MAY 6, 1836.]

WASHINGTON, May 6, 1836.

TRANSFERS OF PUBLIC MONEY.

Mr. EWING of Ohio moved that one thousand extra copies of the report of the Secretary of the Treasury, in reply to the call of Mr. EWING for an account of the amount of money received in the western States for public lands, transferred to eastern banks, be printed for the use of the Senate.

On making his motion, Mr. E. said: Mr. President, some days ago you received from the Secretary of the Treasury an answer in part to a resolution of the Senate, relative to the transfers of the public money from the western deposite banks to the eastern cities. There were of that partial answer some extra copies-I think one thousand--ordered to be printed on the motion of the Senator from New Hampshire over the way [Mr. HUBBARD.] Day before yesterday the residue of the answer to that call was received, and a motion to print the same number of extra copies offered by the same Senator; but it was withdrawn at my request, and I now renew the motion, and ask that 1,000 extra copies of the report be printed.

But, before I resume my seat, said Mr. E., I hope the Senate will indulge me in saying a few words on the matters set forth in this report. It will be recollected that when the resolution of inquiry was pending before the Senate, I caused to be read a circular from the Clinton Bank of Columbus, one of the depositories of the public money; in which that bank informs the other banks of the State that it had directed the receivers of the several land offices who made deposites in that bank to receive none of the notes of the Ohio banks in pay. ment for lands, without further orders; and that those orders would not be issued in favor of any banks except those who would agree to redeem their notes in drafts on some of the Atlantic cities at thirty days' date. it alleges, as a reason for imposing such harsh conditions, that that bank had necessarily to transfer to those eastern cities nearly all the public money which it received. The resolution offered by myself, and adopted by the Senate, directs the Secretary of the Treasury to state whether the deposite banks possessed the power to direct what funds should and what should not be receivable for public lands; and what amount of money, so received VOL. XII.-89

And

[SENATE.

by the deposite banks in the west, was by his order so transferred. The part of his answer which came in first, and which has been printed and laid upon our tables, goes to the power of the deposite banks in the several States over the currency; and I understand the Secretary to say (for he is not very explicit in his statement) that they have the power which they claim. I look upon this as a most unfortunate state of things, and wholly unjustifiable and improper, as it regards the Government itself and the great business community. The Secretary urges as a reason for vesting these banks with this enormous power over the currency of the country, that they are responsible to the United States for all that they receive, and bound to pay it, if required, in gold and silver; that they, therefore, ought not to be compelled to receive any thing that is not equivalent to gold and silver. But this does not meet the case presented; it does not apply to the state of things which has made the subject a matter of inquiry: it is not gold and silver, or any thing that is equal, and only equal, to gold and silver, that they require. All the banks in Ohio pay gold and silver for their notes on their counters, and will be able to do it, unless a wreck take place in another quarter, and the sinking masses drag down every thing in their vortex. Those banks are richly stored with specie, and will hold out to the last. But specie will not do this deposite bank. Drafts on the eastern cities are worth one and a half per cent. more than gold and silver, and they require drafts in exchange; and the bank that will not pay this premium for the privilege of letting its notes be current for the revenue, must submit to the discredit, and the public must submit to the inconvenience of having them refused.

I find, too, (said Mr. E.,) to my utter astonishment, if the report of the Secretary be correct-as of course it must be that the pretext set forth in the circular of the Clinton Bank, for this unusual and oppressive exaction, is unsustained by the fact. The circular represents that nearly all the money of the United States received in that bank has necessarily to be transmitted to the eastern cities. The Secretary says in his report, that no more than $45,000 of that received in the whole State of Ohio has been so transmitted since the 1st day of June last; and, if I recollect his figures right, he makes it 1-253d part--or one dollar transmitted out of 253 dollars received. I can say no more upon this branch of the subject than this: that justice requires that it should be distinctly noticed by me; that the incorrect statement contained in that circular, which I implicitly credited, led me, when I first addressed the Senate, to suggest a censure on the Secretary of the Treasury for withdrawing from the State of Ohio funds which I find, in his report, he has not in fact withdrawn. But it now remains for him to determine whether he will permit his fiscal agents, on representations such as this, to establish a brokerage upon the funds of the United States, and while they must themselves in fact inflict upon the community all the mischief which would arise from an actual transmission and abstraction of the public funds.

