lic print has grossly misrepresented what I said at the meeting of the County of Down, I present myself here, this day, to refute the malicious insinuations of the print I allude to. I have been charged, Sir, by that print, with endeavouring to put my country in flames, and with vilifying the character of a portion of my countrymen, by calling them barbarians. I deny both charges I shall do more-1 shall refute them. Our right to petition Parliament cost Our ancestors some bloody struggles with despotism; so did trial by Jury, the Habeas Corpus Act, and the Liberty of the Press. These invaluable liberties, Sir, are common to Protestant and Catholic; and if my calling on my Protestant fellow-sub jects to arrest the attempt of Ministerial Despotism, to impede the right of Petition, be a sin against the print I allude to, it is a su I do not repent of; and I believe the suspension of a Lidwell from the commission of the peace, and the disarming of his Yeomanry, shows pretty clearly that the blow is levelled at the Protestant as well as the Catholic-that my fears were well founded, and that my appeal to my fellowsubjects was well timed-Loud and continued beering.I speak this, Sir, in the presence of the most liberal and enlightened Protestant Body that any County in Ireland boasts of. I would repay them the merited compliment of their liberality, had I words to express my feelings and my gratitude. I have not-but I offer them what will be more acceptable to their enlightened minds, the cordial and unanimous aid of their Catholic Brethren to preserve the Constitution unimpaired, the peace of their country inviolate, and their properties and persons from the ravages of our common enemy.-Loud applauses-The Catholic, Sir, will require no subsidy for his aid!-[hear, hear.The Catholics will be your rest, because your unbought allies—they will not desert you in the hour of danger—they will rise er fall with their countrymen !—[Loud and continued cheering.] the former with more zeal and energy than the latter, because of all despotisms, that of the Church is what I dread and detest most-[Hear, hear, hear.] I thank God, there is no fear of this despotism in our Church-The Pope is now just, what St. Peter was, as to power and proper ty; and I pray heaven he may never have the power of molesting mankind in their civil or religious rights! His kingdom should not be of this world.-[Loud applause.] To suppose that Catholics admitted to the benefits of the Constitution, would endeavour to subvert it, is to suppose what is contrary to human nature. It might just as rationally be supposed that if I (a Catholic) were partner in trade with a protestant, I would burn the warehouse that contained our common property. How absurd the supposition! Thank God! the use of Religion is too well understood, at this day by the audience I address to give any grounds for such apprehension. What is it to the manufacturer who sells his web, whether it is bought by Catholic or Protestant, if he be paid his price?-What is it to the tailor, who makes my coat, or the smith that shoes my horse, whether I am Catholic or Protestant, if he be paid for his work? What is it to the farmer whether he pays his rent to a Protestant or a Catholic, Layman or Clergyman, if he have a benevolent or kind landlord? And what is it to me whether he is Protestant or Catholic who sways the sceptre, if I enjoy equal power and protection with my fellow-subjects? [Loud cheering.] There is so strong a resemblance be tween the relative duties and kind offices of landlord and tenant, and of sovereign and subject, that I cannot avoid making a remark within my own knowledge. have, in this county, Sir, a considerable number of tenants, one half or more of whom are Protestants. Were I in danger or distress, I solemnly declare I would fly to my Protestant tenants for shelter or succour, as soon as to the Catholic, and were my Protestant tenants here this day, they would, I believe, tell you, with one voice, that they would not change me for any Protestant landlord in Ireland.—[Loud applauses.] It is frequently insinuated by the print I allude to, that the Catholic seeks to enter the pale of the Constitution only to subvert it, and to substitute Slavery and Popery in itstead. I here declare before God, what are my own sentiments-(and I believe my sentiments are in unison with every in formed Catholic in Ireland) that I detestI abhor-and I abominate bigotry and tying the ports of Europe to our commerceranny, whether proceeding from the Chair of St. Peter, or the Chair of the Premier-[Hear, peals of applause.]