stituents your action in doing what you were elected to do, you have only to point them to the Consti; tution which makes it your duty to organize, and transact the State's business. If that is not explanation enough, it is not our affair to furnish it." When the Democrats rejected this pledge, the Republicans at once withdrew it, and fold the caucus that they had now no pledges or promises to make, but that they were and would be always in their places ready for work. The Democrats, in spite of this, then attempted to get a second pledge. Though they had broken their agreement, they had the coolness to ask another, as if anybody could trust them to abide by it any more honorably than they did by the first one, They asked that the Republicans should make the same pledge as before, but should give it to the caucus instead of to individual members. To this proposition, which was made on Saturday, the Republicans, by Hon. Milton S. Osborn, replied as follows:

The Republicans replied as follows. now I ask the Secretary to read the The Seretary read:

And letter.

Mr. STEIN. Then a fair presumption is that it was laid before the Democratic members of the Senate and House.

Mr. HANNA (in his seat.) Do you want a statement to that effect? Mr. STEIN. No sir. I take it for granted

Mr. HANNA (in his seat.) There is no presumption about it.

Mr. STEIN. The paper further proceeds: The Republicans had no more pledges to make to men who, as they say, "had so uniformly rejected" the pledges they had asked. The Democrats could get nothing. After the transmission to them of Mr. Osborn's letter, not one word of promises, pledges, or negotiations in any shape, took place. They took their seats and allowed the Legislature to be organized without a breath of assurance, where they had been so resolute to have all sorts of pledges four days before. They fell heavily and not at all gracefully. They had followed Mr. T. A. Hendricks so far that they could not go ahead without breaking their necks, nor get back without a ludicrous fall. And they took the fall.

These are the remarks of the editor, it is true, but they embody the understanding which prevails without exception among the members of our party. If, since the withdrawal of the original written proposition any new promises, verbal or written, have been made, they are such I know not of-they have escaped the publicity of even rumor. Had any been extant it is not likely that the Sentinel in its article of this morning, already read to the Senate, would have omitted allusion to it. I therefore conclude there were no other promis

INDIANAPOLIS, IND., April 12, 1869. GENTLEMEN: Your communication of the 16th inst., addressed to myself and some other members of the General Assembly, was placed in my hands about six o'clock Saturday afternoon. I endeavored at once to see the gentlemen named, to submit to them your proposition. I have not been able to see all of them up to this time. Your communication has been considered by such as I have seen, and they say that they signed the agreement referred to, in consideration of assurances given to them personally by several Democratic members elect that such an agreement in writing would remove the obstacle which seemed to prevent an organization of the Legislature, and from an impression made by the Democratic caucus in their third proposition. While they regarded the requirement that their often repeated promise to take no advantage of the minority to pass the fifteenth amendment should be put in "black and white," as not entirely respectful, and certainly unusual,' they consentedes, and feel warranted to assert, from what has to do so, in order to secure the much needed legislation for the State. We are notified by the resolution of a Democratic caucus, a copy of which you have kindly placed in my hands, that the proposition we made to such Democratic members elect as

had expressed their intention to qualify if such assurance could be given them, had been rejected, but that if said proposition were put in a different shape it might be acted upon.

Such of the Senators and Representatives as I have submitted your communication to say that they have already given all the assurance as to what their course will be that could reasonably be required, and that they have been disregarded in every form made; and while they desire and seek nothing but a fair and undisguised course in any act of Legislation, they can see no good that will result from any additional promises to gentlemen who have so uniformily rejected promises which they had given strong assurances would be accepted, and would induce gentlemen who possessed the power, to permit an organization. I therefore respectfully assure you that we have no additional promises to make, but will be ready at two o'clock this day, if a quorum shall assemble, to proceed with the much needed Legislation. Very respectfully,

Hon. J. M. HANNA,

Hon. C. R. CORY,

Hon. JAMES M. SLEETH.

MILTON A, OSBORN.

been said that the Democrats came back, at their risk and without pledges outstanding from any member of our side.

These reso

But let me retnrn for a moment and analyze the character of the written paper, returned last Saturday, and for argument sake consider it as still a pending engagement. Can it be so construed as to carry its signers against the resolutions of the Senator from Jefferson, [Mr. Cravens,] now under discussion? lutions do not contemplate an abrupt consideration of the Fifteenth Amendment. They postpone the matter of ratification to a remote day. In the interim all necessary State Legislation can be accomplished. There is nothing to prevent the recourse of resignation, so familiar to our Democratic brethren. Then why should the pledge be referred to as an argument against these resolutions? I happen to hold the original paper now. Let me read it omiting the names of the signers:

We the undersigned, members of the House of Representatives, agree that we will vote for no proposition to take up the Constitutional Fifteenth Amendment, before the regular and necessary busiSul-ness, and that when a resolution is offered we will vote that it go upon the table at least one day before

Now, sir, I call upon the Senator from livan [Mr. Hanna] to say whether that letter was received by him?