One other thing I wish to notice. It is, that the Secretary of the Treasury says in this report, that exchange still continues easy; that it has never been more favorable. This is the idea; I have not his words. I do not propose to contradict this. I merely call the attention of the business public to the statement, that they may see what the Secretary of the Treasury says to Congress about the exchanges. Every business man in every portion of the United States knows whether this is or is not the fact.

Mr. HUBBARD remarked that he tendered his thanks to the Senator from Ohio for having renewed the motion which he presented a few days past to the Senate, (the consideration of which was postponed upon the Senator's

SENATE.]

motion,) to have printed a thousand extra copies of the report of the Secretary of the Treasury, which was communicated to the Senate in answer to the resolution which that Senator had offered, requiring the Secretary to inform the Senate "what amount of moneys of the United States, received for public lands in the States of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, and Missouri, and the Michigan Territory, had been, in pursuance of his instructions, transferred to banks in the eastern cities, since the 30th of June, 1835, and that he designate the banks from and to which such transfers had been made." It will be recollected that when the first part of the Secretary's report came in, in part answer to this resolution of the Senator from Ohio, he had moved that a thousand extra copies should be printed; and when the report now under consideration was communicated, he had made a similar motion. In making these motions, he was principally governed by a desire to give early information to the public; so that if the Secretary of the Treasury had been in fault, in relation to this matter, it should be known as extensively, at least, as these reports should be circulated; and that, if no blame was chargeable upon him, he might stand acquitted from something more than a mere insinuation, which, in the progress of this affair, had been, in his judgment, cast upon that officer. He therefore tendered to the Senator his thanks for having renewed the motion; and if he had rightly understood the remarks which had just been made by the Senator from Ohio, he had not undertaken to gainsay any part of the report itself, or to complain of the Secretary for the manner in which he had answered his resolution. He was not disposed to engage himself in any matter in controversy between the deposite banks in Ohio and the other banks in that State. Whatever the Senator had been pleased to say as to the course and conduct of the State banks having the public money in deposite, with reference to the other banks of that State, did not seem to require any notice from him. He was disposed to let these banks manage their own affairs in their own way; it was merely his purpose to show that the course and the conduct of the Secretary of the Treasury upon the subject of the public money in deposite in Ohio, and in the other States mentioned in the resolution of the Senator, were wholly unexceptionable; that he had pursued towards the banks of those States, as far as he had authority to interpose, the same liberal, just, and impartial course which he had pursued towards the banks in the other States.

It certainly was known to the Senate that the bills of State banks are not by law receivable for the public Jands. Nothing but gold and silver, and bills of the Bank of the United States, are by law receivable; and whatever regulations are made between the banks who have the public money in deposite, and who are to be called upon to transfer, or in any way to disburse it, and other banking institutions, upon the subject of their own paper currency, is matter exclusively for them, and with which the Secretary can have, and should have, nothing to do. The deposite banks are liable, in pursuance of the contract between the Government and them, to pay out the deposites in specie; to transfer their funds, without charge, to any section of the country where they may be wanted for expenditure, or where they may be preserved in greater security. It must be, therefore, wholly a regulation between the banks themselves-a regulation for their convenience--entered into for their accommodation and the accommodation of the public, and which will be observed so long as, and no longer than, it will be conducive to their interest.

Mr. H. remarked that, although he had very curiously looked through the report of the Secretary of the Treasury in manuscript, yet he was not disposed to discuss that report at this time. The report, when published,

[MAY 6, 1836.

would speak for itself; it would show the principles upon which the transfers of public money are made from one point to another. The report will clearly show that they are made to a given point, when a greater expenditure is there demanded than the ordinary collections at that given point will meet the requirements of the Government. This report will show that these transfers are sometimes made, very properly, with a regard to the safety and security of the public money. But never have these transfers been ordered by the present head of the Treasury Department, unless for some such just and meritorious consideration which I have mentioned. Never have they been ordered with a view to prejudice, to weaken, to embarrass the section, or the money market at the point from which these transfers have been made. The Secretary of the Treasury is incapable of being influenced by any such blameworthy considerations.

