pressed in the objection which she opposed to Austria's action in regard to Servia as has been already discussed.1

6. The situation between Germany and Russia becomes acute The British Ambassador at St. Petersburg, as early as July 25, 'said all he could to impress prudence on the Minister for Foreign Affairs, and warned him that if Russia mobilized, Germany would not be content with mere mobilization or give Russia time to carry out hers, but would probably declare war at once.' (Modified quotation, July 25, B. W. P. no. 17.) This situation was perfectly well understood by all the powers. In studying the events and negotiations preceding the war, it must always be borne in mind that, whether justified or not, a general mobilization on Russia's part would bring on war at once.

On July 26, the German Chancellor telegraphed the German Ambassador at London: 'According to reports reaching here, Russia is about to summon several bodies of reservists immediately, which would be equivalent to mobilization against us. If this news is corroborated, we shall be forced against our will to take measures to meet it.' (Modified quotation, July 26, G. W. B. exhibit 10.) The next day (July 27) Von Jagow, German Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, told the British Ambassador that 'if Russia mobilized against Germany she would have to follow suit.' Sir Edward Goschen asked him what he meant by "mobilization against Germany." He replied that if Russia only mobilized in the south, Germany would not mobilize, but if she mobilized in the north, Germany would have to do so too, and the Russian system of mobilization was so complicated that it might be difficult exactly to locate it. Germany would therefore have to be very careful not to be taken by surprise.' (Modified quotations, July 27, B. W. P. no. 43. Cf. F. Y. B. no. 67.) On July 27, when the Russian Minister of War had ex1 See ante, chap. II, secs. 1 and 2.

plained to the German military attaché that the military preparations did not constitute mobilization, which would under no circumstances be undertaken on the German frontier, the latter had remarked that 'though Germany appreciated Russia's friendly intentions toward her, they must consider mobilization against Austria even as very menacing.' (Modified quotation, July 27, G. W. B. exhibit 11.) Germany heard of preparations on her frontier; beside the declaration of a state of war in Kovno (July 27, G. W. B. exhibit 11), it was reported that the Warsaw garrison had departed, and that the garrison at Alexandrovo had been strengthened. (G. W. B. p. 8.)

When the Austrian Government learned that Russia would mobilize in the districts bordering on Austria, as a counter-measure if Austrian troops crossed the Servian frontier, Count Berchtold, on July 28, telegraphed the Austrian Ambassador at Berlin to go at once to the Imperial Chancellor or Secretary of State and inform him of the preparations Russia was making.

"Under these circumstances," Count Berchtold further said, "I wish urgently to request the Berlin Cabinet to consider whether it should not be intimated to Russia in a friendly manner that the mobilization of the districts above referred to would constitute a threat against AustriaHungary and, should it actually occur, must therefore be answered, on the part of the Monarchy and her ally, the German Empire, by the most extensive military counter-measures.

"In order to make it easier for Russia to acquiesce, it seems to us better that such a step should first be undertaken by Germany alone, though, of course, we would be willing to take part in it with her.

"It seems to me that at this moment plain language would be the most efficacious means for bringing to Russia's attention the consequences of assuming a threatening attitude." (Extract, July 28, A. R. B. no. 42.)

On July 29, M. Sazonof informed the German Ambassador of 'the military measures made necessary by the mobilization of the greatest part of the Austrian army, and explained that none of them were directed against Germany.' (Modified quotation, July 29, R. O. P. no. 49.)

On July 29, M. Sazonof telegraphed the Russian Ambassador at Paris that 'the German Ambassador had communicated to him the resolution taken by his Government to mobilize if Russia did not stop her military preparations, which M. Sazonof declared Russia only took in consequence of the mobilization Austria had already proceeded with, and in view of the evident absence on Austria's part of any desire to find some method of effecting a pacific solution of her conflict with Servia. Since Russia was unable to accede to Germany's wishes, the only remaining course was to accelerate the Russian armament and to make preparations for a war which was probably inevitable.' (Modified quotation, July 29, R. O. P. no. 58.) On that same day (July 29) Count Berchtold sent the following telegram to the Austrian Ambassador at Berlin:

"I have just been informed by Herr von Tchirsky that the Russian Ambassador communicated to him that he had been told by his Government that the military districts of Kief, Odessa, Moscow, and Kazan had been mobilized,

1 It is interesting to compare the course pursued by the German government with what Bismarck said regarding the course to be pursued in 1888:

"You will ask: 'If that is so, what is the use of this expensive allocation of the Russian troops?' That is one of the questions for which one hardly can expect an answer from a ministry of foreign affairs, itself vitally interested. If we should begin to ask for explanations, we might receive forced replies, and our surrejoinders would also have to be forced. That is a dangerous path which I do not like to tread. Allocations of troops are things for which one does not take the other country to task, asking for categorical explanations, but against which one takes counter-precautions with equal reserve and circumspection." (Speech of Bismarck, February 6, 1888; from What Germany Wants, by Edmund von Mach, D. 84.)

that Russia's honor as a great power had been impugned, and that she had been forced to take the requisite steps. The Russian mobilization is confirmed by the commanders of our Galician corps, and, following a report from the Austro-Hungarian military attachés, it was also not denied to-day by M. Sazonof to the German Ambassador.

"I request Your Excellency to bring the above immediately to the attention of the German Government and to emphasize in this connection that if the Russian mobilization measures are not immediately stopped our general mobilization will be made necessary at once for military reasons.

"As a last resort, to prevent European war, I considered it desirable that our representative and the German representative in St. Petersburg, and possibly in Paris, be at once instructed to inform those Governments in a friendly manner that the continuation of Russian mobilization would occasion counter-measures in Germany and Austria-Hungary, which must necessarily lead to serious consequences.

"Your Excellency will please add that it is self-evident that we naturally will not allow ourselves to be deflected in our hostile attitude toward Servia.

"The Austro-Hungarian Ambassadors in St. Petersburg and Paris are being instructed to make a similar statement as soon as their German colleague receives like instructions." (July 29, A. R. B. no. 48; cf. A. R. B. no. 46.)

The French Ambassador at St. Petersburg, reporting the interview referred to above, between Count Pourtalès and M. Sazonof on July 29, said that 'the German Ambassador stated that if Russia did not stop her military preparations, the German army would receive the order to mobilize. M. Sazonof replied that the Russian preparations had been due, on the one hand, to the persistently uncompromising attitude of Austria; and, on the other hand, to the fact that eight Austro-Hungarian army corps

were already mobilized. The tone with which Count de Pourtalès performed this task had decided the Russian Government to order that very evening the mobilization of the thirteen corps destined to operate against Austria.' (Modified quotation, July 29, F. Y. B. no. 100; cf. R. O. P. nos. 49, 58; G. W. B., Memorandum, p. 10.)

On July 30, the Russian Ambassador at Berlin telegraphed his Government that 'the decree of mobilization of the German army and fleet had just been promulgated.' (Modified quotation, July 30, R. O. P. no. 61.) But he immediately afterwards informed his Government that 'the Minister for Foreign Affairs had just telephoned him to communicate to him that the news just given of the mobilization of the German army and fleet was false; that the newspapers' slips were printed in advance in view of all eventualities and put on sale at mid-day, but that now they had been confiscated.' (Modified quotation, July 30, R. O. P. no. 62.)

It would be interesting to learn whether this was merely a typical example of journalistic enterprise, or an effort to stir up an irresistible war spirit so as to hasten the declaration of war. When the Berliner Tageblatt similarly distributed extras with the unauthorized statement that England had declared war against Germany, Von Jagow, apologizing to the British Ambassador, said it was the fault of the "pestilential Tageblatt." (B. W. P., Miscellaneous, no. 8, 1914.)

The British Ambassador at Paris telegraphed Sir Edward Grey: 'President of the Republic tells me that the Russian Government have been informed by the German Government that unless Russia stopped her mobilization Germany would mobilize. But a further report, since received from St. Petersburg, states that the German communication had been modified, and is now a request to be informed on what conditions Russia would consent to demobilization. The answer given was that she agreed to do