which no human foresight can predict-but which will be sure always to carry in them the element of power, naturally tending to the augmentation of its energies with the progress of time.

I have shown in the light of comparison, that American Episcopacy—or that church polity and government, which generally passes under this name is the simplest, purest, and most equal of all; that, when subjected to analysis and the most rigid scrutiny, it cannot be found fault with, as withholding the balance of power from the people; but that its constitutional structure, as is the fact with our political institutions, and in accommodation to the republican principles of this land, confers upon the people an influential and actual control. It has been seen, that the constitution of the Episcopal church is even more popular in this particular than the Presbyterian, inasmuch as the laity are not only admitted into the highest legislative place on a footing of equality with the Bishops and Presbyters, for the decision of all questions-but on one contingency they may array themselves in a separate rank, to determine votes by a pure laical influence by a majority of their own-a most extraordinary, and for the people, a most generous concession. It shows in the first place, that the Bishops and clergy never wished to have an undue influence; and in the next, that they never can have.

It is manifest, that there is no religious association in this country so pure and popular as this, where there are official grades, one above another; and the history of the American Episcopal church proves, that it operates harmoniously. In other portions of our religious world, the elements of collision are extensively and powerfully at work, striving, each man for himself and each society for itself, for an Episcopal sway, but rejecting its proper form-which notable fact, and the manner thereof, afford a most reasonable ground of presumption, that the real occasion of these collisions is the want of Episcopacy in form.

Consider, for example, the unhappy relations of the American Home Missionary Society and the Board of

Missions of the Presbyterian church-both Episcopal institutions in principle, and that of the highest order. Throughout the wide territories of the Presbyterian church these societies cover the same and the whole ground; are of the same nature and have the same object; they come into collision everywhere, dividing churches, Sessions, Presbyteries, Synods, and the General Assembly. All these unhappy results would be entirely avoided under the proper forms of an Episcopacy. And so generally we may say of the known collisions of the Presbyterian church, in other forms and on other topics, practical, doctrinal, and disciplinary.

It cannot for a moment be doubted, that it is better to have religious organizations, well defined, fixed, and known-and so compact and comprehensive in their forms, as not to be easily shaken or disturbed, by ambitious aspirants, or contentious persons-than for a door to be left open for perpetual innovations, or for the community to be flooded from time to time with new schemes and new societies to take the place of others, or to come into collision with them, to the disturbance of the public peace. The religious history of our country for the last twenty years is a most impressive illustration of the correctness of this remark.

But, then, although it does indeed appear by this showing, that American Episcopacy is not so bad as we thought it was; although it must be confessed, that its constitutional and fundamental principles, as expressed and declared, are suitable, fair, and safe for the people; yet its very genius is the spirit of domination; it has the mark of the beast upon its forehead; we cannot forget what it has done at Rome-what it has done and is doing in Great Britain.

Alas for the name of a thing, if it has ever been bad! There is no getting over a name. What has American Episcopacy to do with Rome, or Rome with it? What with Great Britain, or Great Britain with it? Christianity was at Rome, therefore Christianity is good for nothing; it is bad. Christianity is in the church of

England, therefore Christianity is to be feared! Certainly the last conclusion comes as legitimately as the first.

But, admitting that Episcopacy is bad; that its genius is the spirit of domination; we have seen that the principle is in operation throughout the land in numerous forms, in all the great religious organizations and associations; and independently of them; and that Episcopacy in its own proper form is the least objectionable of all, first, because it is open, fair, and fixed; and next, because it actually operates well. Who shall give a bad name to that which is good-good in appearance-good in fact? If these other and surreptitious forms of Episcopacy, which have imbodied the principle, under covert forms, indeed, but forms most potent-if these are safe -how much more safe is Episcopacy in its proper form? On the very principles of those, who object to Episcopacy, but who yet run into it in practice, they ought themselves to be Episcopalians, if they would be consistent―certainly, if they would be fair. It is due to themselves; it is due to the public; and in my opinion it would be more safe for the public, and only in that way safe; for then the public could know what to depend upon; whereas now they cannot know.

To object to Episcopacy for what it may possibly be, when no other possible objection can be found, is indeed the weakest objection possible. If brought against these covert forms, there might possibly, nay with truth, be some force in it. These, possibly, may not in the end turn out well. There must be high endowments of wisdom and of virtue to save them from being carried into an uncomfortable stretch of power; and more virtue and more wisdom, than ordinarily fall to the lot of man, to redeem them, when once they shall have got there.

Moreover, when given individuals have been long time candidates for the Episcopal office-have fairly earned their way to it—and at last been regularly chosen and publicly invested with its trust and appropriate prerogatives, under Constitutional and Canon law, being burdened with its distinct and well defined responsibilities,

as well as clothed with its powers-there is no surprise in the public mind—there can be none. They have come into their place by universal consent, themselves appointed to be governed, as well as to govern, by a well defined code of regulations. But in the other case, when men have made their way into a higher and more absolute power of the same kind, though under another name, and stand in it independent of a like salutary control, the public will sooner or later be surprised, and become anxious. And the consequence will be a struggle-on the one hand to maintain, and on the other to reduce an influence, which, it will be averred, was not fairly acquired, and is dangerous to be held without a more tangible responsibility and control. Thus society is liable to convulsion and disaster.

Lest it should not only be conceded, that the argument of this chapter is good and sufficient for its purpose, but felt also by some minds, that it proves too much, viz. that no Episcopacy whatever is safe; or lest there should be left a conviction tending to that conclusion, it may be proper for me to remark, that, although there may be a leaven of feeling in the community, disposed to cherish a repugnance to all sorts and degrees of religious organization, I do not think it is sufficient to prevent them. The economy of combination and organization is the spirit of the times-in matters of business and in social arrangements. A pure democracy is known and confessed to be an impracticable theory. That is, every member of the community cannot be the President, or the Governor, or the Justice, or the Juror; neither can the whole body of the people get together for the transaction of every item of public business, as they would then have time to do nothing else, and the ends of society would be frustrated. It is impossible to come nearer to democracy, than Republicanism, the principle of which is-that the people shall have a voice in the election of their rulers, and an immediate or mediate control over the appointment of all public servants. And such we have seen is the organization of the American Episco

pal Church-purely republican. This is easily seen, and may be made evident and satisfactory to all. And if this is the genius of our institutions and the spirit of the country, it harmonizes perfectly with the age, the will of the people, and the character of their civil government. Order in religion, since the people must have a religion, and since it is of all things most desirable and most important, is as necessary as in civil society; and hence it is impossible to dispense with a religious, or spiritual polity. And a polity, that harmonizes with the spirit of the people and the genius of their government, cannot fail to be satisfactory. Whatever else they may be dissatisfied with, they cannot complain of this; whatever else they may fall back from, they must have a basis somewhere, and they can hardly fall back farther than their own will, as usually expressed. It has ever been found, and doubtless will always prove so, that it is as impossible to accomplish the great objects of religion without a social organization, as it is to attain the objects of a civil government without it. The latter would be a contradiction in terms; but there is nothing in which public sympathy operates so powerfully as in religion; and the more powerful the religious propensity may be in its social character, the more does it require a salutary direction and control. Religion without government runs into fanaticism-into chaos-in the same manner, as the ordinary state of society would be dissolved into anarchy without civil order. For myself, I have no concern, that the effect of my argument, if it should prevail, would be to react upon the Episcopal system, where it exists in its proper form, to dissolve and bring it to the ground. The more severely this system is subjected to scrutiny, the brighter will it shine, and the more will it commend itself to the respect and estimation of the public.