served that the majority of those who were afflicted with the same disease had recovered."

On the 4th, the two houses being assembled, the president of the council informed the peers, that the king, by the continuance of his indisposition, was rendered incapable of meeting his parliament, and that all the other functions of government were thereby suspended. He then declared it to be his opinion, that in this dismembered state of the legislature the right devolved on the two houses of parliament to make such provision for supplying the defect as should be adequate to the necessity of the case; but that it was necessary, before any step could be taken in so delicate a business, that the deficiency should be fully ascertained; with this view he moved, "That the minutes of the privy council should be read;" which being done, the following Monday was appointed for taking it into consideration. A motion to the same effect being made by Mr. Pitt in the house of commons, Mr. Viner expressed his doubt, whether in a matter of such moment, and which would be attended with such important consequences, the house could proceed upon a report from the privy council without a further examination of the physicians, either at their bar, or by a committee of their own. Mr. Pitt urged, in reply, the delicacy of the subject to be discussed; and remarked further, that the examination before the council was taken upon oath, which the house had it not in their power to administer. Mr. Fox concurred in opinion with Mr. Viner ; he felt the propriety of acting with all possible delicacy, but if delicacy and their duty should happen to clash, the latter ought not to be sacrificed to the former. A doubt was also stated by the speaker, whether, in the present defective state of parliament he was competent to issue writs for new elections. This was determined in the affirmative, and the house immediately rose. On Monday the 8th, Mr. Pitt, either convinced upon further consideration of the propriety of Mr. Viner's suggestion, or expecting that the probability of his Majesty's recovery would become more apparent upon a fuller inquiry into the case, came forward to propose, that a committee of twenty-one members should be appointed to examine all the physicians who had attended the king during his illness. A like committee was appointed the same day in the house of lords, and the members in both were chosen nearly in equal numbers from each side of the house. The report of the committee being brought up on the 10th, and ordered to be printed, Mr. Pitt moved, "That a committee be appointed to examine the journals of the house, and report precedents of such proceedings as may have been had in cases of the personal exercise of the royal authority being prevented or interrupted by infancy, sickness, infirmity, or otherwise, with a view to provide for the same." This motion was carried after a short debate, and a committee of twenty-one, of whom nine were members of opposition, appointed to sit with the usual powers. On the 12th Mr. Wilbore Ellis appeared at the bar with this report. Mr. Pitt moved, “ That it do lie upon the table;” which having been agreed to, it was next moved, “ That the report be printed." Mr. Pitt afterwards moved, "That the house will on Tuesday next resolve itself into a committee, to take into consideration the state of the nation." The question having been put from the chair,

MR. SHERIDAN observed, that he rose merely to prevent any false conclusion being drawn from his silence, that he concurred

in the propriety or expediency of putting the abstract proposition in the right of the Prince of Wales. He for one, felt it his duty to contend against the discussion of any such proposition, declaring that it was neither likely to maintain and secure the promotion of the good or of the peace of the public. It could not conciliate, but on the contrary it might create dissensions and animosities; and therefore he insisted that it would be extremely unwise, as it was obviously unnecessary, to agitate it or press the house to come to any vote upon it. He begged leave to remind the right honourable gentleman of the danger of provoking that claim to be asserted (a loud cry of Hear! hear !) which he observed had not yet been preferred. (Another cry of Hear! hear!) He repeated his words, and asked, would the right honourable gentleman choose to have his own proposition put upon the journals, to have it recorded as his opinion, that the Prince of Wales had no more right to exercise the royal authority, during the incapacity of the king, than any other individual subject? If he would not, why would he press an abstract proposition that must throw the nation into anarchy and confusion? Mr. Sheridan observed that he felt such absolute conviction, that he was sure no man, who was not actuated by a spirit of dissension, would propose it.

Mr. Pitt having, in reply, stated" that he trusted the house would do their duty in spite of any threat, however high the authority from which it might proceed,"

Mr. Sheridan denied that he had used any threat as imputed to him by Mr. Pitt; and remarked, that he had only spoken of the danger that might arise, if the prince should be provoked to prefer a claim, which he certainly had not yet preferred, and the discussion of which he must continue to think as mischievous in its tendency, as it was undoubtedly unnecessary.

The question was then put and agreed to.

DECEMBER 22.

REGENCY.

As it was evident from the complexion of both houses of parliament that the majority was adverse to the claim of the Prince of Wales, as of right to the regency, it was thought most advisable by those who held the affirmative, to avoid, if possible, its being brought to a formal decision; but notwithstanding entreaties were made to this effect by the Dukes of York and Gloucester, ministers persevered in their intention, and accordingly on the 16th of December Mr. Pitt moved the three following resolutions :—

1. "That it is the opinion of this committee, that his Majesty is prevented by his present indisposition from coming to his parliament, and from attending to public business, and that the personal exercise of the royal authority is thereby, for the present, interrupted.

2. "That it is the opinion of this committee, that it is the right and duty of the lords spiritual and temporal and commons of Great Britain, now assembled, and lawfully, fully, and freely representing all the estates of the people of this realm, to provide the means of supplying the defect of the personal exercise of the royal authority, arising from his Majesty's said indisposition, in such manner as the exigency of the case may appear to require.

Resolved, "That for this purpose, and for maintaining entire the constitutional authority of the king, it is necessary that the said lords spiritual and temporal and commons of Great Britain should determine on the means whereby the royal assent may be given in parliament to such bill as may be passed by the two houses of parliament respecting the exercise of the powers and authorities of the crown, in the name and on the behalf of the king, during the continuance of his Majesty's indisposition."