-and that I would resist BELFAST MAG. NO. XXXIX. If keeping the Catholic body distinct and degraded, would serve this country or the empire-if it would be the means of open of averting a quarrel with our American Brethren-it it would give intrinsic value to Bank Notes, or bring back our expatriated Guineas—if it would be the means of procu. ring peace, for the sake of my country, I would be satisfied to suffer wrong.-[Loud and continued applause]-But it must be admitted, that the present condition of the Catholic will not be productive of any of those desirable objects; while, on the contrary, the degradation he suffers, and the frequent and annual insults he receives from the confederated societies of this country are viewed with pleasure by the tyrant of Europe-[Hear.] He calculates on these divisions as a Bank of Discontent, on which he may draw with success, as he has done in the other unhappy countries he has subjugated, Hear, hear, hear-cheering for several minutes.It is for this reason I press, and will always press for the Emancipation of the Catholic, that this scourge of mankind may be forced to seek for peace, and give to a harrassed world the blessings of repose[Hear. To those societies I would say— We Catholics revere the memory of KING WILLIAM, as the friend and protector of rational liberty, but we regard him also as the destroyer of Irish trade and Irish prosperity, to favour English monopoly.[ Hear, har, hear.The Protestants, in the intoxication of their triumph, over the Popish bigot JAMES, forgot the interest of their Country, so that for a century, she was swelling the triumph and glory of England-extending her conquests and commerce over the face of the Globe-pouring the wealth of the world into her lap, while the Irish Protestant and Catholic avere prohibited from touching the golden harvest they reaped for England-Peals of applause.You were scarcely permitted to taste the crumbs, and it was necessary that those very crumbs should first fall from the English table-Hear, hear, hear.-Was the slavery of the Catholics a sufficient recompense for the sacrifice of your trade, povers ty of your population, and the debasement of your Country? [Hear, hear, hear. Open your eyes, at length, I beseech you, to the true interests of your Country, and be no langer DUPES to the plundering, peculating, pensioned crew, that robs the hive of the honey, and leaves the thrifty bees that gathered it, to starve!-Loud cheering.] I detest, as much as any Protestant does, the Popish Inquisition of Spain and Portugal, Thanks to Bonaparte! →bad as he is, he has been the cause of suppressing those execrable institutions. But may I beg of my deluded Countrymen to abolish the Protestant Inquisition, supported by those Societies?-may I entreat them, in the words of the Gos pel" Do unto all men, as you would they should do unto you."~[Hear, hear, hear.] To my Catholic Brethren I say though we have much to complain of, we have much to rejoice in. The sweet consola. tion of seeing all the good and great of the Protestant Body sympathize in our sorrows, is little short of our Emancipation. We have another and a substantial consolation-that by comparing our con dition with the state of any other Subjects in Europe, (except in the British Empire,) it is liberty itself, when contrasted with their slavery and wretchedness.—{ Hear, hear!] Stand fast then by your country -make every sacrifice to defend her against all her enemies, and for myself, I promise, that while there is strength in this arm to wield a sword or draw a trigger, it shall be used (if necessary) to support the British Constitution and integrity of the British Empire-loud applauses for several minutes.)—And I beseech you my Catholic Brethren, that, if you should again ever see the Badges or Banners of the Confede rated Societies displayed, you would view them, not with indignation or contempt, but with Noble Christian Charity-And lifting up your hands and hearts to your Heavenly Father, pray in the words of your SAVIOUR on the Cross, "Oh! Father, forgive them, as they know not what they do!" [peals of applauses.] DR. DRENNAN.-Mr. Chairman, 1 rise with much reluctance to speak in public; but a strong sense of the duty which every man owes to himself and others, and to a consistency of character and conduct, impels me to say a few words. I think, Sir, that every man, whatever may be his profession, whatever may be his religion-1 say, Sir, that every man who regards the tranquillity and good order of the country, is called on to unite with his Catholic Countrymen; because he, his family, his latest posterity, have an equal interest in the result of the present question. There is every reason to congratulate ourselves and our country, and the empire at large, on the progress of late, so rapidly, and even unexpectedly made, in the coalition and combination of Catholic and Protes tant Irishmen in the cause of Catholic Emancipation and common right. Some have