blame for the latest crime, the traces of which lead to Belgrade. It has become evident that it is compatible neither with the dignity nor with the self-preservation of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy longer to view supinely the doings across the border which constitute a constant menace to the safety and the integrity of the Monarchy. In such a state of affairs, the action and the demands of the Austro-Hungarian Government can only be considered as justifiable. Nevertheless, the expressions of opinion in Servia and the attitude of the Government give rise to apprehension that the Servian Government may decline to accede to these demands and allow itself to be carried away into assuming a provocative attitude toward AustriaHungary. In such an event the Austro-Hungarian Government, unless prepared forever to renounce its position as a great power, would have no choice but to press its demands upon the Servian Government, and, if need be, enforce them by the employment of military measures, the nature of which must be left for its decision.

"I have the honor to request you to express yourself in the sense indicated above [to the present representative of M. Viviani, Sir Edward Grey, M. Sazonof], and therewith give special emphasis to the view that this question relates to matters which should be settled solely between Austria-Hungary and Servia, and that it must be the earnest endeavor of the powers to insure that it be so restricted. We anxiously desire the localization of the conflict because any intervention on the part of another power would, because of the various treaty stipulations of alliance, lead to inconceivable consequences.

"I shall await with interest a telegraphic report of the result of your interview." (July 23, G. W. B., exhibit 16; cf. Memorandum, p. 6.)

In communicating this note, a copy of which he was not willing to leave, to the French Government, the German Ambassador dwelt with particular emphasis on the last

paragraphs, to the effect that the question was a matter to be settled between Austria and Servia alone, and that the German Government ardently desired that the conflict be localized, as any intervention by a third power would be of a nature to entail incalculable consequences.1 (Cf. F. Y. B. no. 28.) In accordance with the instructions of the Chancellor a similar communication was made at London (cf. B. W. P. no. 9) and at St. Petersburg (cf. R. O. P. no. 18).

Throughout the period of crisis the German Government continued to insist upon the "localization" of the conflict. (Cf. B. W. P. nos. 2, 9, 40, 43, 48, 55, 62; R. O. P. nos. 8, 18, 28, 34, 41; G. W. B., Memorandum, pp. 6, 10, exhibits 1, 2, 10.)

Germany justified her action not only on the ground of her obligation as Austria's ally, but from the general point of view that Austria's action was taken in defense of her very existence. (B. W. P., Miscellaneous, no. 10 [1914], p. 2; B. W. P. nos. 7, 48, 61; 91; G. W. B., Memorandum, p. 6, exhibit 1; F. Y. B. no. 93.) German representatives asserted that if Servia did not yield to Austria's just demands, she would have against her European public opinion and would be condemned by the judgment of the whole civilized world. (Cf. F. Y. B. no. 9.)

1 The attitude of the German Government is well illustrated in the interview, between Dr. Spalaikovitch, Servian Minister at St. Petersburg, and the German Ambassador, Count Pourtalès, as reported by the former in his dispatch to Belgrade July 24 :

"On leaving the office of M. Sazanof whom I acquainted with the text of the Austro-Hungarian ultimatum, I met the German Ambassador. He appeared to be in very good humor. In the conversation which ensued on the subject of the step which Austria-Hungary had taken, I asked Count Pourtalès to indicate to me a way out of the situation created by the Austro-Hungarian ultimatum. The ambassador answered that it all depended on Servia, since it was a question which ought to be settled by Austria and Servia alone, and in which no one else could interfere. I replied to Count de Pourtalès that he was mistaken and that before long he would be convinced that it was not a question merely between Servia and Austria, but a European question." (July 24, S. B. B. no. 36.)

In a confidential communication to the Governments of the German states the Chancellor stated: "In view of the facts which the Austro-Hungarian Government has published in its note to the Servian Government, the last doubt must disappear that the outrage to which the AustroHungarian successor to the throne and his wife have fallen victims was prepared in Servia, with the connivance, to say the least, of members of the Servian Government and army. It is a product of the Pan-Serb intrigues which for a series of years have become a source of permanent disturbance to the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy and the whole of Europe." (July 28, G. W. B. exhibit 2.)

The German view is summed up in their Memorandum: "From the beginning of the conflict we took the stand that the question was one which concerned Austria, and it would have to be left for her to settle alone with Servia. Accordingly, we devoted our efforts to securing the localization of the war and convincing the other powers that Austria-Hungary had, through the force of circumstances, been obliged to decide upon an appeal to arms in legitimate self-defense." (G. W. B., Memorandum, p. 7.)