Mr. HANNA. That letter was received by me yesterday.

it is considered.

Mr. HANNA (in his seat.) That is not all the paper.

Mr. STEIN. That is all of the contract.
Mr. HANNA. No sir.

Mr. STEIN. (Turning over the paper.) Well sir, I find the following additional passage, which certainly does not affect the contracting part:

above.

This is signed by several Senators.
Mr. HANNA.

else.

No: there is something

Mr. STEIN. (Handing the paper to a page.) I will pass the paper to the Senator, He shall satisfy himself by ocular inspection that I have omitted nothing but the signa

tures.

ask the Senator if he believes that he could go before the people of his district and be elected upon the issue of the Constitutional Amendment?

But

Mr. STEIN. I would have a very unworthy opinion of my constituents if I thought We, the undersigned Senators, concur in the otherwise. Yes sir, upon this very issue, I stand prepared to go before the people of Tippecanoe eounty, convinced that I would be abundantly sustained by the intelligent people whom I have the honor to represent here. I grant that, as a present question throughout the State at large, we might have The sad to fight you at a disadvantage. preponderance of unreasoning prejudice and life-long prepossessions stand frequently in the path of the most salutary reforms. let us once ratify this amendment, and, as an accomblished fact, the people will acquiesce in it as readily and as cheerfully as they did a few years since in the memorable Emancipation Proclamation of Lincoln. one of the great reformatory movements of the age; and it wonld be a singular exception to its kind, did it not encounter fierce It was in conopposition in the outstart. tention with relentless adversaries that Christ preached the new gospel. Reforms are not born in the midst of plaudits and acclama

tion.

mate dominion.

This is

Through persecution and buffetings they win their way to their inevitable ultiBut, once established. the people look back with relief, and glorify the courageous souls who through cloud and sunshine carried the banner and accomplished the_victory.

Now, sir, will Senators of the opposition say that this pledge is a signification from those signing it that the Democrats shall be at liberty to take all measures to defeat completely the ratification of the Fifteenth Amemdment, and that in all such measures the signers will aid them? That would be a most violent and unnatural construction of the paper. Such is not the purport of the paper, and such never have been the purpose of any of the signers. Where is the Republican of this Legislature who has ever intended to take a step looking to the utter prevention of the ratification? Many of us, myself among the rest, have been opposed to even so much as a temporary postponement of the great event. Many of us consider that this Fifteenth Amendment appeals to us as patriots of the whole nation and that before it the local legislation may well stand suspended for a day. I look upon it as embodying the vital principle upon which our gov ratification, we and the Democratic party Sir, I admit that, upon this question of ernment must be reconstructed, or our country stand upon terms of bitter and undying hoslapse back at length into the trouble from which she has just emerged. Without this tility. We ask no quarter, and we give no measure, in my judgment, the country cannot quarter. We do not expect an offer of quarattain the crowning acme of its development. The principle of universal protection must accompany the idea of citizenship; else all is insecure. Now we have declared citizenship to the negro and will we deny him that absolute protection which can only be guaranteed by the ballot? It is by the ballot alone that the rights of the citizen obtain their complete sovereignty—unless thus protected it is in vain to talk about rights. A disfranchised people are always at the mercy of the ballot-holders of the land. They are powerless to resist the caprices and tyranny of these except by process of revolution and bloodshed. But by that quiet and mighty weapon, the ballot, they can always protect themselves.

Mr. BIRD. Will the Senator allow me?

I

ter; and I trust that no Republican Senator or Representative, after what has happened, will be found to bend the hinges of his knee to a party notoriously seeking here, by faction and rebellion, to frustrate and defeat this great measure.

We look to see this amendment pass soonIt may become such before the ratification er or later. It will be the law of the land. of this State will be required. And oh! may the day when that ratification shall be given here be near at hand—and near at hand

the hour when the final ratification shall be

proclaimed all over the land-when the protection of the civil rights guaranteed by the Constitution of our common country shall be guaranteed by that higher power-the highest power under God Almighty-the power of

the ballot.

ΤΟ

THE BREVIER LEGISLATIVE REPORTS.

