Apparently the German Government wished to put their action in Belgium in the light of a reprisal or violation of international law in answer to that of France.

At the hour of the expiration of the German ultimatum, Monday morning, August 3, the Belgian Government handed Von Below its answer:

'By their note of the 2d of August, 1914, the German Government has made known that according to certain intelligence the French forces intend to march on the Meuse via Givet and Namur, and that Belgium, in spite of her good intentions, would not be able without help to beat off an advance of the French troops.

'The German Government felt it to be its duty to forestall this attack, and to violate Belgian territory. Under these conditions Germany proposes to the Belgian Government to take up a friendly attitude, and undertakes when peace is established to guarantee the integrity of the Belgian Kingdom and of its possessions in their entirety. The note adds that if Belgium raises difficulties about the advance of the German troops, Germany will be compelled to consider her as an enemy and to leave to the decision of arms settlement of the later relations of the two states toward one another.

"This note caused profound and painful surprise to the Belgian Government.

"The intentions which it attributed to France are in contradiction with the express declarations which were made to us on the 1st of August, in the name of the Government of the Republic.

'Moreover, if, contrary to our expectation, a violation of Belgian neutrality were to be committed by France, Belgium would fulfill all her international duties, and her army would offer the most vigorous opposition to the invader.

"The treaties of 1839, confirmed by the treaties of 1870, establish the independence and the neutrality of Belgium

under the guaranty of the powers, and particularly of the Government of His Majesty the King of Prussia.

'Belgium has always been faithful to her international obligations; she has fulfilled her duties in a spirit of loyal impartiality; she has neglected no effort to maintain her neutrality or to make it respected.

'The attempt against her independence with which the German Government threatens her would constitute a flagrant violation of international law. No strategic interest justifies the violation of that law.

"The Belgian Government would, by accepting the propositions which are notified to her, sacrifice the honor of the nation while at the same time betraying her duties toward Europe.

'Conscious of the part Belgium has played for more than eighty years in the civilization of the world, she refuses to believe that the independence of Belgium can be preserved only at the expense of the violation of her neutrality.

'If this hope were disappointed the Belgian Government has firmly resolved to repulse by every means in her power any attack upon her rights.' (Modified quotation, August 3, B. G. P. no. 22.)

The Council of Ministers having decided that 'there was not for the moment reason to appeal to the guaranteeing powers,' (B. G. P. no. 24), the French Minister to Belgium said: 'Without being instructed to make a declaration by his Government, he believed, however, judging by its known intentions, that he could say that if the Royal Government should appeal to the French Government, as a power guaranteeing her neutrality, the French Government would immediately respond to her appeal; if this appeal was not made, it is probable, unless of course the anxiety about their own defense should lead them to take exceptional measures, that the French Government would wait before intervening until Belgium had performed an

act of effective resistance.' (Modified quotation, August 3, B. G. P. no. 24.)

Probably the heroic little people wished first to make a stand for their rights. By this action, in not calling immediately upon the guaranteeing powers, they made it impossible for Germany to claim that Belgium had violated her obligations as a neutral; for if French troops had been rushed to the frontier, it would have been hard to tell just when they had entered Belgian territory.

12. England asked to guarantee the neutrality of France It will be remembered how Sir Edward Grey in a conversation with Prince Lichnowsky on July 29 had said that there would be no question of England's intervening if Germany was not involved, or even if France was not involved. (B. W. P. no. 89.) Three days after this declaration an important exchange of telegrams took place regarding the neutrality of France. August 1 is the date of Lichnowsky's dispatch informing his Government that 'Sir Edward had just asked him by telephone whether he believed he could declare the German Government would not attack France in case of war between Germany and Russia, provided France remained neutral. To which the Ambassador replied that he believed he could enter into such an agreement.' (Modified quotation, August 1, G. W. B. exhibit 33.)

This brought in response that same day two telegrams, one from the Kaiser:

"I have just received the communication from your Government offering French neutrality under guarantee of Great Britain. Added to this offer was the inquiry whether under these conditions Germany would refrain from attacking France. On technical grounds my mobilization, which had already been proclaimed this afternoon, must proceed against two fronts east and west as prepared; this cannot be countermanded because, I am sorry, your tele

gram came so late. But if France offers me neutrality which must be guaranteed by the British fleet and army, I shall of course refrain from attacking France and employ my troops elsewhere. I hope that France will not become nervous. The troops on my frontier are in the act of being stopped by telegraph and telephone from crossing into France." (August 1, G. W. B. exhibit 32.)

Von Bethmann-Hollweg telegraphed:

"Germany is ready to accept British proposal in case England guarantees with all her forces absolute neutrality of France in Russo-German conflict. German mobilization has been ordered to-day on account of Russian challenge before English proposal was known here. It is, therefore, now impossible to make any change in strategical distribution of troops ordered to the French frontier. But we guarantee that our troops will not cross the French frontier before 7 P.M. on Monday the 3rd inst. in case England will pledge herself meanwhile." (August 1, G. W. B. exhibit 34.) In reply to this response, King George telegraphed the same day:

"In answer to your telegram just received, I think there must be some misunderstanding as to a suggestion that passed in friendly conversation between Prince Lichnowsky and Sir Edward Grey this afternoon when they were discussing how actual fighting between German and French armies might be avoided while there is still a chance of some agreement between Austria and Russia. Sir Edward Grey will arrange to see Prince Lichnowsky early to-morrow morning to ascertain whether there is a misunderstanding on his part." (August 1, G. W. B. exhibit 35.)

This direct exchange of telegrams between the heads of the states was brought about by Prince Henry's telegram of July 30 to King George, informing him of the efforts the Kaiser was making to 'fulfill Nicky's appeal to him to

1 The authorized English version of the German White Book puts "Nicky" for Nicholas, but the German edition has "Nikolaus."

work for the maintenance of peace'; and urging the King, 'if he really and earnestly wished to prevent the terrible disaster, to use his influence on France and Russia to keep them neutral.' (Modified quotation, July 30, G. W. B. exhibit 29.) King George in his reply of the same date 'expressed pleasure at learning of the Kaiser's efforts, and explained the exertions the British Government were making, by suggesting to Russia and France to suspend further military preparations, if Austria would agree to content herself with the occupation of Belgrade and surrounding territory as a hostage for the satisfactory settlement of her demands, the other countries agreeing meanwhile to suspend their preparations for war.' (Modified quotation, July 30, G. W. B. exhibit 30.)

The foregoing telegrams were published in the NorthGerman Gazette, August 20, 1914. A few days later, when Lord Robert Cecil, in the House of Commons, asked the Secretary for Foreign Affairs whether his attention had been called to the publication by the German Government of certain proposals which were alleged to have been made to secure French and English neutrality during the war, and whether the publication was complete and accurate, Sir Edward Grey replied:

"I have seen an incomplete publication. The circumstances were as follows: It was reported to me one day that the German Ambassador had suggested that Germany might remain neutral in a war between Russia and Austria and also engage not to attack France if we would remain neutral and secure the neutrality of France. I said at once that if the German Government thought such an arrangement possible I was sure we could secure it.

"It appeared, however, that what the Ambassador meant was that we should secure the neutrality of France if Germany went to war with Russia. This was quite a different proposal, and as I supposed it in all probability to be incompatible with the terms of the Franco