be settled between our Democratic brethren and the individual members of our party committed to the pledges. But the presumptions are against the existence of any compact at the time our brethren returned to

these halls and their duty. Otherwise why should our adversaries manifest such trepidation over the resolutions now pending? If private pledges were out, they must have been sufficiently numerous to control the situation else it would have been folly for Democracy to come back upon the strength of the same. If adequate in number, why the unmistakeable alarm shown at present? Senators knew that gentlemen stand by their word of honor, and if such honorable pledges are out it is known to all parties concerned in them. Surely no one can have so insulting an opinion of any member of the General Assembly as to suppose that the word of honor which he pledges to an adversary will be violated by him either in letter or spirit.

The presumptive evidence is fortified by the facts. I admit that after the adjournment of our caucus last Thursday certain members of our party, feeling rather senistive in this crisis and weighing the comparative importance of general State Legislation, with the ratification of the Fifteenth Amendment, thought it best to subordinate the latter to the former, and accordingiy committed themselves by verbal promised to a portion of the Democratic members that State Legislation should be preferred, and that at least one days notice should precede the consideration of the amendment. A sufficient number of these promises were secured to command the result both in this and the other house. I am advised that the verbal character of the agreement excited such distrust that a leader of the Democratic wing found it necessary to apprise those of our side who were in the arrangement that the promise must be in writing and signed! after which it should prove all sufficient. This was acceeded to and that which was verbal became written. Will it be denied that ́all which beforehand lay in parol was now merged and embodied in into the writing? The paper, so signed, was put the possession of the Democratic caucus and I am given to understand that all of Friday and most of Saturday's forenoon was spent by them in discussing the reliability for truth and trustworthiness of the gentlemen whose names we subscribed to the document! What conclusion was arrived at I don't know, but before twelve o'clock of Saturday, a Democratie member of the House, called upon the gentleman whose name appeared first upon the written proposition and gave him to understand, as I am informed, that unless the members who had signed the paper would allow it to be published in the public prints it would not be considered by the Democratic representation. Such a demand indicated a purpose to parade the document as a concession tendered by our party. It could mean nothing else. The gentleman addressed, properly regarding it in this light, and feeling now satis

fied of the insincerity of those who had been ation why the subsequent demand to have the asking reasonable pledges as a condition pre- paper published bore such an offensive charliminary to their re-appearance here, prompt-acter. When the written pledge was placed into ly asked a return of the paper, and it was handed back then and there; and, I am told, due notice was then given that the return of the paper should be considered an end of all negotiations between its signers and the Democratic wing of the Legislature. This occurred last Saturday.

Now, sir, the Democratic members saw fit to reappear and qualify yesterday both in the House and Senate. They came into the chamber at a timely moment. We were then debating the proposition of declaring their seats vacant and would have reached a vote, (which could not have been other than an affirmative vote,) in the course of a few minutes. And I now assert, what it was my object to say when I took the floor, that they came back voluntarily and at their own risk and at a time when the members of our party was untrammeled by any promises. Let the world know this, and no more be said of "breach of faith." In further exposition of this matter I ask that the Secretary read the editorial which appeared in the Indianapolis Sentinel (Democratic,) of this morning, headed "The Legislature the organization of both branches," which I now send' up.

The Secretary read as follows:

the hands of the Democrats they were distinctly apprised that it was a private pledge, with which the Republicans as a party had no connection. As such, and also because some of those who had lent their names to it apprehended that they had thereby somewhat compromised themselves, they required that the document should be kept private and not thrust into print. But they expressed their willingness that it should be held to the end of the session as a guarantee of their fidelity to the engagements contained in it. Should these be violated the paper was to be published as a justification of the one side and a proof of the treachery of the other. These was the stipulations upon which the paper was originally delivered.

But, as I said before, this paper was returned and in the possession of one of its signers on Saturday before noon. He had it and I saw it with my own eyes before twelve o'clock of that day. I make bold to say it has not from that moment been back in Democratic hands. Its return was construed as a termination of the truce or armistice between the contracting parties; there could be no other construction about it.

Now permit me to read some sentences conTHE LEGISLATURE THE ORGANIZATION OF BOTH tained in the Indianapolis Journal (RepubliBRANCHES. Both branches of the General Assembly can) of this morning. I will read myself unwere organized yesterday afternoon and proceeded with business. Upon the written pledge of eighteen til I come to the main letter. I read from an Senators and Representatives that the ratification editorial headed: "What the Democratic cauof the proposed Constitutional Amendment should cus did." not be attempted until ample notice was given of the intention, the Democratic members of the Leg- WHAT THE DEMOCRATIC CAUCUS DID.--We gave a islature, elected at the recent special election, pre- sketch yesterday of the negotiations between the sented their credentials yesterday afternoon, and caucus of Democrats and the Republicans as to the were qualified. It will be noticed by the House pro- terms upon which the former would consent to do ceedings that the arrangement was carried out in their duty. We propose to complete it to-day. The good faith in that body by the adoption of a resolu- Democrats agreed that, if they could have the asion, the reconsideration of which was laid upon surances of enough Republicans to keep the Conthe table, an action which makes it binding. not to stitutional Amendment out of the way of other enter upon the consideration of the ratification of business, that it should be kept out of the way, and the proposed Constitutional Amendment before the due notice given them when it should be taken up, 11th day of May. This action insures the adoption they would take their seats, permit the Legislature of all necessary legislation. We sincerely hope a to be organized, and help do the work they had been better feeling will prevail, which will end in submit-elected at a cost of $50,000 to do. The Republicans ting the controversy to the verdict et the people, accepted the proposition, though they were under and thus recognize the foundation principle of a no obligation of duty or courtesy to do more than free government-that the people are the true they had done since Thursday; that is, hold themsource of power, and that the will of the majority selves in their places ready for work at any moment should govern. when the recusant Democrats should come in and give them a quorum. They made an agreement in writing that they would not allow the Constitutional Amendment to be taken up till necessary legislation had been completed, and that they would give teen Representatives and five Senators signed it. a day's notice of their purpose to take it up. ThirThey were enough, with the Democrats to control all action upon the amendment. This was exactly day, by a vote of twenty-five to twenty-three, rewhat was asked. The Democratic caucus on Saturfused to abide by the agreement. They asked the Republican members to let them publish it, "as an of their consent explanation to their constituents to do their duty. The Republicans refused to do that, as the whole transaction was an individual and private affair, pledges of individual Republicans to of the caucus, "if you want to explain to your conindividual Democrats. They said to the Committee

Mr. STEIN. Thus it will be seen that the Democratic organ of this city bases the reappearance of the Democratic members here upon the strength and faith of that written paper thus signed. The version thus given is running abroad and already I find it in the Democratic paper published in my own city, (Lafayette.) Nothing is said of the withdrawal of the proposal, nor of the circumstances under which the proposal was originally delivered to the Democratic members. These circumstances have not yet been mentioned, but they deserve to be declared; as we thereby have an explan