VOLUME ELEVENTH

Mr. HANNA. Mr. President: I opposed The salary was again advanced to three thou- this bill last session because, as I stated then, and dollars in March 1865, (acts 1865 p. 129.) | certain County officers received larger salaries

than the Judges of the Supreme Court. Some did not take it after dark. When the public of the County officers step around and enjoy give it to me I take it and I think I earn it. themselves while making from eight to ten We have raised our own salary two dollars a thousand dollars a year. I was Circuit Judge day by the indirection of voting postage stamps a while, and got one thousand dollars a year, to each member, and yet we stand here hesibut I resigned (it is a luxury to me to resign tating whether we will vote an increase of saloccasionally) to accept the office of Supreme aries to the Judges of your Courts. When a Judge, at one thousand two hundred dollars; man goes on the bench he should withdraw for the two hundred dollars if nothing else. himself from the people; and if a man sees Although I had to do a good deal more work proper to devote his time to the public, we I had rather be a Circuit than a Supreme ought to permit our Judges to lay up someJudge at anything like the same salary. It thing for a sick hour. I am opposed to makmay be possible, as to the number of hours, ing fish of one class of public servants and that a Supreme Judge has more work than a flesh of another. I agree in the opinion that Circuit Judge; but there is a certain process our whole Judicial system should be reformed; wherein a man dries himself up mentally when | but I did not desire to take upon myself the he works steadily day after day and hour after amount of labor necessary for the preparation hour. I take it that the salary of the Supreme of the proper bills to effect that object. True Judge ought to be more than the salary of a I have as great an interest in it as any body, Circuit Judge. No man ought to be a judge but the burden of the Government does not unless in the vigor of his manhood and intel- rest upon my shoulders, nor the shoulders of lect. Nor ought he to receive so small a sal- the party with which I act. It is too late in ary, that at the end of nine years, he would the session now to undertake such at hing, but come off as I did, not worth a dollar more that does not prevent our doing simple justice than when he went on. Do you require that to officers. I managed to live, breathe and kind of sacrifice of public servants? It is not have a being on one thousand dollars a year, right nor proper. You ought to pay your as Circuit Judge: twelve hundred dollars a Judge a sum sufficient to raise him above year for three years, as Supreme Judge, and want and the daily cares of life. We do not two thousand dollars a year for the balance of economise in the right direction. I believe the time. During all that time I paid some that fact is exemplified when we vote ourselves sixteen hundred dollars a year, as my good fifty dollars worth of stationery, when we don't wife says, for family expenses. I have but use five. I do not pretend to countenance any one way of keeping accounts, and that is: when such nonsense, and yet I take it vigorously. I get money I put it in my pocket, and when I take it and carry it off in open day light: I it is all gone, that is the cash account balanced,

ΤΟ

THE BREVIER LEGISLATIVE REPORTS

VOLUME ELEVENTH.

Minors in the Cotton and Woollen Factories ---- Hon. Simon Wile, of Laporte.

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
THURSDAY, April 22, 1869.

Mr. Williams of Union's bill [H. R. 283.] a bill regulating the employment of persons under sixteen years of age in Cotton and Woollen Factories in this State, and providing for the education of such persons, was taken up-it being the special order for this hour.

SECTION 1 proposes that no person under the age of sixteen years shall be employed in any Cotton or Woolen factory in this State unless such person shall have attended school at least twelve weeks during the twelve months immediately preceeding; nor shall such person be employed in such factories for a longer period than nine months in any one year.

try, placing restrictions that must work to the disadvantage of one branch, while foundries, rolling mills and other manufacturing interests are exempt from the provisions of the bill. They are permitted to employ whom they please, work them as long as they may choose, regardless of age or time, while this bill discriminates against one of the prominent departments of industry.

Mr. Speaker, it is a fact that must be patent to every candid mind that this discrimination, is, in every sense unjust. The woolen and cotton manufacturing interest in this State has but recently commenced the process of development, and for the short period of its existence, has gained such a position, that the State may six-well be proud of it. If gentlemen will but pause, and reflect that by the passage of this bill, they virtually place such obstacles in the way of the progress of one of the most useful branches of industry, as will seriously cripple and discourage the further improvement of the

"SEC. 2. No person under the age of teen years shall be employed in any Cotton or Woolen factory more than eleven hours in any one day."

SEC. 3, Fixes the penalty for violation of this act at a fine of not less than fifty dollars nor more than one hundred dollars.

The question being on Mr. Stewart of Ohio's amendment to strike out the word "eleven" in section two and insert in lieu thereof the word "eight,"

Mr. WILE said:

same.

Mr. Speaker, I can not reconcile my mind to the belief that this House, upon calm reflection, will pass a measure, which, in effect, would be calculated to place a check upon one department of mechanical industry-discrimpas-nating in favor of the one, to the prejudice of the other.

Mr. President: I am opposed to the sage of this bill. In stating my objection however, I beg to say in advance, that I am not actuated by any selfish motives. I trust that my motives are placed upon the solid basis of right.

In stating the reasons for the vote I shall give, I speak somewhat from actual experi

ence.

As to the remaining provisions of the bill, making a change in the working hours from ten to eleven hours, I am totally opposed.

Ten hours labor per day is sufficient for employer and employes. Practical experience has fully demonstrated, to the satisfaction of all familiar with the subject, that all expeIn the first place this bill discriminates, un-riments in changing the time from ten to eight justly, between cotton and woolen manufactur- hours, have resulted in failure; and the old sysing establishments and other branches of indus-tem of ten hours still prevails,