weight of his high responsibility he consoled himself, "that in time, when passion shall have yielded to reason, the current may possibly turn." Peace with all the world was his policy, when it could be preserved with honour. War he considered an evil of such magnitude as never to be entered upon without the most imperious necessity. The mission of Mr. Jay was his last effort for the preservation of peace with Great Britain. The rejection of the treaty which resulted from this mission he considered as the harbinger of war; for, negotiation having failed to redress grievances, no alternative but war was left. By this prudent conduct, the rising states were preserved in peace, yet the bickerings of the citizens among themselves, and their animosities against Great Britain, still continued. The popularity of the president for the present was diminished, but on this he had counted. In a letter to general Knox, he observes, "Next to a conscientious discharge of my public duties, to carry along with me the approbation of my constituents, would be the highest gratification of which my mind is susceptible. But the latter being secondary, I cannot make the former yield to it, unless some criterion more infallible than partial (if they are not party) meetings

can

can be discovered as the touchstone of public sentiment. If any person on earth could, or the Great Power above would erect the standard of infallibility in political opinions, no being that inhabits this terrestrial globe would resort to it with more eargerness than myself, as long as I remain a servant of the public. But as I have hitherto found no better guide than upright intentions and close investigation, I shall adhere to them while I keep the watch."

After the treaty was duly ratified, an attempt was made to render it a dead letter, by refusing the appropriations of money necessary to carry it into effect. Preparatory to this, a motion was made for the adoption of a resolution, to request the president to lay before the house of representatives a copy of his instructions to Mr. Jay, together with the correspondence, and other documents relative to the treaty with Great Britain. This involved a new question, where the treaty-making power was constitutionally lodged? The debate was animated and vehement. Appeals were made both to reason and passion. After a discussion of more than twenty days, the motion was carried in the affirmative, by a majority of twenty-five votes. When the resolution was presented to the

president,

president, he replied,

time to consider it."

"that he would take

His situation was peculiarly delicate. The passions of the people were strongly excited against the treaty. The popularity of the demand, being solely for information; the large majority by which the vote was carried; the suspicions that would probably attach in case of refusal, that circumstances had occurred in the course of the negotiation which the president was afraid to publish, added to other weighty considerations; would have induced minds of an ordinary texture to yield to the request. With Washington, popularity was only a secondary object; to follow the path of duty and the public good was a primary one. He had sworn to "preserve, protect, and defend the constitution." In his opinion the treatymaking power was exclusively given by the people in convention to the executive, and that the public good required it should be so exercised. Under the influence of these

solemn obligations, he returned the following answer to the resolution which had been presented to him:

"Gentlemen of the houfe of reprefentatives,

"With the utmost attention I have considered your resolution of the 24th instant,

requesting

requesting me to lay before your house a. copy of the instructions to the minister of the United States, who negotiated the treaty with the king of Great Britain, together with the correspondence and other documents relative to that treaty, excepting such of the said papers as any existing negotiation may render improper to be disclosed.

“In deliberating upon this subject, it was impossible for me to lose sight of the principle which some have avowed in its discussion, or to avoid extending my views to the consequences which must flow from the admission of that principle.

"I trust that no part of my conduct has ever indicated a disposition to withhold any information which the constitution has enjoined it upon the president as a duty to give, or which could be required of him by either house of congress as a right; and with truth I affirm, that it has been, as it will continue to be while I have the honour to preside in the government, my constant endeavour to harmonize with the other branches thereof, so far as the trust delegated to me by the people of the United States, and my sense of the obligation it imposes to preserve, protect, and defend the constitution,' will permit.

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"The nature of foreign negotiations re

Z

quires

quires caution, and their success must often depend on secrecy; and even when brought to a conclusion, a full disclosure of all the measures, demands, or eventual concessions which may have been proposed or contemplated, would be extremely impolitic, for this might have a pernicious influence on future negotiations, or produce immediate inconveniencies, perhaps danger and mischief, to other persons. The necessity of such caution and secrecy was one cogent reason for vesting the power of making treaties in the president, with the advice and consent of the senate, the principle on which that body was formed confining it to a small number of members.

"To admit, then, a right in the house of representatives to demand, and to have as a matter of course, all the papers respecting a negotiation with a foreign power, would be to establish a dangerous precedent.

"It does not occur, that the inspection of the papers asked for can be relative to any purpose under the cognizance of the house of representatives, except that of an impeachment, which the resolution has not expressed. I repeat, that I have no disposition to withhold any information which the duty of my station will permit, or the public good shall require to be disclosed; and in fæt, all the papers

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