He

Mr. H. said all he desired was, that the report might be published, and that all judgments upon its merits or demerits might be suspended until it shall have been printed, read, and considered. He thought he hazarded little in saying that, when well examined, it would give to the Senator from Ohio, himself, satisfaction; that it would afford entire satisfaction to the Senate, and to the whole community. It would show, most conclusively, that the Secretary of the Treasury was not, in relation to this matter, in the least degree liable to censure. would merely add that, unless he was greatly mistaken, the report would show, so far from pursuing an oppressive course, that no more money had been transferred from those points of collection than a proper regard to public convenience and economy demanded; that it will be found that there were left in deposite within the limits of Ohio, at the latest returns, millions more than were in deposite in that State in June, 1835, and more than, in all probability, will be required for public expenditures within that State for the whole of the current year; and the same remark will apply to the other States, and to the Territory named in the resolution of the Senator. It will be found that more of the public money was, at the last returns, in deposite in Ohio alone than in all the New England States, Massachusetts excepted. He did not, however, wish to pursue this subject further. hoped that the motion of the Senator would prevail; that the thousand copies would be published, and would be distributed with as little delay as possible.

He

Mr. EWING, of Ohio, replied, that the report of the Secretary did not show that any unreasonable amount bad been transferred from Ohio. The Senator was mistaken in supposing that there had been no transfer, for the Secretary said to the contrary, though the amount was too small to warrant the deposite banks in saying that they had to transmit all the money they collected to

the East.

The motion to print was then adopted.

CHOCTAW LANDS.

On motion of Mr. BLACK, the Senate took up for consideration a joint resolution, from the House, to suspend the sales of the Choctaw lands, acquired under the treaty of Dancing Rabbit creek.

The joint resolution, as it came from the House, provides that the suspension shall be "until the further order of Congress." "The committee reported an amendment, striking out these words, and substituting the words, "from the first day of June to the first day of December." The amendment was agreed to.

The resolution, as amended, was ordered to a third reading.

APPROPRIATION BILL.

The Senate resumed the consideration of the bill ma

king appropriation for the civil and diplomatic service of the United States for the year 1835.

The question pending being on the motion to strike out the clause appropriating $20,000 for the publication, by Messrs. Clarke & Force, of a documentary history of the revolution, under a contract with the Secretary of State,

Mr. WEBSTER stated his willingness to assent to the proposition to let the subject stand over until the next session, by which time a volume would be printed, and the work could be examined. He went into a detail of the circumstances attending the progress of this con

tract.

Mr. SOUTHARD also went into a full exposition of the facts.

The amendment was then agreed to, according to the suggestion of Mr. WEBSTER.

On motion of Mr. ROBBINS, some changes were made in the clauses concerning the library.

The amendments were then ordered to be engrossed, and the bill to be read a third time.

ENLISTMENT OF BOYS FOR NAVAL SERVICE. On motion of Mr. SOUTHARD, a bill to provide for the enlistment of boys for the naval service was taken up and considered.

The bill was amended on motion of Mr. SOUTHARD, by introducing a provision authorizing the enlistment of others than boys, for a period of not less than five years, and also by introducing additional sections for the charge of persons enlisted before they are taken to the vessels. The bill was then ordered to be engrossed. On motion of Mr. CLAYTON, the Senate proceeded to the consideration of executive business. After the doors were re-opened, The Senate adjourned till Monday.

MONDAY, MAY 9.

THE ARMY.

Mr. WEBSTER, from the Committee on Finance, reported the act making appropriations for the army for the year 1836, with two amendments.

On motion of Mr. WEBSTER, the bill was then taken up for consideration, and the amendments were read.

Mr. W. then explained that the bill, as it came from the House, contained a provision for moving the troops from Fort Gibson to some other point on the banks of the Arkansas. The Committee on Finance had thought it better, with a view to consult the health of the army, that the point should be left to the discretion of the President, who might consider the high lands a more healthful location than the immediate banks of the river. This, therefore, was the object of the amend

ment.

The other amendment was to insert an appropriation of $300 for completing the medal voted to General Ripley. By an accident, this appropriation, which had been added by the committee to another appropriation bill, had been omitted in the engrossment of that bill, and it was therefore introduced into this bill.

The amendments were then agreed to; the bill was reported without further amendments, and the amendments were ordered to be engrossed, and the bill to be read a third time.

The bill was subsequently read a third time and passed.

APPROPRIATION BILL.

A message from the House of Representatives was received, stating that the House had concurred in all the amendments of the Senate to the bill making appropriations for the civil and diplomatic service of the United States, with the exception of the sixth amendment.

[SENATE.

[This amendment consists of an appropriation for the judicial department of the district of East Florida.]

Mr. WEBSTER said he thought the non-concurrence of the House in this amendment was probably the result of want of information. He did not wish to delay the passage of this bill, and it might be that the clause stricken out by the House could be introduced into another bill. He would leave it to any Senator to suggest what might be the proper course.