After a long debate these resolutions were put and carried. On the 18th the house adjourned on account of the illness of Mr. For to the day following, when Mr. Pitt being called upon to inform the house more distinctly of the mode of proceeding he intended to adopt, stated, that as, in contemplation of law, his Majesty's political capacity was entire, he should propose that their proceedings should be, under the royal authority, delegated by a commission under the great seal. That commissioners so appointed should open the parliament in the name of his Majesty in the usual form, and afterwards give the royal assent to such bill as might be passed by the two houses for appointing a regent to exercise so much of the royal authority as was necessary to be exercised during his Majesty's indisposition. This he conceived to be the only mode of proceeding that could be adopted consistently with the principles of the constitution. The question was put, "that the report of the committee on the state of the nation be brought up," and after a debate carried. The first resolution was read and agreed to. Mr. Dempster moved an amendment to the second, which was to leave out the word right," and also the words “in such manner as the exigency of the case may appear to require,” and insert “ by presenting an address to the Prince of Wales, heir-apparent, and of full age, humbly beseeching him to take upon himself the administration of the civil and military government of the country during the incapacity of his Majesty, and no longer." The question was put and carried, "that the word 'right' stand part of the resolution." The question was next put, "that the words in such manner as the exigency of the case may appear to require,' stand part of the resolution." This occasioned a debate, and Mr. Dempster withdrew his amendment from the second resolution, which was carried us it stood originally. He then moved to leave out all the third resolution, from the word "determine," and insert his amendment. After some conversation the debate was adjourned to Monday the 22nd. Upon the latter day,

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MR. SHERIDAN declared, that he thought he understood, andcould remove the doubts that had been stated by some gentle

men respecting the effect of the address proposed by the amend ment. It was conceived by some, that by voting for the amendment, they decided on the question of a limited or unlimited regency; but the case was not so, for if they voted in favour of the original resolution, they virtually admitted that limitations were necessary. Whichever way they proceeded, however, the opportunity and the security of making limitations were precisely the same. Mr. Pitt had said, that the long disuse of the royal negative was no security that it would not be revived. The right honourable gentleman knew, from his own experience, that the powers of the prerogative might be abused, and therefore it became him to be on his guard. If you doubt the fact, he might say, look at my conduct. Recollect under what circumstances I dissolved a parliament; how lavish I have been of the honours of the peerage, and say, that the powers of the prerogative may not be abused if The right honourable gentleman observes, that the prince may dissolve the parliament without consenting to limitations. The first act of his regency ought to be, to consent to limitations; and was there a man who believed he would not? But in imposing restrictions some delicacy was requisite, for every restriction that was not necessary, was not a limitation, but an insult. Was the right honourable gentleman

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in such haste to impose restrictions because he feared that he could not carry the limitations which he meant to propose, unless he were a minister? Or was he apprehensive that parliament or the prince would forget to do their duty? From some such fear, or unworthy suspicion, his haste must proceed. What provision was made if the prince should refuse to be regent on the right honourable gentleman's terms? Supposing him not to refuse, would he withhold his consent from restrictions when regent, under which he would consent to accept the trust? Would any one advise him to say, I accept the regency under the limitations you propose, which I think are improper, and which I hope parliament will annul ?

The question being called for, the house divided, when there appeared-for the amendment 178; against it 251; majority 73. The original resolution was then put and agreed to, and the house adjourned.

JANUARY 6, 1789.

REGENCY RESTRICTIONS.

Mr. Pitt having given notice that he should this day propose to the house the restrictions within which the exercise of the regal power should be granted to the regent, Mr. Loveden rose as soon as the order of the day was moved, and observed, that before the house proceeded to settle the terms of the regency, he conceived that they ought to know exactly where they were, and what the exigency of the case really was, the providing for which had been the object of their deliberations. No limitations of any kind could be suitably adopted without having a reference to the cause which created the necessity for their introduction; and therefore, before they went a step further, in his humble judgment, they ought to know precisely what was the present state of his Majesty's health, what the degree of alteration it had undergone since his Majesty's physicians were last examined, and whether the probability of his recovery was increased, or less than it had been at that period. This was the more necessary as reports had gone abroad of a very contradictory kind, and the authority of the different physicians who attended his Majesty had been made use of to give sanction to those reports. He therefore moved, That the physicians who have attended his Majesty should be again examined, to inform the house whether any alteration or amendment had taken place in the state of the king's health; and if the present symptoms were such as to give reason to hope for his Majesty's speedy recovery.” This motion gave rise to a warm debate, which was managed not with the most perfect temper and moderation on either side of the house. An entire change in the ministerial offices of government was considered as one of the immediate consequences of the appointment of the Prince of Wales to the regency. And as the restrictions which Mr. Pitt had declared his intention of moving could not fail to weaken and embarrass, in a considerable degree, the new administration, and as the propriety of these restrictions was contended for upon a presumption of the speedy recovery of the king, the contending parties caught with great eagerness at some little difference of opinion relative to that point which prevailed amongst the medical gentlemen who attended him. In the course of the debate on Mr. Loveden's motion Mr. Pitt treated the opinion of Dr. Warren, who was less sanguine in his expectations of an immediate recovery than others, as if it had been dictated by a partiality to the rising administration, and he insinuated that from the warmth with which that opinion was taken up and defended on the other side, it looked as if those gentlemen spoke from their wishes. These insinuations were repelled, as being both scandalously unjust and basely illiberal; and, in return, Dr. Willis, who was extremely confident in his expectations, and consequently the favourite on the other side, was represented as a tool employed to serve the designs of Mr. Pitt's faction. After much altercation on this subject it was agreed that a new committee should be appointed, and that the physicians should be re-examined. In the course of the preceding debate Mr. Pulteney mentioned his determination to divide the house, declaring that it was not likely that all his Majesty's physicians should decide alike, and therefore, as he considered the proposed inquiry to be nothing more than a design to delay, he would take the sense of the house on the question of the order of the day.