In response to the declaration that they desired and aimed at the "localization" of the conflict, the German Memorandum states that the French and English Governments promised action in the same direction.1 (G. W. B., Memorandum, p. 6; cf. B. W. P. nos. 5, 25.)

The Russian Ambassador at Vienna summed up the

1 Sir Edward Grey declared that he was not concerned in a Balkan question. I do not find any such statement made by the French. On the contrary, M. Paul Cambon, French Ambassador at London, advised Sir Edward Grey that it was necessary to intervene between Austria and Servia. (Cf. B. W. P. no. 10.)

The German Chancellor has stated: "From the first moment of the Austrian conflict we strove and labored that this conflict might be confined to Austria-Hungary and Servia. All the Cabinets, notably the English Cabinet, took the same ground, only Russia insisted that she would have to say a word." (Extract from Chancellor von Bethmann-Hollweg's speech in the Reichstag, August 4, 1914. From What Germany Wants, by Edmund von Mach, p. 147. See also International Conciliation Pamphlet, no. 84.)

situation when he said that it was not, according to his opinion, a question of "localizing" the conflict, but of preventing it. (Cf. F. Y. B. no. 83.)

5. The responsibility Russia will incur by supporting Servia

The German Chancellor, Von Bethmann-Hollweg, when refusing to discuss the Servian note with the British Ambassador, said that 'Austria's standpoint, with which he agreed, was that her quarrel with Servia was a purely Austrian concern, with which Russia had nothing to do.' (Modified quotation, July 28, B. W. P. no. 71.) This did not, of course, mean that the German Government was ignorant of the importance to Russia of the maintenance of their prestige in the Balkans. In fact the German Government said: "We are perfectly aware that the possibility of warlike operations on the part of Austria-Hungary toward Servia may bring Russia into the field, and that we may, therefore, in accordance with our duty as allies, become involved in the war." (Extract, G. W. B., Memorandum, p. 5.)

To quote from the Chancellor's instructions to the German representatives: "Some exponents of Russian opinion regard it as a self-evident right and as the task of Russia to take action in support of Servia in the conflict between Austria-Hungary and Servia. For the European conflagration which would result from such a step by Russia, the Novoe Vremja believes itself justified in holding Germany responsible in so far as she does not induce Austria-Hungary to yield. In this the Russian press reverses the situation. It is not Austria-Hungary that has evoked the conflict with Servia, but it was Servia that, through an unscrupulous fostering of Pan-Serb aspirations, even in the territory of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, has threatened her very existence and created conditions, which eventually found expression in the criminal act at Serajevo. If Russia believes that she must champion the

cause of Servia in this conflict, she certainly has a perfect right to do so. However, she must realize that by so doing she accepts the Servian activities for the undermining of the existence of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy as her own, and that she alone becomes responsible, if out of the Austro-Servian affair, which all other great powers desire to localize, there should arise a European war. This responsibility of Russia's is perfectly evident and weighs all the heavier since Count Berchtold has officially declared to Russia that Austria-Hungary has no intention of acquiring Servian territory or of assailing the stability of the Servian Kingdom, but only desires peace through the cessation of the Servian intrigues which threaten her exist

ence.

"The attitude of the Imperial Government in this question is clearly marked out in advance. The agitation conducted by the Pan-Slavs against Austria-Hungary has for its goal, through the destruction of the Monarchy of the Danube, the sundering or weakening of the Triple Alliance and in consequence the complete isolation of the German Empire. Our own nearest interest therefore calls us to the side of Austria-Hungary. The duty, likewise, of keeping Europe from a universal war, if at all possible, points to our supporting those endeavors which aim at the localization of the conflict, faithful to the policies which we have carried out successfully for forty-four years in the interest of the preservation of the peace of Europe.

"If, however, contrary to what we hope, the fire should be spread, through Russia's intervention, as faithful allies, we should have to support the neighboring monarchy with all the power of the Empire. Only under compulsion shall we grasp the sword, but when we do, it will be with a clear consciousness that we are not to blame for the calamity which war must bring upon the peoples of Europe." (Extract, July 28, G. W. B. exhibit 2.)

Russia's answer to these arguments of Germany is ex