all our best divines, of an influence inclining the heart, though not forcing it ;* all which is thus overlooked. Nothing can be further from my intention than to admit, that the Confession of Augsburg countenances any such system as this: it has merely omitted to guard against it so clearly and distinctly as our own articles have done.

We now turn to the proceedings adopted after the reading of the Confession. The legate, with the other papal emissaries, had been anxious that the Protestants should not at all be heard, but that a decision should at once be pronounced against their tenets, as already condemned by Leo X.; and that force should be resorted to, to put them down in short, that the edict of Worms should be strictly executed. As this could not be carried, the legate absented himself from the reading of the Confession, that he might not even seem to compromise the rights of the church, by admitting to a hearing that which she had condemned. The emperor, however, desired his advice respecting it, and he accordingly read it in private, with the divines who accompanied him; and thought, says Father Paul, "that a censure of it ought to be published in his name:" yet, "foreseeing that this would give occasion to greater tumults, and saying plainly that the difference for the most part seemed verbal, and it imported not much whether men spake after one manner or another;' and that it was not reasonable that the apostolic see should take part in the disputations of the schools; he refused to have his name used in these contentions." On the whole, however, he concluded, "that, the doctrine of the Lutherans having been read, in order to remove prejudice," that is, to efface the impression which had been made in its favour, "a confutation of it should be read likewise-but not published, for fear of opening a way to disputations; and that means should be used, by proposing favours and threats, to prevent the Protestants from going further." The emperor's counsellors concurring in this opinion of the legate, the Confession was delivered into the hands of the popish divines, particularly Faber and Eckius, that they might prepare a refutation of it. And on this work they employed between five and six weeks.

During this period Campeggio's plan of "favours and threats," particularly the latter, began to be put in practice. "Incline our hearts to keep this law," &c.

The Elector of Saxony had never yet received formal investiHe ture of his dignities and dominions from the emperor. now applied for this confirmation of his rights, but was surprised by a refusal. "The emperor would not grant it,

unless the elector would return to the Catholic church." In the same terms he refused to ratify the marriage of the elector's pious and excellent son, John Frederic, with Sibylla of Cleves. This was the more mean and cruel, as, in order to break off a match between his own sister (subsequently Queen of Portugal) and this young prince, Charles had promised to afford every countenance in his power to any other suitable alliance. In like manner, he threatened to deprive the Marquis of Brandenburg of the guardianship of his nephew. To the Landgrave of Hesse, on the other hand, he held out the hope of the restoration of Ulric of Wirtemberg, who had been expelled from his dukedom—an object which the landgrave had much at heart. But such "threats and favours" were as unavailing as they deserved to be; and no one of the Protestant princes was induced by them to swerve in the least from the principles which they had in common avowed.

At length the popish divines presented their refutation of the Confession. "The conclusion of it," says Sleidan, "was severe and hard; no less than the ban of the empire being threatened to those that obeyed not." Such was probably the proposal of the divines: but "the princes," Du Pin observes, "were of opinion, that all the biting expressions, which the divines could not help bringing in, should be taken out :" and thus qualified, it was read, on the 3d of August, in a full assembly of the states, the emperor premising that it had his approbation, and should receive his support.

Melancthon speaks of the refutation as "so puerile that it produced much mutual congratulation" among the Protestants. "All good and wise men," he says, "seem to be in better spirits since they heard it." After it had been read, it was acknowledged that some abuses existed, of which the emperor would endeavour to procure reformation. trusted therefore that the Protestants would return into the bosom of the church, and submit themselves. The Elector of Saxony answered for himself and his friends, That they would do any thing for peace which they could do with a

He

safe conscience; and, if convicted of any error by scriptural authority, they would readily renounce it. But he desired a copy of the Refutation, that they might consider it at leisure, and show on what points it was not satisfactory to them; which would be in conformity with the fair and candid discussion to which they had been invited. This however was refused. Two days after, a copy was offered, merely for their private perusal, and on condition that no transcript should be made, and that it should not be communicated to any other persons, as the emperor would have no further debate, but required them to submit to his decision. On such conditions they declined to receive it: and the night following, the landgrave suddenly quitted Augsburg, without taking leave; which much displeased the emperor. Being a discerning, and at the same time a somewhat hasty man, he had seen enough to convince him that no good was to be expected at Augsburg, and therefore he did not wish to be longer detained there.

