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and then said, that, in order to obviate the right honourable gentleman's scruples, he should propose an alteration to his amendment, to which he did not think that the right honourable gentleman could object. If he had understood what the right honourable gentleman had said before upon the subject, he had signified that his objection to the amendment was, that it proved what the right honourable gentleman had termed a partial selection from a paragraph in his letter to the Prince of Wales; and that he had left out certain words of importance. He could not, Mr. Sheridan remarked, consider those omitted words in any other light than as words of surplusage; but, in order to satisfy the right honourable gentleman, and to remove all his doubts, he had now taken those words of the right honourable gentleman's letter, that the right honourable gentleman had complained were omitted in the motion. The matter would then go clearly, and without reserve, to his royal highness, and they would see by his royal highness's answer, what steps they ought next to take. The words Mr. Sheridan meant to add to his motion were these, "but if, unfortunately, his Majesty's recovery should be protracted to a more distant period than there is at present reason to imagine, it will be open hereafter to the wisdom of parliament to reconsider these provisions." Mr. Sheridan said, that he must beg leave to read that part of the motion on which the right honourable gentleman had relied, as marking, in the right honourable gentleman's mind, that the restrictions were calculated merely for the present exigency, and were consequently only of a temporary nature. He asked if those words conveyed so clearly, distinctly, and intelligibly, that the restrictions were permanent, and not temporary, as the words of his amendment warranted such a conclusion. Why then, would the right honourable gentleman use dubious words, when he might speak plainly and directly? The right honourable gentleman had before declared his letter was partially quoted. He had now taken the part which was omitted, and added it to the other; and, therefore, if the right honourable gentleman meant to do justice to the public and to the prince, he could not, with the least consistency, persevere in his objections.

Upon the question being put that the house do give leave that the first amend_ ment might be withdrawn, in order to give Mr. Sheridan an opportunity to join the first and second, and move both as one amendment, leave was given, and the

question was then put on the whole of the conjoint amendment, which was negatived without a division, and the main question carried. Mr. Pitt next moved, "That the resolution which relates to the care of his Majesty's person, and the management of his Majesty's household, being in the queen, should be communicated to her Majesty with an address, humbly desiring her Majesty to take under her care those important trusts as soon as an act of parliament can be passed for that purpose." This was agreed to.

JANUARY 29.

REGENCY RESTRICTIONS.

Mr. Pitt moved, "That the order of the day for going into a committee on the state of the nation be discharged." This having been agreed to, he next moved, "That the house resolve itself into a committee on the state of the nation on the ensuing Monday." As soon as the speaker had read this resolution,

MR. SHERIDAN rising immediately, remarked that he felt it impossible to remain silent concerning the situation in which the house stood. The right honourable gentleman had, on the preceding Tuesday, declared, that there would not be the delay which an honourable friend of his, as well as he, had expressed their apprehensions of, during the course of the debate, but that on that day the house would have to proceed in the committee on the state of the nation. They now found themselves no nearer to the object than they were on Tuesday last. He wished therefore, before the question was put, to know from the right honourable gentleman, what could occasion this failure of his promise, and consequently this impediment to business.

Mr. Pitt answered, that he readily acknowledged having expressed a hope on Tuesday of the houses being able to proceed as that day, in the committee on the state of the nation, and, at the time, he had expected that his hope would have been fulfilled, but events had since taken such a turn as rendered it impossible. He could not, in a parliamentary manner, communicate what those events were, but as he was anxious at all times to give the house every possible satisfaction, out of order as it was, he would venture to mention that he believed his royal highness had appointed the next day, at three o'clock, to receive the joint address of the two houses; and that the house of lords would sit on Saturday to take the next step for providing a commission for opening the parliament, and therefore it would be to no purpose for that house to sit on the same day.

Mr. Sheridan admitted that it was unparliamentary to take any notice of what the right honourable gentleman had said; but, as it had been expected on the preceding Monday, that the address would have been moved in the house of lords on that day, and one of his Majesty's ministers had prevented it ;-so the

same hindrance might arise again, in respect to the commission to be issued for opening the parliament. On Tuesday last the right honourable gentleman had declared, that there existed the most perfect harmony and cordiality among his Majesty's servants; he hoped, therefore, that the right honourable gentleman would feel no difficulty in giving the house a positive assurance that the business would be proceeded on in the house of lords on Saturday, either by pledging himself for the fact, or stating that he really had good reason to believe it would so turn out; or, if he was unwilling to do this, that he would suffer that house to sit on Saturday, that they might enter upon the business, in case the lords should disappoint them, as they had done on the preceding Monday. He could not, Mr. Sheridan remarked, presume to say that the Prince of Wales would have been ready to receive the joint address, and to have given his answer upon that day; but would the right honourable gentleman undertake to declare, that his royal highness would not have received it that morning?

To this no answer was given.

Mr. Sheridan moved, as an amendment to the motion, to leave out the word "Monday," and insert the word "Saturday." By sitting on Saturday, the house, he said, would at least have one advantage;-if a part of administration should prevent the business proceeding in the house of lords on that day, as they had done, in the case of the address, on the preceding Monday, that house could go on with it, and thus prevent farther delay.

