unmolested, attacked their opponents with great bravery; killed several of them, and chased the rest from their ground38. In consequence of this unexpected advantage, the whole English army was seized with a panic: the forces at Newcastle fled immediately to Durham; and not thinking themselves safe even there, retreated with precipitation into Yorkshire 39.

The victorious Covenanters took possession of Newcastle, though without offering any violence to the persons or property of the inhabitants. They not only preserved the most exact discipline, but persevered so far in maintaining the appearance of an amicable disposition toward England, that they paid for their very provisions; and they sent messengers to the king, who was now arrived at York, to renew their protestations of loyalty and submission, and to beg forgiveness for the unavoidable effusion of the blood of his English subjects4°. Charles understood the hypocritical insult, but his circumstances did not permit him to resent it. The nation was universally and highly dissatisfied: the army was discouraged, the treasury exhausted, the revenue anticipated; and every expedient for supply, that ingenuity could suggest, had been tried to the utmost. In this extremity, as the least of two evils, the king agreed to a treaty, in order to prevent the Scots from advancing upon him; and named sixteen English noblemen, who met with eleven Scottish commissioners at Rippon. The result of their deliberations was a cessation of arms; in consequence of which the Scots were to be allowed, for their maintenance, eight hundred and fifty pounds a-day, during their stay in England41.

It may be worthy of remark, that the earl of Strafford, who had succeeded Northumberland in the command of the army, and who possessed more vigour of mind than the king

38. Clarendon, vol. i. by an unexpected discharge of artillery. Burnet, Hist. vol. i. 40. Rushworth, vol. iii. 41. Clarendon, vol. i. Rushworth, vol. iii.

39. This panic was chiefly occasioned

or

or any of the council, advised Charles to put all to the hazard of a battle, rather than submit to such unworthy terms as were likely to be imposed upon him: "for, should "your majesty even be defeated, nothing worse can befall you," observed his lordship, "than what from your inac❝tivity you will certainly feel42!" These prophetic words seem to have been dictated by the most infallible of all inspiration, that intuitive discernment of a penetrating genius, habituated to the contemplation of human affairs, which enables it to look into futurity.

The causes of disgust which had, for above thirty years been every day multiplying in England, were now arrived at their height; and Charles, in despair of being able to stem the torrent, at last resolved to yield to it. He therefore, in compliance with a number of petitions and the general wish of his subjects, again assembled the parliament. Many exorbitant claims, he was sensible, would probably be made, and must necessarily be complied with. But he little expected that great and decisive blow, which, on the meeting of parliament, was aimed at his authority, by the commons, in the person of his minister, the earl of Strafford; for as such that nobleman was considered, both on account of the credit which he possessed with the king, and of his own extensive and vigorous capacity. Not unacquainted with the load of popular prejudices under which he laboured, Strafford would gladly have declined attendance in parliament; and begged permission to withdraw himself to his government of Ireland, being then lord-lieutenant, or at least to remain at the head of the army in Yorkshire. But the king, judging his presence and counsels necessary at such a crisis, assured him, that not a hair of his head should be touched by the parliament43. So confident was Charles still of his own authority, though ready to expire, and so lofty were his ideas of the majesty of kings!

42, Nalson. vol. ii.

43. Whitlocke.

The

The commons thought respectfully of it. No sooner was Strafford's arrival known, than a concerted attack was made by Mr. Pym; who, after enumerating all the grievances under which the nation laboured, inferred, that a deliberate plan had been formed under the reign of a pious and virtuous king for changing totally the frame of government, and subverting the ancient laws and liberties of the kingdom. "We must enquire," added he, "from what "fountain these waters of bitterness flow; and though doubt"less many evil counsellors will be found to have contributed "their endeavours, yet there is one who claims the guilty "pre-eminence: HE is the earl of Strafford, lieutenant of "Ireland, and president of the council of York; a man who, "in the memory of many present, has sat in this house an "earnest vindicator of the laws, and a most zealous assertor "and champion for the liberties of the people. But it is "long since he turned from these good affections; and, “ according to the custom of apostates he is become the "greatest enemy to the liberties of his country, and the greatest promoter of tyranny, that any age hath ever pro"duced44,"

