H. or R.] the progress of the bill. Those difficulties and obstacles to arrive at a satisfactory result. Some gentleman friendhe regretted to see continued. The number 48, by stand- ly to that number had said that placing 40 in the bill gave ing in the bill, he contended, was placed in a more advan- it no advantage over any other number; but he contended tageous position than if the question was to fill a blank that it did give it an advantage, and a material one, too, with that number. Did the gentleman from Tennessee for it made it the standard by which the compara[Mr. BELL] believe that there was a majority in that tive merits of all other numbers were to be measured. House favorable to fixing the ratio at 48? If he did so They were each to be tested relatively to 48, and not to believe, would he not at least consent to have the vote each other, and all of them. The gentleman from Tentaken on the proposition to strike it out, which would test nessee [Mr. BELL] thought this an imaginary objection, the opinion of gentlemen, and give every other member but he [Mr. E.] considered it a valid and substantial one. a fair and equal chance? But he [Mr. W.] did not be- He might perhaps like 45; or suppose any gentleman did lieve that a majority was in favor of the number 48; but if prefer that number, or any number between that and 48, there was not such majority, still did not the number gain say 46 or 47. What would be the consequence if the additional strength by being placed in the bill? There motion of the gentleman from Maryland [Mr. JENIFER] were sixty members of that House, as nearly as he could cal- had prevailed? Why, 48 would have been stricken out, culate, in favor of the ratio of 48,000, and those, of course, 45 would have been inserted, and they would have been would vote against striking out the number; there were precluded from testing the opinion of the committee on sixty others who would vote with them in favor of retain any other number whatsoever. The result would be the ing it against any number other than 48, which they did not same should any similar amendment, proposing a given prefer; so the probability was that every number would, number, be carried. No further motion could be made, in this manner, be negatived, as it might be successively and a majority of the House would have been formed of presented, whilst 48 would continue to stand in the bill. members most of whom might have preferred other numBut should the bill be in blank, all propositions would bers. How, then, did the question stand? Was it not apcome with equal fairness before them, and it would be as- parent that no one number possessed equal advantages certained most correctly which number had the greater with the number in the bill? For instance, say the ques preference there. The question of apportioning the re- tion was on 45 and 48. Those who voted for 45 would presentatives had always, he went on to say, been one of be the friends of that number only, whilst those who voted great difficulty and delicacy. He [Mr. W.] certainly was for 48 would be not only the friends of that number not, as the gentleman from Tennessee [Mr. BELL] had ob- themselves, but all the friends of all other numbers but served, the only one opposed to the number 48, and, in- 45. It would thus be seen that to put the bill fairly bedeed, he might remark that the State of Tennessee itself fore the House, the number 48 ought to be struck out, happened to be the most favored State according to the and the bill be introduced to them in blank. ratio of 48. Here the CHAIR interposed. The gentleman from Tennessee, the chairman said, had not observed that the gentleman from Kentucky was "the only one," but that he was among those who were the most anxious to strike out the number 48. Mr. BELL would say one word more. The gentleman from Maine [Mr. EVANS] had attempted to demonstrate the advantages possessed by the number 48 being retained in the bill. Now, suppose, on his argument, 48 struck out, would not the circumstance of many or most of the members having favorite numbers, apply the same as if those numbers were proposed against 48? All those having such favorite numbers would unite against 45, or 46, or 47, or any number but their own, and the result would be precisely the same. The blank would never be filled up till there was a majority in favor of some one number; and how was this to be obtained but by having some number upon which a majority would unite, after trying in vain the numbers they preferred? And this was the advantage, not of number 48, but of having a determinate number. He might go on to say that he believed the number 48 had been inserted by the select committee, in conformity to what appeared to be the general sentiment; at least, judg Mr. WICKLIFFE resumed. He certainly did not mean to say that the remark was intended to be made in an unfriendly sense; of that, he knew the gentleman from Tennessee [Mr. BELL] to be incapable. But still he must observe that, by the proposed ratio of 48, Tennessee would be the most favored State, and Kentucky the most injured. For the last twenty years she had had, by the apportionments, the largest fraction of unrepresented numbers; and she would have the same by this, should 48 be adopted. This body, Mr. W. said, should not be too large, and he thought the increase of 24, at present proposed, too much. Too large an increase would convert the House from a deliberative body into a mob. If he could not increase ing from the principal portion of what had been said and the