At length the question was put and the house divided, that the words "Monday next," stand part of this question. Ayes 70; noes 52. The main question was then put and agreed to.

FEBRUARY 2.

REGENCY RESTRICTIONS.

The following resolution passed by the lords having been communicated to the house of commons, Mr. Pitt moved for their concurrence therein. This motion, which was at length carried without a division, gave rise to a long and warm debate.

Resolved, "That it is expedient and necessary that letters patent, under the great seal of Great Britain, be empowered to be issued by the authority of the two houses of parliament, in the tenor and form following." Here followed an exact transcript of the writ usually issued under the sign manual, empowering certain commissioners to open and hold the king's parliament at Westminster. The

commissioners nominated by the present letters patent were, the Prince of Wales, the Dukes of York, Cumberland, and Gloucester, together with the other persons usually inserted therein.

MR. SHERIDAN observed, that he rose merely in consequence of what had fallen from an honourable gentleman over the way (Mr. Rolle). Mr. Sheridan denied that his right honourable friend (Mr. Fox), who was not then present, had ever asserted the Prince of Wales's right to assume the exercise of the royal authority, without the adjudication of the two houses of parliament. The question of right was, therefore, unnecessarily agitated, because the doctrine of the two houses having a right to provide for the defect in the exercise of the royal authority, had never been denied. With regard to his right honourable friend standing high in the confidence of the Prince of Wales, the fact undoubtedly was, that his right honourable friend stood higher in the opinion of his royal highness than any other person; and the reason was, that his royal highness reposed the greatest confidence where he found the greatest merits. Of the secession to which the honourable gentleman had alluded, the reason was obvious. It was extraordinary that the minister should have been with the Prince of Wales the day before the commission had been proposed in the other house of parliament, and that he should not have consulted his royal highness, whether it was agreeable to him, or to his royal brother, and royal uncles, to admit the respective insertion of their names in a commission issued on principles repugnant to those contained in a protest which the Duke of York had subscribed and recognized. As to the base coinage which was intended to be issued in the name of royalty, without its bearing one feature of the royal countenance, Mr. Sheridan said, that after the able arguments which had been urged, and particularly the speech of his right honourable friend (Mr. Burke), to which it was enough barely to allude, he would not pay remarks of such expressive force so ill a compliment, as to trouble the committee with an attempt to give them—what they did not want-additional validity by a continuance of reasoning upon the subject.

FEBRUARY 7.

REGENCY RESTRICTIONS.

On the 3rd of February Mr. Pitt had moved for leave to bring in a bill to provide for the care of his Majesty's royal person, and for the administration of the

regal authority during his Majesty's illness. Leave was accordingly given, and the bill was brought in and read for the first time on the day following; a second time on the 6th, and ordered to be committed on the 7th.

The regency bill consisted of thirty-two clauses. The clause which was first objected to in the committee was that which contained the oath to be taken by the regent. Two parts of this oath were objected to by Mr. Burke.-First, that by which he was bound" to take care of the personal safety of the king to the utmost of his power and ability;” a provision which could only be considered as a mockery and insult upon the Prince of Wales, when it was well known that he was not in the smallest degree entrusted with the care of the royal person. Secondly, that part by which he was bound" to govern according to the stipulations and regulations contained in the bill." It was asked for what purpose this idea of a covenant was embodied; and why the words did not run in general terms, as in the coronation, "according to the laws of the land;" of which that bill, when it passed, would of course make a part. In answer to both these objections it was said, that the oath was taken from that inserted in the regency act of the present reign; and with regard to the first objection it was said, that the regent, possessing almost the whole executive power, would be possessed of means peculiar to himself of providing for the king's illness; such as protecting him against treason, seditions, and riots, in case of civil war, or of invasion. The seventh clause, providing against the non-residence of the prince, and against his marrying a Papist, being read, Mr. Rolle rose, and again brought on the subject of the rumour which had formerly prevailed of the prince's marriage. He concluded with moving that the words, or who is or should be married in law, or in fact to be a Papist," be inserted. This produced much altercation, in which the mover was treated with great asperity by Lord North, Mr. Grey, Mr. Courtenay, and Mr. Sheridan.

MR. SHERIDAN observed, that he should now trespass much less than he at first designed upon the attention of the house, because the noble lord (North) in the blue riband had so completely answered his purpose of rising at all. There was undoubtedly a disposition on the side of the house on which he sat, to treat the matter without much discussion; but he could not help thinking the right honourable gentleman had endeavoured to raise a warm discussion, by imputing intentions which could not exist. The noble lord in the blue riband had treated the subject with that levity which better became it, than the pompous solemnity it had been dressed up with by those honourable gentlemen who had said they had their doubts, but that they wished them to be hushed up. If any gentleman seriously thought that the matter, so darkly hinted at, had taken place, it was his duty to state the ground why he thought it necessary to propose an inquiry, and to probe that inquiry to the bottom. "With regard to the honourable gentleman's motives," continued

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