ascribed this happy event to one cause, some to another. "It has been attributed to the Protestant Gentry and Land, holders, contemplating the near approach of a General Election, and wishing as early as possible to acquire the good graces of the Catholic tenantry and freeholders. It has been ascribed, by others, to an uncertainty respecting the sentiments of the PRINCE REGENT on the subject; but, at the same time, a hope diffusing itself through the country, that those sentiments are personally, and will shortly be publicly in favour of Catholic Emancipation. For my part, I ascribe this progressive union and concord of my countrymen chiefly, if not solely, to one cause-to the rashness, the precipitance, and the infatuation of an Irish administration, which have overleaped all the bounds of sage and sound discretion, and, by standing in the way of a right of Nature, the right of Petitioning, have acted in direct contradiction and contempt of common sense and the common feelings of humanityand in doing so, by a sort of providential fatuity, have not only roused all that is man within the Catholic bosom, but have awakened a social sympathy, a general fellow-feeling with the case of the Catholics in the breasts of every other rank and order in the community-Hear, hear, hear!] -They have done more; they have se parated the consideration of religious difference entirely from the question-Hear, hear!--they have made it be considered what it should have always been consider ed, as a general question-Hear, hear] à political question—a national questionHear, hear!] -This is, I think, the true reason of the present concord of sentiment that takes place in this Assembly and in this Island. Without staying to scrutinize the motives of men, let us take the benefit resulting from their actions; and no circumstance has taken place in this country for many years, that has more contributed, though indirectly, to the welfare and best interests of Ireland, than the Circular Letter of Mr. Pole, and the Proclamation of the Privy Council. Loud and general applause.] -I wish, Sir, to mention one or two be neficial effects of this auspicious coalition of Protestant and Catholic. First, it may serve to fix and determine the mind of the Prince Regent, should it so happen that his mind is wavering and uncertain on the subject. When Mr. Perceval expatiates as usual on the necessity of conforming to the wishes of what is called the Protes tant Party or Interest in Ireland, the Prince may well reply, I see no indica tions of Parties in this business; I see all Parties uniting into one Public; I see Protestant Gentlemen of respectability and stake in the Country coming forward in the cause of the Catholics. Their pe tition is not so much from a part as from a whole People. Would it not therefore be most hazardous to the public tranquillity at a time so perilous, and would it not prove unavailing any longer to resist the will and wishes of the universal Irish Nation? Again, Sir, this friendly coalition will accomplish the good purposes of the legis lative union. I have heard it given as a sentiment at table, "external union, but no internal union!"-Now I think, that without both these unions being accomplished, the ends of neither will be never realized. Without an internal union, that is, a union among ourselves, the purposes of the external union will never be effectuated. Without the conditions of the legislative union be faithfully, and honourably, and honestly performed, I say, the conditions of the compact, which were at the time expressed, and which at the time were understood, there never can be external union, the people of these kingdoms will never be incorporated, but eternal dissentions, feuds and animosities, will continue the inheritance of this unhappy Island, and the sore calamity of the empire:-internal union is therefore absolutely necessary to external union, and internal union will never take place without an union of the hearts and hands of the whole Irish people. But, Sir, this association of Catholic and Protestant, will, I sincerely trust and hope, be a step, and a great step in the attainment of that grand political measure, without which, all, in my mind, is as nothing-I mean, a Reform of the represen tation of the people in the Commons House of Parliament. Catholic. Emancipation is, in itself, a Reform, and as such I hail its good effects. But if the admission of the Ca tholics into the full equality of political Privilege, be merely to add to the mass of political corruption, I pray God, the Catholics may never obtain their Emancipation. Here Mark Devlin, with an honest warmth of feeling, exclaimed, "I heartily join you in that prayer." Loud approbation was also expressed by others.If they are to be adopted into the constitution, as into a corpulent and corrupt corporation, without adding any spirit, any purity, any renovation, but merely fixing mere firmly the crying abuses, and shameful polution of the constitution, I, for one, would be a sincere and single negative against the Ever be it remembered, the Resolution of the Grand Catholic Committee, in the year 1795: and universal liberty of conscience, has united all sects in the common cause of equal rights. It has shown that there is a Public in Ireland, as the same mistaken policy, and similar and successful resistance to it in England, in the case of the Dissenters, showed that there was a Public in England, the will or which was irresis tible-Hear, hear.]