ratio, he would go to a ratio which would leave every State her present number of representatives on this floor; but, at all events, he would not, by his vote, consent to deprive a single State of the Union of one of her representatives in that House. written on the subject. Some of the State Legislatures, indeed, had so far expressed their opinions in favor of the number 48, that they had begun to lay off congressional districts in advance, assuming that this would be the ratio finally determined on by Congress. He was justified in maintaining, then, that the number 48 corresponded with the general will, so far as it could at present be ascertained. Mr. STEWART said the committee had no choice but to report some ratio. The terms of their instruction were imperative. The same course was pursued in 1821. The Mr. EVANS, of Maine, replied: He was quite aware of House then struck out the number, and they were six or the difficulties which the gentleman from Tennessee [Mr. eight weeks debating on the subject. Though he him- BELL] adverted to, of uniting upon 45 or 46 in blank, as self preferred the number 48, yet, to see if there was any well as upon 48, or any other number. But 48, whilst in there, which the House preferred before it, he should the bill, would have this advantage. It would constantly move various numbers against it. He concluded by mov- remain for the decision of the committee upon it, whilst ing, as an amendment to the motion of the gentleman the friends of all the other numbers were endeavoring to from Virginia, [Mr. CRAIG,] to strike out 48, and insert 46. conciliate each other, and come to some compromise as Mr. EVANS, of Maine, said he had voted on all occa- to a number upon which they could unite. sions when called on against the number 48, and should do so was the question either to strike it out or to recommit the bill with instruction. This was, not because he was opposed in particular to the number 48, for, perhaps, he might ultimately vote for it, but because he did not think the present mode of voting on the subject the best adapted Mr. WILDE said that this was either a question of arithmetic or one of principle; if of principle, then we had to consider what would be an adequate representation of the community; if of arithmetic, gentlemen had but to cast their eyes on the population of their respective States, to vote for the number that would be most advantageous JAN. 13, 1832.] Duties on Imports. [H. OF R. which had induced the committee to choose the number 48, Mr. P. concluded, by observing that the same objection as to fractions would always exist, unless some accidental and very improbable state of the numbers of population should occur, which would enable them to fix on a ratio which would be nearly equal in all the States. Mr. BURGES was in favor of a numerous House of Re anxious to bring the representation as near as he could to the people. If there were four hundred members in the House, he had no fear of their being less deliberation or more lingering legislation than at present. Mr. CLAY conceived that number 48, from standing in the bill, possessed undue advantages over other numbers. The State which he had in part the honor to represent, (Alabama,) would not be affected by whatever ratio was fixed within either of the extremes of increase or diminution to which the House would be likely to go. For his own number, which he thought already sufficient for the purposes of legislation. He was in favor, however, of the bill being reported in blank, so as to give to every section of the country the chance, through its representatives, of having the ratio which they might respectively prefer, brought fairly before the House for consideration. for them. He thought 46 a better number than 48; he thought it would give a more equitable apportionment. Mr. DANIEL thought it very plain that 48 standing in the bill had a very unfair advantage. It would obtain all the splits upon other numbers. The only fair way would be to take the bill in blank, and, beginning with the lowest numbers, proceed to the highest, till it was ascertained which was the favorite number to the majority of presentatives. Federalist, as he had been called, he was that House. He did not, however, blame the committee. Mr. PATTON was of opinion that the number 48, if permitted to remain in the bill, possessed decided and unequal advantage over every other number. Those who were in favor of that number would continue to vote for it, whilst those who had favorite numbers would oppose 48 only as the question which occurred between that number and the one which they preferred. On all the questions, they would support it by voting against the numbers differing from 48 and their own. In order to present this view of the subject in a plainer manner, he would sim- part, he saw no reason for a great enlargement of their plify it, so that he who runs may read. Suppose, instead of two hundred and thirteen members of that House, there were only five, and suppose, in the decision of the question of representation, only five different ratios were submitted, and that each member prepared one of them. Suppose, then, that number one was reported by the committee, and that it was proposed to strike out one, and insert two: what would be the consequence? There would be one vote for the proposition, and four against it, as only one man prefers that one number. The same experiment with regard to the other three would be attended with the same result, till at length no number would be left but the