contained in a late anonymous address to the officers of the army.'

The storm which had been suddenly raised was as suddenly dissipated. The army acquired additional reputation, and the commander in chief gave a new proof of the goodness of his heart, and the soundness of his judgement. Perhaps in no instance did the United States receive from heaven a more signal deliverance, through the hands of Washington, than in the happy termination of this serious transaction. If ambition had possessed a single corner of his heart, the opportunity was too favourable, the temptation too splendid, to have been resisted; but his soul was superior to such contracted views, and his love of country so ardent, and at the same time so pure, that the charms of power, though recommended by the imposing appearance of procuring justice for his unrewarded troops, made no impression on his unshaken mind. He viewed the character of a patriot as superior to that of a sovereign. To be elevated to superior power, was less in his esteem than to be a good man. Instead of turning the discontents of an unpaid army to his own aggrandizement, he improved the late events to stimulate congress to do that army justice. His letter to the president on the occasion was as follows:

"Sir,

"Head Quarters, Newburg, March 18th, 1783.

"The result of the proceedings of the grand convention of the officers, which I have the honour of enclosing to your excellency, for the inspection of congress, will, I flatter myself, be considered as the last glorious proof of patriotism which could have been given by men who aspired to the distinction of a patriot army; and will not only confirm their claim to the justice, but will increase their title to the gratitude, of their country. Having seen the proceedings, on the part of the army, terminate with perfect unanimity, and in a manner entirely consonant to my wishes; being impressed with the liveliest sentiments of affection for those who have so long, so patiently, and so cheerfully, suffered and fought under my immediate direction; having, from motives of justice, duty, and gratitude, spontaneously offered myself as an advocate for their rights; and having been requested to write to your excellency, earnestly entreating the most speedy decision of congress upon the subjects of the late address from the army to that honourable body, it now only remains for me to perform the task I have assumed, and to intercede in their behalf, as I now do, that the sovereign

sovereign power will be pleased to verify the predictions I have pronounced of, and the confidence the army have reposed in, the justice of their country. And here, I humbly conceive, it is altogether unnecessary (while I am pleading the cause of an army which have done and suffered more than any other army ever did in the defence of the rights and liberties of human nature) to expatiate on their claims to the most ample compensation for their meritorious services; because they are perfectly known to the whole world, and because (although the topics are inexhaustible) enough has already been said on the subject. To prove these assertions, to evince that my sentiments have ever been uniform, and to shew what my ideas of the rewards in question have always been, I appeal to the archives of congress, and call on those sacred deposits to witness for me. And in order that my observations and arguments, in favour of a future adequate provision for the officers of the army, may be brought to remembrance again, and considered in a single point of view, without giving congress the trouble of having recourse to their files, I will beg leave to transmit herewith an extract from a representation

made

made by me to a committee of congress, so long ago as the 29th of January 1778; and also the transcript of a letter to the president of congress, dated near Pasaic falls, October 11th, 1780.

"That in the critical and perilous moment, when the last mentioned communication was made, there was the utmost danger a dissolution of the army would have taken place, unless measures similar to those recommended had been adopted, will not admit a doubt. That the adoption of the resolution, granting half-pay for life, has been attended with all the happy consequences I had foretold, so far as respected the good of the service, let the astonishing contrast between the state of the army at this instant and at the former period determine. And that the c-tablishment of funds, and security of the payment of all the just demands of the army, will be the most certain means of preserving the national faith and future tranquillity of this extensive continent, is my decided opinion.

"By the preceding remarks, it will readily be imagined, that, in tead of retracting, and reprehending (from farther experience and reflection) the mode of compensation so strenuously urged in the enclosures, I am more

and

and more confirmed in the sentiment, and, if in the wrong, suffer me to please myself with the grateful delusion.

"For if, besides the simple payment of their wages, a farther compensation is not due to the sufferings and sacrifices of the officers, then have I been mistaken indeed. If the whole army have not merited whatever a grateful people can bestow, then have I been beguiled by prejudice, and built opinion on the basis of error. If this country should not in the event perform every thing which has been requested in the late memorial to congress, then will my belief become vain, and the hope that has been excited void of foundation. And if (as has been suggested for the purpose of inflaming their passions). the officers of the army are to be the only sufferers by this revolution; if, retiring from the field, they are to grow old in poverty, wretchedness, and contempt; if they are to wade through the vile mire of dependency, and owe the miserable remnant of that life to charity which has hitherto been spent in honour" then shall I have learned what ingratitude is, then shall I have realized a tale which will embitter every moment of my future life.

66

"But I am under no such apprehensions; a country