Thus all prospect of the friendly discussion of differences, and much more of pacification, seemed to have vanished. None but the Protestants had submitted their tenets to examination, and they had been met only by an angry "refutation" (as it was called), and by demands of implicit submission, backed by threats in case of their refusal to comply. The Elector of Mentz, however, and other princes, desirous of trying what further could be accomplished, undertook to act as mediators between the parties. Their mediation however did not wear a very conciliatory aspect, when, in the very first conference which was held, one of their number permitted the declaration to escape him, That if the Elector of Saxony did not renounce and anathematize the new-fangled doctrine which he had embraced, the emperor would by force of arms deprive him of his dignities, his possessions, and his life. This outrageous sentence, which, it would naturally be suspected, did but betray counsels secretly cherished on that side, much disturbed the good elector; but he did not suffer himself to be in the least moved by it from his purpose. To the honour of those concerned, it deserves also to be recorded, that, at this very period of danger and difficulty, four fresh cities, Kempton, Winsheim, Hailbrun, and Weissenberg, all of them of but moderate strength and resources, joined the Protestant

cause.

All the attempts of the mediators proved, as might have been expected, ineffectual. The differences did not admit of compromise. Toleration could not be thought of by the Church of Rome, or the unreserved submission demanded of them by the Protestants. The whole business was therefore referred back to the emperor at the end of the month, in the same state in which it had been found. "What will be the event," Melancthon here writes, "I cannot divine. Let us pray that God would incline the mind of the emperor to the preservation of peace, of which not only we, but all Germany now stands in the greatest need."

It will be gratifying to turn from this scene of hopeless controversy, to the employments of Luther during the same period. It has been observed, that he accompanied the elector on his journey to the diet as far as Coburg. He took up his abode at this place in April, and he continued there till the elector's return in October. He was to be here in a degree of concealment, and we might be sure that to his active and ardent spirit this long-continued seclusion would often be irksome. He complains of the rare and tardy communications which he received from Augsburg; nor was he always well pleased with them when they arrived. We read also of bodily indisposition which he suffered, and of the temptations of Satan with which he was harassed. But his magnanimity, supported by an extraordinary spirit of faith and prayer, enabled him to triumph over all discouraging and anxious circumstances; to be the comforter of his conflicting and often desponding friends; to carry on his assaults in a very efficient manner against the upholders of the reigning delusions, and to promote the edification of the church by pious and instructive writings. Even the gayety of his spirit did not forsake him, and he could mingle amusement both for himself and his friends with his more serious occupations. He employed his leisure at Coburg, we are told, in "translating the Prophets, and composing a commentary on the Psalms; and, by way of relaxation, in rendering the fables of Esop into German, or in writing humorous letters to his friends."

But particularly, a little before the emperor left Inspruck, on his way to Augsburg, Luther composed and published

an address to the ecclesiastical members of the diet, well calculated to make the strong impression which it appears to have produced. He sent copies to the Prince John Frederic at Augsburg, by whom they were forwarded to Dolzig, his father's ambassador to the emperor, with directions to him to put them into the hands of persons well affected to their cause in the imperial court. In this address, or "Admonition," after apologizing for the liberty he took in offering advice, he first pointed out how fruitless all harsh measures had hitherto proved. Even the opposite party, he observes, bore testimony to his doctrine, having borrowed from him, and learned to preach in quite a different manner from what they had heretofore done. He urges the services which he must be confessed to have rendered, in checking the disorders of the fanatics, preventing sedition at Worms, and supporting the authority of the magistrates; in putting to rout the venders of indulgences, upholding the rights of the bishops against the insolence of the monks, and removing many acknowledged abuses. The most specious charge against him was that of innovation. He repels it therefore, and indeed retorts it, with great spirit. Having enumerated various particulars, he exclaims, "The remainder of really ancient usages among you, usages sanctioned by the canons and the fathers of the church, may be comprised in a nutshell; while the world itself is filled with your novelties. One worships and invokes S. Ann, another S. Christopher, another S. George, S. Barbara, S. Sebastian, S. Catharine; in short, it is impossible to recount the new objects and new rites of worship that have been introduced, and the date and origin of most of which might be distinctly traced." He animadverts with severity on the sort of sermons which had not only been heard in the churches, but, without number, published to the world, and which were of the very silliest character. Nothing was heard in them of Christ, nothing of faith: the very best resounded only with the invocation of saints and the worship of the Virgin. His testimony upon the last of these topics is very striking. "I myself, as much as any others, paid to Mary what was due only to Christ. Him I regarded as an angry Judge; Mary, as the fountain of grace, to whom all our hopes were to be directed, if we would not be left utterly to sink in despair!" The schoolVOL. II.-C