one standing in the bill, which would be then, as it must be seen, evidently placed on the vantage ground. After some further remarks, he observed that the inevitable consequence of retaining 48 in the bill would be that it would stand its ground to the last, although it might| have no more supporters of itself than many other numbers. Let us then, said he, fight the battle fairly, and give 48 the same chance as the rest, but no greater one. He called upon the friends of that number to test it once by coming to a vote upon the question of striking it from the bill, which would fairly try its strength. Each number might then have a chance of being decided upon by its own merits, and by that alone. Mr. ELLSWORTH thought it would be better to let 48 remain in the bill. It was in the power of any gentleman to propose any other number, and, if he obtained a majority, it would supersede it. Any member might, after all, move to strike it out, and, if sustained, the bill would be returned to the House without any number. Mr. BATES, of Maine, moved that the committee rise. Mr. McDUFFIE trusted they would arrive at some decision on the question before rising. Mr. BATES'S motion was carried, and the committee rose and reported; and The House adjourned. FRIDAY, JANUARY 13. DUTIES ON IMPORTS. The House resumed the consideration of the resolution offered by Mr. BOULDIN. Mr. DAVIS, of Massachusetts, suggested the following amendment, which he wished to offer, if Mr. STEWART would withdraw his: Strike out all before and all after the word "Resolved," and insert the following: "That the Committee on Manufactures be instructed to inquire into, and report to this House, (if they possess the information,) the practical effect of the revenue laws upon the commerce, agriculture, and manufactures of this country; also, whether frauds are not perpetrated in the importation of goods, and the revenue thereby reduced, and how such frauds may be suppressed; also, whether the statute value of the pound sterling ought not to be so modified as to conform Mr. CRAIG said that much had been said in the course to the actual value in the United States; and to accompany of the discussion of the race of the different numbers. their report, if they shall make one, by the evidence upon The gentleman from South Carolina, [Mr. McDUFFIE,] on a which it shall be predicated." preceding day, had said that though he would not back nag 48 against the field, he would yet back him against any given number nag. Now we all know that if at a race a dozen nags are to start for the prize, fair play requires that they should start even. But, in this case, nag 48 was on the course, bridled and saddled, and its rider mounted, and was to start before the others were ready. This was the state of the race if 48 were to be retained. He went on to contend in favor of his motion to strike out 48, and place all the numbers on an equal footing. The amendment being read, Mr. STEWART, of Pennsylvania, (who had moved to amend Mr. BOULDIN'S amendment, by striking out the preamble, and also striking out "commerce" and inserting "manufactures,") expressed his willingness to adopt the amendment of Mr. DAVIS as a modification of his own. But the CHAIR decided this not to be in order, as there was nothing in his amendment, to which this could adhere; but if his were withdrawn, it might be consi Mr. CRAWFORD said that he saw no reason for strik-dered. ing out 48. If there was a majority in favor of that number, it would be placed in the bill, even if reported in blank. Mr. STEWART consented to withdraw so much of his amendment as went to strike out the preamble of Mr. BOULDIN's resolution, but not the residue. The question thereupon recurred on Mr. STEWART'S amendment to strike out "commerce" and insert "manufactures;" when Mr. POLK said the committee had been censured for reporting any number: he could only answer that they conceived the terms of their instructions were imperative that they should do so. With this impression they had Mr. CAMBRELENG observed that he was very sure, delayed their report to obtain data which were furnished to whichever of the committees the resolution should be by that House. After the further exposition of the reasons referred, the committee would do its duty. But he beg H. OF R.] Duties on Imports. [JAN. 13, 1832. ged to state, for the benefit of the two gentlemen from so far from being exorbitant, were far beneath what the Pennsylvania, [Mr. STEWART and Mr. DENNY,] and to law intended. All the friends of the protecting system allay their very lively sensibility, that a majority of the were well acquainted with the fact, that, by the intervenCommittee on Commerce were, unfortunately, of the same tion of fraudulent invoices, goods were brought down views with themselves on the general subject to which under minimums to which they did not belong, and thus this resolution referred. The nature of the inquiries in made to pay a duty far less than that provided by the law. the resolution was strictly and properly commercial. But All who were concerned in manufactures were perfectly the gentlemen were very much afraid (and there lay the willing, nay, they expected, that the ridiculous system of point of anxiety about the matter) lest the people of the minimums should be abolished. It gave little or no proUnited States should discover how far they had been de- tection to the manufacturer: its operation was onerous and ceived by the substitution of the system of minimums for oppressive. He was surprised that the gentleman