Mr. WRIGHT stated that, since the message was received from the House, he had received a communication from the chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means, by whom it was stated that the committee were of the opinion that they had voted from insufficient information. It was, however, thought best that the appropriation should be introduced into another bill, in preference to delaying this bill.

Mr. WEBSTER, assenting to this course, moved that the Senate recede from their amendment; which motion was agreed to.

AFFAIRS OF TEXAS.

Mr. PRESTON presented several memorials (all of the same tenor) from citizens of Philadelphia, praying Congress to recognise the independence of Texas; described and characterized the various transactions between that country and Mexico; and moved the reading and printing of the memorial.

The memorial was read.

Mr. PRESTON said that he was not surprised at the natural sympathy of our fellow-citizens with those who were struggling for liberty, either in the province of Texas or any where else. It would be strange indeed, if we, who had so lately, and under such extraordinary circumstances, achieved our own freedom-if we, in whose recollection the motives that induced us to rear the standard and fight the battles of equal rights were still fresh and vigorous-if we did not feel the strongest and deepest emotion at beholding this contest; if, when the cry of liberty was raised in any quarter, it did not find a ready echo in our bosoms, and go sounding back, cheering and animating those who were thus struggling, wherever that struggle might be. It was so in the Greek revolution; our feelings were enlisted with that gallant people, though far distant, and speaking an unknown tongue. It was so in the case of that small community, situated in the centre of Europe, surrounded by a mass of enemies who were sure to crush them. So deep and so abiding was that interest and that sympathy, that, far from being confined to newspapers and private circles, it burst forth in our public meetings and legislative halls. He alluded to the Poles. So also with South America. On the earliest occasion, and in every possible mode, did we express our hope of the final triumph of those who were striking for liberty. These facts were fresh in our memories, and were honorable to our national character. And, being so, he repeated that it was not surprising that the deepest solicitude should be felt in the result of the struggle which was going on in a province so near us; a province, the population of which professed the same religion, spoke the same language, were fighting for the establishment of the same institutions under which we ourselves were living, and were connected with us by the dearest ties of kindred. They had been seduced to emigrate by the promise of a free Government. This Government had been overthrown; and its destroyer, trampling on the fragments of a broken constitution, his passions inflamed to madness, calling to his aid all who had assisted in the old rebellion, exciting their love of plunder and their religious fanaticism, was, with these combined elements, sweeping in a fiery torrent over the country, and destroying life, property, and all that was dear and valuable.

These

In this state of things, (said Mr. P.,) it surely was not to be wondered at that the deepest solicitude should exist in the breast of every individual. Since he had participated in the affairs of Government, there was scarcely any thing of a public nature which he thought more deserving of attention. His own hopes had been animated: he trusted in God the Texans might succeed; and that the standard of liberty might yet wave over their desolated territory, to the utter exclusion of this barbarous and tyrannic usurper. These hopes were shared in by all who had signed this memorial. sympathies and feelings do exist. They might bethey were calculated to warp our sense of justice. He trusted they would not; and yet he hoped that, while we exercised the proper degree of forbearance, and did nothing in violation of the law of nations, we should put ourselves in a thorough state of preparation to meet any emergency which might arise. It was now known that Santa Anna had declared that his conquering banner should be placed upon the Capitol at Washington. To effect this, he did not rely upon his own prowess, but on the assistance of a certain set of auxiliaries whom he expected to meet on the banks of the Mississippi. The threat might not have been seriously intended: it might have originated in a mere spirit of bravado. But we ought to be forewarned and forearmed; and if there should be the slightest indication that this was not an idle taunt, then we should meet him and crush his hopes at once. If he did commit the slightest act of aggression, he believed in God the knell of his dominion in Texas was rung.

For the present, he would content himself with discharging the duty with which he had been intrusted, by presenting these memorials; and believing that no action of Congress could be had on them, he would move that they be read, and laid on the table.