-I hope that the mi nister is convinced, by this time, that public sentiment is as strenuous here. The day of bigotry is passing away, and I am happy that mankind are learning the lesson of forbearance. I rejoice to see the cause of my Catholic brethren put on the broad principle of universal right, and I feel equal pleasure at the downfal of illibera "Resolved, That it is with pleasure and gratitude we have observed the House of Commons, in this Session, unanimously taking into their consideration, that most important measure, the present Representation of the people in Parliament; and we do most carnestly exhort the Catholics of Ireland to co-operate with their Protestant brethren, in all legal and constitutional means to carry into effect that great measure recognised by the wisdom of parliament, and so essential to the freedom, happiness, and prosperity of Ireland-Ality, formerly so prevalent, just as if cer REFORM IN THE REPRESENTATION OF THE PEOPLE IN THE COMMONS HOUSE." I trust, Sir, that this great and mutual object will be the consequence of Catholic and Protestant co-operation. The era of your complete enfranchisement will eventually work out the weal or woe of Ireland. I revere your cause, but the Catholic cause, great as it is, is subordinate to the cause of REFORM, and included in it. I am, Sir, neither for dominancy, political dominancy, in one religion or another. I am neither for Protestant ascendancy, or Catholic ascendancy, but for one equal law of liberty, one powerful Empire, one free Constitution; and with respect to the different religions, let them find out the road to Heaven by the light of their own consciences. I beg leave to repeat a maxim of the Sanscrit, which is brought all the way from India, and which is, I think, well worth the carriage: "The Pomegranate hath many partitions, But the seed is equally red in them all. Do not give an undue preference to any one race of men, For the blood is equally red in them all." JOHN HANCOCK rose, and spoke as follows:- wish to offer a few unpremeditated observations. I congratulate my countrymen on the general union of sentiment, exhibited here this day in favour of our Catholic brethren, now assembled for the purpose of claiming their just rights. It augurs well for Ireland to see a cordial co-operation of all religious sects. It is an homage paid to justice. I attribute this union of sentiment to the Proclama tion, which, instead of terrifying and scattering the friends of justice, peace, tain sects were the peculiar favourites of the Deity, and were alone worthy to drink of the dew of heaven. I am glad to see such sentiments passing away, and I hope that the resistance which has been made to the just claims of our Catholic brethren will lead to an extension of the popular sentiment. The unanimity of the present times proves that though bigotry may show its noxious head in council, we are free from its influence, exhibiting our selves as children of one common father.[Hear, hear.]-Before I sit down, I wish to road a declaratory Resolution. I shall for bear to press its adoption at present, lest it might disturb the unanimity of the meeting, as some might object to it, as not being comprised in the business of the meeting. I leave it to be acted on here after, at a time which others may consider a more favourable opportunity. Resolved, That, as Catholics and Protestants, we are firmly united in the principle, that all disabilities and disqualifica tions on account of a difference in reli gious opinions are inconsistent with the inalienable right of liberty of conscience. The attempt to control opinions has in less enlightened times produced the mu tual acrimony and hostility of sects towards each other, but such a control does not come within the proper province of Government, who ought to leave opinion and the right of private judgment free, and only punish when actions become inconsistent with the public welfare. On this principle we are bound to the cause of Catholic Emancipation; we rejoice in infringe the Toleration Act, and we corthe rejection of Lord Sidmouth's