from ad valorem duties. Mr. C. said he was not at all surprised | New York should venture the declaration that on certain that gentlemen should be extremely anxious to hide from descriptions of woollen goods 100 and 150 per cent. duty the people the fact that, instead of 45 per cent. ad valo- was paid. This might in theory appear to be true; but, in rem on certain descriptions of woollen goods, as laid by practice and in fact, it was far from being so. For himthe law, they were, in fact, paying from 75 to 100, and self, he was very indifferent to which committee the reso150 per cent. Nor was he surprised that they should be lution was sent. The information might be obtained in equally anxious to conceal another fact, viz. that persons various ways; from the Committee on Commerce, the purchasing articles whose original cost was one dollar and Committee on Manufactures, or the Secretary of the one cent, were obliged to pay the same duties as upon Treasury. He had no doubt that the information was all, those whose cost was two dollars and fifty cents. The at that moment, within the city of Washington; and he effect of the system went to reverse every rule of taxa-cared not how it was reached. He thought, indeed, that tion; it was adverse to every principle of republicanism, the Committee on Manufactures was the most appropriate and every rule of justice. For himself, he was indiffer- source from which to seek it; but he felt very indifferent ent to which of the committees the resolution should go; as to the direction of the reference. he had all confidence in the justice, candor, and fidelity Mr.DAVIS, of Massachusetts, observed that no great benof the gentleman [Mr. ADAMS] at the head of the Com-efit could accrue either to the House or the country from mittee on Manufactures, and he was sure the facts would the inquiry proposed by the resolution. The Committee on be brought out. But he could tell the gentlemen, that Commerce were to inquire and report to the House, as to whatever disposition should be made of the resolution, what? the rate per cent. actually paid on certain descripthe inquiries contained in it should be answered, in spite tions of goods designated in it, and whether certain other of all they could do to smother the information. He goods were not, in effect, prohibited our shores. Now, should, himself, lay on the table statements containing all if the information sought was in the department, if it the facts the gentleman wished to elicit, and then he should see, by taking the yeas and nays, who would vote to refuse the printing of them, and withhold the information from the American people. was in the possession of the proper organs of the Government, the proper course was to apply there. Had the Committee on Commerce any official statements to make to this House, which were not in the department? Had The fact ought to be perpetuated by an official record, that committee any mode of obtaining statements sancthat duties varying from 25 to 150 per cent. ad valorem, tioned by official authority, which was not in the departwere paid where the law intended 40 and 45; and none ment? No; they had none: none at all. The appliknew the fact better than the gentleman who wished to cation to them was, therefore, of little utility. But it had stifle the inquiry. All he asked, at this great and import-been said by his worthy friend from New York [Mr. CAMant crisis, when those who had had the benefit of this BRELENG] that it was very indifferent to him where the system of duties for forty years were not content, but resolution was sent; the information was at hand, and it sought to impose it for forty years more upon the people, could and should be brought into this House. It was a was, that the American people should know how far they proverbial remark, that it was the hit bird that fluttered: had been deceived. and when he saw that gentleman spring from his seat the The gen At this point of the debate, Mr. WHITTLESEY moved that the House proceed to the orders of the day. The motion was carried--yeas 85, nays 54. Mr. DEARBORN rose in reply, and said that the gen-moment it was proposed to transfer the reference of this tleman from New York had made an averment to the resolution to another committee, he could not but think of House which was variant from the fact. The gentleman that saying. Why was the gentleman so uneasy? What had said that those who opposed the reference of the re-inspired him with such a heat of zeal? He would state solution to the Committee on Commerce, did not desire the reason to the House. the information it sought should be obtained. tleman was much mistaken if he supposed that those who were favorable to the protecting system desired the continuance of the minimum duties. When that mode of laying duties was at first proposed, it had indeed been predicted that the practical effect would be such as the gentleman from New York had asserted it now to be; but, in practice, so far from this proving to be the result, the very reverse took place, so that, instead of paying 100 or Mr. WICKLIFFE said he wished to understand from 150 per cent. as the gentleman said, the importer more the friends of the number 48,000 in the apportionment frequently paid no more than 15 or 20 per cent. The bill, if they would allow a motion to be made for discharg importers, Mr. D. observed, knew perfectly well how ing the Committee of the Whole from that bill. Mr. POLK now moved to suspend the rule of the House which appropriates this day to the consideration of private bills, in