Mr. WEBSTER said that, like the gentleman from South Carolina, he was not now prepared to go into a discussion on the occurrences on our southwestern frontier. He had no wish to anticipate any discussion on this subject, which might hereafter become necessary. In most of the sentiments which had fallen from the Senator from South Carolina he entirely concurred. He considered it as no more than natural that the sympathies of all classes of our citizens should be excited in favor of a war founded in the desire, and sanctified by the name, of liberty. There could be no doubt, from our education and habits, that a free Government is the sort of Government which commands our attachment; and when we see struggling to obtain such a Government those who are in some degree related to us by the ties of country, companionship, and kindred, it is not matter of wonder that we should be inspired with warm hopes for their success. But (Mr. W. said) he also agreed altogether with the Senator from South Carolina, that this is not the time for Congress to do or sanction any act beyond the preservation of our neutrality in the contest. To any thing beyond this he was opposed; but to that object he was willing to lend his hearty co-operation.

In one respect only, then, (said Mr. W.,) he differed from the Senator from South Carolina. He was not for the Government encouraging the sending forth any aid. That was a matter for every individual to consider for himself, rather than for the consideration of Congress. Nor, as regarded himself, whatever opinions he might have formed as to the manner in which this war in Texas had been waged, or as to the manner in which the Mexican Government was administered, could he forget that we are on terms of peace with that Government, as it has been organized and as it is now administered. We ourselves, (the Senate,) it would be recollected, as a part of the Executive, have but recently made a treaty

[MAY 9, 1836'

with the Mexican Government, with General Santa Anna at its head, and that Government is at this moment represented in the United States by a diplomatic agent. Under these circumstances, he felt himself restrained from applying such epithets as the Senator from South Carolina had used, in reference to the head of that Government. Having been called on, in the execution of his senatorial functions, to conclude a treaty with that Government, he felt himself restrained from the use of such terms, in speaking of the acknowledged head of the Government, as might have a tendency to prevent the continuance of those relations of peace and amity which are now subsisting between Mexico and the United States.

As to the actual state of things in Texas, he had perhaps as accurate information as any one else. Down to a very recent period, he had received it from persons actually resident in that country. He would, at this time, say nothing as to that state of things. He was, however, entirely willing that we should be prepared for the worst that could happen; but he was not, on that account, about to suppose the existence of that worst state of things. All he meant at present to say was, that he concurred generally in what had fallen from the Senator from South Carolina, [Mr. PRESTON,] reserving himself, as to any particular opinions, for a future occasion. But he did not feel himself at liberty to use language which is at war with propriety, especially towards the head of a Government with which we are on a friendly footing; because he was unwilling to do or say any thing which could have a tendency to disturb the peace of the United States. He went for the peace of the United States, at the same time that he was willing to go as far in defence of our frontier as the necessity of the case, should require.

Mr. PRESTON said he was happy that his views met, in some measure, with the concurrence of the gentleman from Massachusetts. He should endeavor, on every occasion, to suppress all undue ebullition of feeling. It was impossible, however, under some circumstances, to measure language. He knew what was due to his country, and desired nothing so much as its tranquillity and honor. But, while he would do nothing to interrupt its peaceful relations, or throw any impediment in the way of their exercise, he must be permitted to consider himself not only in his executive and legislative capacity, but as a citizen of a republic, whenever he was called upon to express an opinion in such an emergency as this. If the feelings to which this emergency had given rise should burst out in strong epithets, if he did not adhere to the cold and exact dictates of duty, he trusted an apology would be found for him. We had recognised the Government de facto of Santa Anna. We had entered into diplomatic relations with him. How and when was this Government established? By whom was it established, and what sort of a Government was it? Was it the constitutional Government which once existed in Mexico' Was it a Government of long continuance, supported by the wishes and love and affection of the people? Or was it a mere despotism, and its founder a fortunate soldier?

It is our policy (said Mr. P.) to recognise established Governments, no matter what their principles, or by whom founded. We have a treaty with him now; we are running a line between his territory and our own; and there existed no wish on his part to interrupt the first, or prevent the peaceful prosecution of the latter. But there was a principle of vast importance presented to his mind, and that was, the actual existing state of things on the southwestern frontier. It was absolutely necessary to consider the next step in the series of events which were transpiring there. There ought to be an augmented military force in that defenceless section of

our country; surrounded as it was by savage and warlike tribes, ready to be acted upon by this Santa Anna-a man of unquestioned ability, already in command of a mixed, heterogeneous, and ferocious soldiery. If these threats have been made--but he would forbear, first, because he believed the policy of our country in relation to foreign Governments to be a wise and true one; but chiefly that he dare not trust the current of his feelings to sway him. He would restrain his indignation, therefore; and, in consideration of the respectful terms in which the memorial was couched, and the high standing of those who signed it, he would move that it be printed.