This political apostacy of Strafford seems, indeed, to have been his chief crime with the popular leaders, and never to be expiated but with his blood. Pym was seconded in his charge by sir John Hotham, sir John Clotworthy, and others. and, after se eral hours spent in bitter invectives against the supposed criminal (the doors being locked to prevent a discovery of the concerted purpose), it was moved, that the earl of Strafford should be accused of high treason. The motion was received with general approbation, and the impeachment was voted without much debate. Mr. Pym was chosen to carry it up to the lords: most of the members attended him; and Strafford who had just entered the house of peers, and intended, it is said, the same day to have impeached

44. Parl. Hist, vol. ix. Clarendon, vol i.

VOL. III,

૨૧

some

some popular members of both houses, for holding a treasonable correspondence with the Scots, was suddenly ordered into custody, with many symptoms of prejudice in his judges as well as his accusers45.

Elated with their success, the popular leaders ventured also to impeach archbishop Laud, the lord-keeper Finch, and secretary Windebank46. The two last made their escape beyond sea, before they were taken into custody: the primate was committed. From traitors, the commons proceeded to the prosecution of delinquents: a term expressive of a degree and species of guilt not exactly known or ascertained, but which, by the interpretation then put upon it, exposed to punishment not only the king's ministers and counsellors, but many of the nobility, gentry, and clergy. All, in a word, however warranted by precedent or proclamation, who had acted without the authority of the statute-law of the land47.

:

The commons took other steps of more importance. They declared the sanction of the two houses of parliament, as well as of the king, necessary to the confirmation of ecclesiastical canons: they expelled from their house all monopolists and committees were appointed to enquire into all the violations of law and liberty, of which any complaint had been made. From the reports of these committees, the house daily passed votes, which mortified and astonished the court, at the same time that they animated and inflamed the nation. Ship-money was declared illegal and arbitrary; the sentence against Hambden was cancelled: compositions for knighthood were stigmatized; the extension of the forest-laws

45. Clarendon, vol. i.

46. Grimstone, a popular member, called sir Francis Windebank, who was one of Laud's creatures, the very pander and broker to the whore " of Babylon?" (Rushworth, vol. v.) Nothing can show in a stronger light the illiberal way of thinking, and narrow prejudices of the times, than the use of such expressions in the house, on so great an occasion. 47. Clarendon, vol. i.

condemned;

condemned; patents for monopolies annulled; and every measure of administration for some years back was treated with reproach and obloquy48

All moderate men were now of opinion, that a design was formed to subvert the monarchy49; and the church was in no less danger. While the harangues of the members, now first published and dispersed, kept alive the discontents against the king's administration, the pulpits, delivered over to puritanical preachers and lecturers, whom the commons arbitrarily settled in all the considerable churches, resounded with faction and fanaticism; and the popular leaders, in order to maintain that high authority which they had acquir ed, and inspire confidence into their friends, as well as to overawe their opponents, judged it requisite still to delay the departure of the Scots. Meantime the chaplains to their commissioners began openly to use the presbyterian form of worship, which had not hitherto been tolerated in England, and with such amazing success in London, that multitudes crowded not only into the church assigned them, but such as could not there find room clung to the doors or windows, in hopes of catching at least the distant murmer, or some broken phrases of the spiritual rhetoric5o.

This was the most effectual method of paying court to the zealous Covenanters. To spread the presbyterian discipline. and worship throughout England, and to establish that faith on the ruins of episcopacy, wauld have given more joy to

48. Nalson, vol. i. Clarendon, vol. i. Rushworth, vol. iii.

49. "You have taken the whole machine of government in pieces," said Charles, in a speech to the parliament; " a practice frequent with skilful "artists when they desire to clear the wheels from any rust, which may have grown upon them. The engine" continued he, " may again be restored to its former use and motions, provided it be put up entire, so as not a pin of it be wanting." But this was far from being the intention of the commons. The machine they thought, with some reason, was encumbered with many wheels and springs, which counteracted its operations, and destroyed its utility. Hume, chap. liv.

50. Clarendop, vol. i.