order to move to take up the apportionment bill. to quadrate their prices in the invoice to the minimum Mr. ADAMS said he hoped the gentleman from Kenduties; and he asserted that no goods, since the minimum tucky would have permission to make the motion he system had been enacted, had been invoiced more than desired. The House had spent two days in very unprofrom one to two pence sterling below each of the points fitable debate upon that bill, and he wished to see it of minimum value fixed by the law. They took very brought to an end, and the bill reported in blank. good care not to be caught importing goods charged midway between those points. If the investigations which had been made were entitled to the least degree of credit, the duties actually paid, The question being taken, it was lost, less than twothirds in its favor. Yeas 94, nays 56. After disposing of some private bills, MONDAY, JANUARY 16. DUTIES ON IMPORTS. The House resumed the consideration of the resolution moved by Mr. BOULDIN on the 27th of December ultimo. [H. of R. tion, the gentleman fished it up from the bottom, and thus at once the whole play was made obvious. I mean by this no reproach to the gentleman or to the document, for it is well enough in its place; but what is it? It is the offspring of the fanciful moments of the gentleman, and might be called poetical vagaries in figures. It must have When the motion was made on Friday that the House been his recreation in moments of leisure; for it is the exproceed to the orders of the day, Mr. DAVIS had the floor, travagance of cent. per cent. upon supposed cases of duand was replying to the remarks of Mr. CAMBRELENG on ties relating to bockings, baizes, lion skins, toilinets, kera resolution he had proposed to offer, should the amend-seynets, and other still more singular names, some of them ment of Mr. STEWART to Mr. BOULDIN's resolution on the unheard of, and unknown, probably, since we manufacsubject of the tariff be withdrawn. ture much better articles that have taken their places, except in the vocabulary of some shrewd collector of the customs, or of some learned technical merchant. It is a fine exhibition of extravagance, for the cent. per cent. is run up, I believe, not only to one hundred and fifty, but to three hundred. Mr. DAVIS now resumed. He said that on Friday last he intended to submit to the House some remarks in reply to the gentleman from New York, [Mr. CAMBRELENG,] but after addressing the House a few minutes, and before he had fairly entered into the subject under discussion, he was stopped by the rule limiting the period for I am charged with smothering this document, with morning business. Some of his observations, said Mr. keeping its all-pervading light from the American peoD., struck my mind as extraordinary, harsh, and uncour-ple. Smothering it! I would not if I could blow out teous, to say the least. The resolution of the member the smallest taper lighted by the intellect of the gentlefrom Virginia [Mr. BOULDIN] proposed that the Com- man to illuminate free trade, even if it vainly struggled mittee on Commerce should inquire into the effect and to rival the noontide glare of the sun. No, let these operation of certain laws made by this Government. The figures in buckram go forth again to the world-let them member from Pennsylvania [Mr. STEWART] had moved strut their hour in the newspapers once more-let them an amendment, and pending that motion I sent a propo- thus revive the recollections of the people, for I doubt sition to the table, which I desired should supersede his not their memory has been as false and treacherous as if it met with his approbation. My proposition went to mine in this matter. It is some years since they were enlarge the inquiry, and to alter the reference from the published, and the people are still obstinate or obtuse, Committee on Commerce to the Committee on Manufac- for they have not or will not be convinced: let them go, tures. For these proceedings we have been charged by then, to the public, and we shall see whether the people the gentleman from New York with attempting to smother remain incorrigible--whether they still refuse to be conthe inquiry. I say we, because I hardly know who is vinced in spite of this mass of information. meant to be designated by the word gentlemen. He used The gentleman says the people are deceived as to the this language, as nearly as I can recollect: "I tell gen- minimums in the woollens bill. They ought to be entlemen, whatever becomes of the resolution, the inqui- lightened, and they shall be enlightened. There are ries shall be answered in spite of all they can do to smo- some reminiscences in relation to this matter--some ther the information. I shall myself lay on the table state-historical facts, which some persons here are acquainted ments containing all the facts which the gentleman (mean- with, and some probably are not; and I will take this ing the gentleman from Virginia) wishes to elicit, and occasion to recur to one or two of them. The worthy then call for the yeas and nays, and we will see who gentleman reprobates the square yard duty, because he dares to vote against printing them, and to withhold in- says the people are deceived by it, and he seems to apformation from the American people: I have done it before proach these minimums on woollens with as much care this, and I will do it again." I am glad there has been a and caution as if he were afraid of being fleeced. Now, little time for consideration--that the honorable mem- in relation to some