but he asked whether Sir Edward meant that England would under certain circumstances intervene. Sir Edward replied that he did not wish to say that, or to use anything that was like a threat or an attempt to apply pressure by saying that, if things became worse, the British Government would intervene. There would be no question of their intervening if Germany was not involved, or even if France was not involved. But the British Government knew very well that if the issue did become such that they thought British interests required them to intervene, they must intervene at once, and the decision would have to be very rapid, just as the decisions of other powers had to be. He hoped that the friendly tone of their conversations would continue as at present, and that he would be able to keep as closely in touch with the German Government in working for peace. But if they failed in their efforts to keep the peace, and if the issue spread so that it involved practically every European interest, he did not wish to be open to any reproach from him that the friendly tone of all their conversations had misled him or his Government into supposing that they would not take action, and to the reproach that, if they had not been so misled, the course of things might have been different.1

"The German Ambassador took no exception to what Sir Edward said; indeed, he told him that it accorded with what he had already given in Berlin as his own view of the situation.' (Modified quotation, July 29, B. W. P. no. 89; cf. F. Y. B. no. 98.)

1 We have seen above (p. 294) that Sir Edward Grey had already told the French Ambassador of his intention to give the German Ambassador this warning (cf. B. W. P. no. 87). German partisans have criticized Sir Edward Grey severely for thus taking M. Cambon into his confidence. Dr. Karl Helfferich cites various documents (R. O. P. no. 58; B. W. P. no. 17) in support of his contention that this act, by assuring France of England's support, decided the French Government to promise its support to Russia, (New York Times, March 14, 1915; see also Dr. Bernhard Dernburg, Search-Lights on the War, The Fatherland Corporation, New York, 1915.)

8. Germany's bid for English neutrality

At the very time (July 29) when the British Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs was explaining to the German Ambassador at London that England would not necessarily come in or stay out, but must, in case of a general European war, decide—and that very quickly-what her interests dictated, the German Chancellor, just returned to Berlin from Potsdam, was making an offer to the British Ambassador at Berlin to secure England's neutrality. He said that 'should Austria be attacked by Russia, a European conflagration might, he feared, become inevitable, owing to Germany's obligations as Austria's ally, in spite of his continued efforts to maintain peace. He then proceeded, as Sir Edward Goschen said, to make the following strong bid for British neutrality. He said that it was clear, so far as he was able to judge the main principle which governed British policy, that Great Britain would never stand by and allow France to be crushed in any conflict there might be. That, however, was not the object at which Germany aimed. Provided that the neutrality of Great Britain were certain, every assurance would be given to the British Government that the Imperial German Government aimed at no territorial acquisitions at the expense of France, should they prove victorious in any war that might ensue.

'When questioned about the French colonies, the Chancellor said that he was unable to give a similar undertaking in that respect. As regards Holland, however, he said that, so long as Germany's adversaries respected the integrity and neutrality of the Netherlands, Germany was ready to give the British Government an assurance that she would do likewise. It depended upon the action of France what operations Germany might be forced to enter upon in Belgium, but when the war was over, Belgian integrity would be respected, if she had not sided against Germany.

'He ended by saying that ever since he had been Chancellor, the object of his policy had been, as Sir Edward Grey was aware, to bring about an understanding with England; he trusted that these assurances might form the basis of that understanding which he so much desired. He had in mind a general neutrality agreement between England and Germany, though it was of course at the present moment too early to discuss details, and an assurance of British neutrality, in the conflict which the present crisis might possibly produce, would enable him to look forward to the realization of his desire. In reply to an inquiry how he thought this request would appeal to Sir Edward Grey, Sir Edward Goschen said that he did not think it probable that at this stage of events Sir Edward Grey would care to bind himself to any course of action and that he was of opinion that Sir Edward Grey would desire to retain full liberty.' (Modified quotation, July 29, B. W. P. no. 85.)

To this, Sir Edward Grey replied (July 30) in a telegram to the British Ambassador at Berlin:

"His Majesty's Government cannot for a moment entertain the Chancellor's proposal that they should bind themselves to neutrality on such terms.

"What he asks us in effect is to engage to stand by while French colonies are taken and France is beaten, so long as Germany does not take French territory as distinct from the colonies.

"From the material point of view such a proposal is unacceptable, for France, without further territory in Europe being taken from her, could be so crushed as to lose her position as a great power, and become subordinate to German policy.

"Altogether apart from that, it would be a disgrace for us to make this bargain with Germany at the expense of France, a disgrace from which the good name of this country would never recover.

"The Chancellor also in effect asks us to bargain away whatever obligations or interest we have as regards the neutrality of Belgium. We could not entertain that bargain either.

"Having said so much, it is unnecessary to examine whether the prospect of a future general neutrality agreement between England and Germany offered positive advantages sufficient to compensate us for tying our hands now. We must preserve our full freedom to act as circumstances may seem to us to require in any such unfavorable and regrettable development of the present crisis as the Chancellor contemplates." (Extract, July 30, B. W. P. no. 101; cf. F. Y. B. no. 126.)

Then Sir Edward Grey, in the words referred to above (see above, pp. 281, 282), directed the Ambassador to speak of the need of coöperation between England and Germany and of Sir Edward's hopes that, if they succeeded in preserving the peace, their relations would be improved, and to say that he would work for some arrangement to assure Germany against aggression from any European power.

When the British Ambassador at Berlin read to Von Bethmann-Hollweg Sir Edward Grey's 'answer to his appeal for British neutrality in the event of war, the Chancellor was so taken up with the news of the Russian measures along the frontier that he received the communication without comment. He asked the Ambassador to let him have the message just read to him as a memorandum, as he would like to reflect upon it before giving an answer, and his mind was so full of grave matters that he could not be certain of remembering all its points. Sir Edward Goschen, therefore, handed to him the text of the message on the understanding that it should be regarded merely as a record of conversation, and not as an official document. To this the Chancellor agreed.' (Modified quotation, July 31, B. W. P. no. 109.)

Before Sir Edward Goschen had communicated this

message from Sir Edward Grey, the German Secretary of State learned of England's attitude in a telegram from Prince Lichnowsky à propos of which Herr Von Jagow said that it 'contained matter which he had heard with regret, but not exactly with surprise, and at all events he thoroughly appreciated the frankness and loyalty with which Sir Edward Grey had spoken. He also told the British Ambassador that this telegram had only reached Berlin very late the night before; had it been received earlier the Chancellor would, of course, not have spoken to him in the way he had done.' (Modified quotation, July 30, B. W. P. no. 98.)

While this exchange was going on, the situation had been growing rapidly worse between Russia and Germany, and on July 31, the German Chancellor informed Sir Edward Goschen that 'if, as he learned was the case, military measures were then being taken by Russia against Germany also, it would be impossible for him to remain quiet. He wished to tell the Ambassador, he said, that it was quite possible that in a very short time, that day, perhaps, the German Government would have to take some very serious step; he was, in fact, just on the point of going to have an audience with the Emperor.' (Modified quotation, July 31, B. W. P. no. 108.)

On August 1, the day Germany declared war against Russia, Sir Edward Grey had an important interview with the German Ambassador at London, in which he told Prince Lichnowsky that 'the reply of the German Government with regard to the neutrality of Belgium was a matter of very great regret, because the neutrality of Belgium affected feeling in the country. If Germany could see her way to give the same assurance as that which had been given by France, it would materially contribute to relieve anxiety and tension. On the other hand, if there were a violation of the neutrality of Belgium by one combatant while the other respected it, it would be extremely difficult