Bill to in our sister country, under the auspices of dially wish success to the plan in agitation the venerable Christopher Wyvill, to petition the Legislature to remove all restrictions off Catholics and Dissenters of every description, and by one compreI hensive Act to restore complete liberty of conscience, and the unquestioned right of 1 every man to judge for himself, as being only answerable for his opinions to God and his own conscience. [Loud applause.] It is but justice to state, that such of the Catholics to whom the resolution had been previously communicated, expressed their unreserved and hearty approbation of it: and there is now cause for regret that the resolution had not been moved, as from the complexion of the meeting, there is no room to doubt but the resolution would have been supported by a very large majority of the meeting. The Chairman then read the following letter: GENTLEMEN, Bush Bank, Oct. 8, 1911. your I regret extremely that business of a most important, urgent, and pressing nature will prevent me from attending (as I had deterinined upon)the meeting of highly respectable Body, convened for the 10th instant, to take into consideration the propriety of Petitioning Parliament for a Repeal of those Penal Laws, which still continue to disgrace the Statute Books, and affect the Catholics of Ireland. of As a Protestant Landed Proprietor this county, permit me to assure you, take the most lively interest in the suc cess of your Claims--Claims which, found ed as they are, upon the immutable principles of Justice, and the fundamental maxims of the Constitution under which you live, must be conceded; and for the attaining of which, I trust and hope no il legal and unconstitutional Manifestoes, nor any other earthly considerations, will ever, for a moment, induce you to relax your efforts. Too long has this unhappy country been torn to pieces by religious animosities, fomented, I am sorry to say, by those whose imperious duty it was to have promoted concord and harmony amongst the people; but from the firm, steady, and dignified proceedings of your Body, I augur the happiest results, and look for ward shortly to more haleyon days, when, by the abolition of all political distinctions, founded upon religious opinions, we shall no longer be two Sects, but one People; justice will be rendered the Catholics, additional weight and consequence given to the Protestant, and aug mented strength and security to the Em pire. I have the honour to be, &c. JOHN GAGE LECKEY. To the Gentlemen who signed the Requisition for the Meeting of Catholics of the County of Antrim, at Belfast, on the 10th instant. MR. CRAIG, M. P. for the Borough of Carrickfergus, gave his cordial concurrence to the Resolutions, and was happy at finding the unanimity which prevailed. It was always his opinion, that Catholic Emancipation was as necessary to the prosperity as the security of Ireland.-[Hear, hear, hear] He considered their claims to be founded in the strictest justice. The Protestant and the Catholic were equally called on to supply the navy, to recruit the army, and to pay the taxes, and therefore, no rational man could deny that they were entitled to the same privileges-Loud applause.From the growing sentiments of liberality, and from the dissipation of religious prejudices, he would anticipate the day-the triunt which were as disgraceful to the character phant day, when the Penal Restrictive Laws, of the age, as unjust in their principle, or oppressive in their operation, would be blotted out from the Statute Book. Then and not until then, they might expect prosperity. Mr. Craig concluded by declaring, that he would give their petitions his support there and elsewhere, and by thanking the meeting for the honour they had conferred on him. Mr. M'GOURAN.-Mr. Chairman, I beg your attention for some time. To use cir cumlocution, Sir, in telling you I am not in the habit of speaking to public assem blies, I conceive unnecessary; I will briefly tell you, it is the first time I ever attempted to address any congregated body of people, great or small; nor have I much claim on your attention, having neither title nor talent to recommend me to your notice; but as an individual constituting a part of that body, whose continued grievances are the cause of our assembling this day, to act in co-operation with the rest of our Catholic brethren in this kingdom, to pray for a relief from such grievances, I solicit a hearing, while I speak my sentiments on the subject, and express my decided confidence in the ultimate and speedy success of our object, which has been greatly forwarded this day, by the able support of our worthy brethren of a different communion. I have, Sir, in common with every other well disposed and loyal subject of this |