of the specific duties in this law of bers of this House will have an opportunity so far to re- 1828, let us look back into the journal of that time. I recover from their surprise, as to screw their moral cou- collect the gentleman in his place in this House declared rage up to the sticking point, and to vote with some he would vote, and he did vote, to keep on a specific share of composure, without having the monosyllabic duty of seven cents a pound on coarse wool, when at the words, aye or no, stuck in their throats. moment it could be purchased abroad for half the moUntil these remarks fell from the gentleman, I was at ney. I also well remember that he declared he would a loss to understand why the gentleman from Virginia vote, and he did vote, to increase the duty on molasses was bobbing his line among the Committee on Commerce: to twenty cents a gallon, which was nearly or twice its but no sooner was the proposition made to shift the prime cost at the place of production. I remember, also, ground to the Committee on Manufactures, than the gen- that he declared he would give these offensive votes to tleman from New York started upon his feet, the mystery make the people feel the tariff. I will, said he, bring was solved, and every thing rendered intelligible. The them to their senses, by making the law as bad and odiobject to be brought to light, as the gentleman from ous as I can. I know he said he would not vote for such New York chose to understand it, was certain learned a law; but if others passed it, it should be of this offenmathematical calculations made some years ago by him, sive character, and should not be put in any other shape, respecting the per centage of duty upon woollen goods. if he could prevent it. Sir, did the people feel it? Do This document, or something like it, he thought, was to they feel it now, or is it necessary to make a book of be brought before this House by this resolution, and its figures to demonstrate to them that they feel what they preamble. are insensible of? If the people are so dull that they Now, I hope to be pardoned by the gentleman-I am do not understand when they are burdened, then let the sure I shall be by the House and the nation-when I say gentleman have an opportunity to prove it. Let his docuthis important document, which is to enlighten the ment go out to enlighten them. If the matter comes American people, had slipped out of my mind, fallen to the Committee on Commerce, he shall have my vote into the stream of oblivion, and by its own gravitating for it; but I hope it may meet with better success and power sunk to the bottom. I acknowledge with hu- call for less criticism and correction than a certain other mility my shame, for I should as soon stand excused, if 1 document emanating from the gentleman as chairman had forgot the works of Newton or Laplace. But as of the Committee on Commerce in 1830, in which he assoon as the line was like to be thrown in another direc-serts that the coasting tonnage of Great Britain is be H. OF R.] Duties on Imports. [JAN. 16, 1832. tween eight and nine millions of tons, and that the bare general inference I have made. Suppose we take a increase in that country, in the short period of a very few woollen mill costing a hundred thousand dollars, which is years, was about equal to the whole coasting tonnage of a far greater sum than most of them cost, for the greater this country. portion of the establishments are on a moderate scale: This was to demonstrate the prosperous condition of such a mill, if built with economy, would employ from a the navigation of a foreign country, and the comparative hundred and sixty to a hundred and seventy persons in it, decline of our own, which we thought prosperous. There and would work up annually about two hundred thousand is nothing like the demonstration of figures; the only pounds of wool. I will not undertake to state with prewonder is, that the people, with such a flood of informa- cision how many sheep it would take to produce this quantion, will not be convinced that they live under a bad Go-tity, for I am not informed how much the average shearing vernment, and are oppressed. in this country is of wool in a good condition for the marAs to the reference of the inquiries contained in the ket. We have some information on this head as to foreign resolution, I had almost said I feel as indifferent as the countries. In Germany, including Hungary, Gallicia, and gentleman, though I think, if the amendment I propose Prussian Poland, they clip two pounds a head; in Spain shall be carried, the Committee on Manufactures is the and Portugal, one and a half; in France, two and a half; most appropriate; for the inquiry then will be as to the in England, three and three-fourths. The wools, howeffect of the revenue laws upon the great branches of in- ever, of France and England are of inferior quality to dustry in this country. What the sentiments of this com- those of Germany, Spain, and Portugal. If our sheep mittee are, I know not; and I consider it somewhat singu- yield two pounds at a clipping, then such factory would lar, and certainly unusual, that we should be together take the wool of a hundred thousand sheep annually, the for so long a period, and their sentiments be unknown to value of which may be easily estimated. There is some the House at a moment like this, when they have in difference of opinion as to the quantity of land required to charge some of the greatest interests of the country; keep that number of sheep; some allow three and some