standing grounds of difference. Northern Persia was allotted to Russia as being within her sphere of influence, while the southern part fell to England. This practically amounted to a partition of this small weak state just on the point of instituting veritable reforms. A small central portion, it is true, was still left to Persia to constitute a buffer state between Russia and England, and to serve, perhaps, as a sop to English conceptions of international morality. As a result of all these efforts, the Triple Alliance found itself confronted by the gradually forming Triple Entente in which France was linked by an alliance with Russia and a friendly understanding with England. Germany felt herself hemmed in on every side. 7. The Casablanca affair After the agreement reached at Algeciras, it was natural that there should be a certain animus between the French and Germans in Morocco, and in 1908, in the course of the military operations which the French were conducting, six of the members of the French Foreign Legion at Casablanca fled to the German Consulate and were there given protection by virtue of the privilege of extraterritorial jurisdiction which the consuls of the different powers enjoyed in Morocco. The German Consul had intended to extend his protection only to German nationals, but in point of fact three of the deserters were non-German. The consul, not realizing this, signed a safe-conduct for all six to be embarked upon a German ship. While on the way to the ship under the protection of German agents, they were arrested by French officials in spite of the protests of the German Consul, and in the mêlée which resulted, the Chancellor of the German Consulate and one of its Moroccan guards were roughly handled. This led to an energetic protest from the German Government and the demand that the deserters be restored to the German authorities. For a while the situation was most threaten ing. Germany contended that the rights of her consuls to exercise extraterritorial jurisdiction over German subjects in Morocco had been violated by the French officials. France, admitting the validity of such extraterritorial jurisdiction, considered, nevertheless, that the right of an armed force to control its members took precedence over the ordinary right to exercise extraterritorial jurisdiction. France refused to yield to the German demands, but was willing to refer the question to the Hague Tribunal. The award which it rendered in effect sustained the French position, though the language in which it was couched was evidently intended to avoid giving offense to German susceptibilities and to reach a verbal compromise. The decision was accepted by both parties. 8. Bosnia and Herzegovina When the German Emperor decided to cultivate close relations with the Turk, a great transformation was brought about in the situation of Europe. This policy was really determined by Austria's opposition to Russia's ambitions in the Balkans. Since Russia was known to covet the possession of Constantinople and the control of the Slav states of the peninsula, Austria's easiest method of defense was to support the Sublime Porte; Germany, who likewise feared Russian aggression along her unprotected frontier, was led by this common fear to form the closest of alliances with the Dual Monarchy. Thenceforth, Austria's policy toward Turkey became her own. Gradually England relinquished her rôle of protector of the Turk, to be replaced by Germany. The secondary consequences of this change of policy were important. Germany prevented Greece from acquiring Crete, and shielded the Sultan from the diplomatic intervention of the powers to protect the Christians in Macedonia. Turkish military prestige was high after her defeat of Greece in 1897, and German officers, under the great strategist, Von der Goltz, trained her forces. Germany in return for this assistance was able to count Turkey as almost an integral part of the Triple Alliance, and to secure concessions in the rich territory of Asia Minor, where she pushed the construction of the Baghdad Railway to link Constantinople with the Persian Gulf. Suddenly all Germany's plans were upset by the revolution of July 24, 1908, which brought the Young Turks into power. Imbued with liberal doctrines, they turned to England, and the British Ambassador was greeted with cheers wherever he went. In this emergency Baron Marschall von Bieberstein, Germany's astute Ambassador, was worth a whole army to her, for he soon was able to regain for Germany the position which she had before held. The Young Turks did not show political wisdom in the conduct of the foreign affairs of the Empire. They had irritated Bulgaria into seizing the Roumelian section of the Oriental Railway controlled by the Turks;1 and when Austria found that delegates from Bosnia and Herzegovina were preparing to send representatives to sit in the Turkish Chamber of Deputies, she considered it necessary to reaffirm her virtual sovereignty over Bosnia and Herzegovina by proclaiming their annexation, October 7, 1908. Austria had been playing second fiddle to Germany so long that her prestige as a great power had suffered, and Aerenthal, backed by the energetic Archduke Franz Ferdinand, thought the occasion opportune for showing Europe that Austria still counted. Germany supported her ally loyally. This action was well timed to make the Young Turks, at the moment they were turning their back on Germany and German influence, feel the folly of their course; at the same time it was a unique opportunity to 1 S. P. Duggan, "The Balkan Problem," Political Science Quarterly, March, 1913, p. 104. This article gives an admirable summary of recent events in the Balkans. allow Austria to make an advantageous readjustment without laying Germany open to the accusation of playing Turkey false. Italy was irritated by the annexation, for she had always feared to see Austria grow too strong in the Balkans and extend her power along the eastern shore of the Adriatic; but Servia most of all was injuriously affected. As long as Bosnia remained nominally under Turkish sovereignty, she had hoped a favorable opportunity might permit her to incorporate its large Serb population into a Greater Servia. Russia obviously would come to the assistance of Servia, or any other state opposed to Austria, and there was a possibility of her attacking Austria. England did not wish to be drawn into any dispute over a Balkan matter, but was disturbed by what she considered Austria's disregard of the terms of the Treaty of Berlin. Russia protested against this violation of the twentyfifth article of the Treaty of Berlin and declared that the question of Bosnia and Herzegovina interested all Europe and could not be settled without the assent of the powers signatory to the treaty.1 Sir Edward Grey supported Russia and pointed out that Austria was also violating the Treaty of London of 1871, the terms of which declare it to be "an essential principle of the law of nations that no power can liberate itself from the engagements of a treaty or modify the stipulations thereof unless with the consent of the contracting powers by means of an amicable arrangement."2 Diplomatic wrangling was ended when, on March 22, 1909, Germany announced that unless Russia consented to the abrogation of Article 25 of the Treaty of Berlin, Austria would invade Servia, to put an end to her preparations for an attack upon Austria. Russia was unprepared 1 For the terms of Article 25, see Documents, post, chap. XIII. S. P. Duggan, "The Balkan Problem," Political Science Quarterly, March, 1913, p. 105. for war and had to submit, especially since England and France were not ready to be dragged into a war over a Balkan question. If England and France had been in quest of an opportunity to strike Germany and Austria, they could not have found a better; but both were animated by peaceful intentions, and in Russia there was still a vivid recollection of the recent campaign in the Far East. So Russia yielded to the calming influence of France and England. The idea of a conference was abandoned. Austria's fait accompli was accepted, and Servia was even compelled (on March 31, 1909) to make a formal declaration that she would accept the situation, desist from her hostile preparations against Austria, and arrest her propaganda looking to the acquisition of Bosnia. A few months after this, Marschall von Bieberstein succeeded in reëstablishing German influence in Constantinople. For a while a calmer tone prevailed in European affairs, until the corruption in the blood of European politics came to a head again at Agadir. 9. Agadir The convention adopted by the Algeciras Conference to regulate the situation in Morocco has generally been considered as a defeat of German pretensions. Germany found it necessary at that particular moment to accept its terms, but she reserved the right to interpret them as best she might in her own interest; and just as France had formerly spent every effort to block the development of British control in Egypt, Germany now employed every means to thwart the extension of French influence in Morocco. She had seized upon the Casablanca incident, which gave her some reasonable ground of complaint, to cover demands for a modification of French policy in Morocco; France, by offering to submit the question to arbitration and letting it be perceived that she would resist any attempts at intimidation, succeeded in |