though I presume in due time we shall learn what they four to the acre for the season, including summer and winI will give them my confidence in this matter as I ter; this is also a matter that every one can adjust upon would to any committee of the House on subjects gene- his own experience or information, and determine the rally, until it is manifest that confidence is misplaced. value of the land required. It will take also of agriculThe gentleman from New York, on this as well as on tural produce to sustain the laborers and horses employed several other occasions, (when I have sat and borne it,) by such a mill, about to the value of nine thousand dollars has uttered on this floor declamatory philippics against annually. I shall not undertake to estimate the value of the manufacturers, designating them by harsh and re- the land necessary to yield this amount of produce annual. proachful terms, such as moneyed aristocrats; overbearing, ly. Every farmer, however, can do it, for he knows what monopolizing capitalists. Why is this language, which the surplus of his labor is worth. But an estimate foundmight be pardoned as the offspring of excitement, re-ed upon this data may be made as gentlemen please; the peated? I will not question the motives of the gentle- amount of agricultural capital to which the woollens busiman, but I must say it looks like an attempt at effect out of doors--at display--and it does make false impressions on the minds of those unacquainted with the matter, and therefore does injury. are. It has generally been the pleasure of those who would be thought great advocates for free trade, as they call it, to make the woollens interest their target to fire at. Why this determined hostility? Why is this interest always flouted at? Why is it the perpetual theme of unmeasured denunciation? I will make a few remarks on the capital brought into action by this interest, in reply to the gentleman, that he and others may see who is denounced, and what they aim to prostrate. ness gives employ, will be found to greatly exceed the capital vested in the manufacture of the goods, and will amount, I think, upon any reasonable valuation, to five or six times as much. This, sir, is a matter worthy of investigation, for this interest diffuses itself more widely, and extends its benefits to a greater number of laborers and small capitalists, than any other whatever, and it is of quite as much importance that we should understand it, as it is that we understand the amount of duties on lion skins, toilinets, and swansdowns. What do those who make war on the woollens propose to do? To transfer this business from the farmers and manufacturers of this country across the water to the hands I shall not be very specific as to sums, but I will furnish of foreigners-to the farmers and manufacturers of other data from which accurate computations may be made, nations--that is the proposition--it is to put a stop to the adapted to the difference in the value of agricultural pro- immense operations of this capital and labor, and give perty in different portions of the country, and I will then others the benefit of it. It is these classes of our citizens, call on the gentleman to refute, if he can, the inference the spinner, the weaver, the farmer who follows his plough which must be made. I say, then, that there is scarce an and shears his sheep, that are denounced as moneyed arisemployment in the country that diffuses its benefits so tocrats, as haughty monopolists, who are to be stripped of wide, and gives such encouragement to labor, as the ma- their employments. Who is it that dares assail the worknufacture of woollens. What is woollen cloth? It is al- ing men with such opprobrious charges? Sir, it is immost exclusively, from bottom to top, the produce of porters, and commercial capitalists; and it is a fact estaagriculture. In the first place, the raw material, the blished as early as 1824, that about four-fifths of the imwool, is from the back of the sheep; and, in the second porters of woollens were then foreigners; and it is said place, the labor which works it, and which is compara- that about seven-eighths of them are so now. Why are tively great, is maintained and supported upon the pro- the Americans, our countrymen, driven from this trade? ducts of agriculture; and, further, some of the most costly Because they cannot keep pace with the English in perdyes, such as indigo, are also the fruit of agriculture. It petrating frauds in passing goods through the customfollows, that the cost of woollen goods goes mainly to the house. A document has already been published by a benefit of agriculture, and I think there is no hazard in committee who have examined the transactions at the asserting that every dollar of capital which is invested in custom-house in New York, and it states that four of these the manufacture of wool gives employment, constant and foreign houses have, in the last twelve months, imported unceasing, to from five to six dollars of agricultural capi- more than a million and a half worth of woollens. These tal. I will throw out some data which may not be pre- are the men, sir, that beset our doors with incessant comcisely accurate in its application throughout the country, plaints about the tariff, and cry out against the farmer and but it will enable every one who chooses to investigate the manufacturer as moneyed aristocrats; they have, sir, casubject, to satisfy himself that there is no error in the pital without limit, and by means of it bestride our necks, |