Mr. PORTER said that his object in rising was not so much to take part in this debate as to make an inquiry of the honorable Senator from South Carolina. That gentleman had said that it was now a known and admitted fact that Santa Anna had declared that, by the aid of a certain portion of our population, he would invade this country, march through it, and take the city of Washington. Mr. P. said that this fact was not known to him, and therefore he could not admit it. If such an assertion had been put forth, he should consider it as an idle rhodomontade. But it was calculated to increase the excitement which had been already gotten up on, this subject; and he should be glad if the Senator from South Carolina would favor the Senate with the evidence on which he considered the fact as known and admitted.

Mr. PRESTON said it would, perhaps, have been as well if the Senator from Louisiana had let the matter rest on his (Mr. P's) personal assertion of the fact; but, as the inquiry had been made, he could answer it by referring to the Senator from Mississippi, who had in his possession conclusive evidence of the fact.

Mr. WALKER said that perhaps it would have been better if there had been no call made upon him. He had received a letter from a distinguished individual in the capital of Mexico, but he did not think it proper to give publicity to the name of the writer. He had shown the letter to several Senators; and he would read to the Senate an extract from it. He had no hesitation in giving entire credit to the statements in this extract; for the writer, who was well known to many Senators, had as respectable a standing as any gentleman on this floor, and the accuracy of his statements was indisputable. The extract was as follows:

"Just before General Santa Anna left on his northern campaign, he was at Tacubaya. The British and French ministers called on him. He said he intended to drive the Texans across the Red river; and, if they were defended there by the troops of the United States, he would drive them to Washington; and, turning to Mr. Pakenham, (the British minister,) he added, Yes, I will drive them to Washington, and strip the laurels from General Jackson, and burn the Capitol, as your countrymen once did;' and said it would, nevertheless, be a little something like the march of Napoleon to Moscow.'

The British minister, the writer of this letter stated, was willing to confirm the truth of this statement. The gentlemen on the other side were at liberty to read this letter. He had not a shadow of a doubt that Santa Anna had made such a declaration. And (said Mr. W.) are we to sit here and listen to apologies and excuses for the atrocities of Santa Anna? Are we to be told by American Senators, in the American Senate, that we must repress our feelings, as well as have respect to our neutrality? That we are not to express those feelings of indignation which must rise in every American bosom? Who is Santa Anna? He is the Government of Mexico. He has planted a despotism in that country; has erected a central Government, and destroyed every vestige of free

dom.

[SENATE.

We have heard of rebels. Who are the rebels? They are Santa Anna, and his priests, and mercenaries, and myrmidons. They are the rebels. The people of Texas clung to the Government of Mexico as long as they possibly could do so; as long as a wreck of the constitution was discernible, or a floating plank, they did their utmost to save it from destruction. It was not until the flag of the constitution was struck, and there was no longer a hope, that they raised the flag of independence.

Mr. PORTER said he deprecated every thing which had a tendency to enlist still further our feelings and sympathies in the contest now raging in the Mexican provinces. Our position, our natural character, and our true interests required a strict neutrality at our hands. This policy was so obviously the proper one, that he could not imagine, and did not mean to assert, that any Senator here wished to depart from it. But he was sorry to say that nothing better calculated to produce a departure from the position we should occupy could be imagined, than what had fallen to-day from the Senators from South Carolina and Mississippi. Our Government was a popular one. Its action necessarily sympathized with public opinion; and if that opinion was formed under excitement and passion, there was great danger it would be incorrect. He did not understand why Santa Anna should be selected of all the other despots that existed at present in the world, and made the theme of reproach. His conduct is perhaps very bad. It might be true--Mr. P. believed it was true-that he had overthrown the constitution of Mexico, and placed himself at the head of its Government, and exercised arbitrary power. But what then? Were there not a great many other despotic and arbitrary Governments in the world, with whom we felt no difficulty in maintaining relations of peace and amity? Our relations, he believed, were of the most friendly kind with the Grand Seignor at Constantinople, the Barbary Powers on the coast of the Mediterranean, and even the black empire of Hayti. We had only this session ratified a treaty with some hitherto unknown, half-civilized Power on the coast of Africa. There were no free institutions among these different nations. Despotism, absolute, cruel, and constant, prevailed amidst them all; and yet not a breath of reproach was heard against them. Our indignation was all reserved for Mexican oppression. We left to all other portions of the world the affair of living under what kind of Government they pleased, and considered that, as we permitted no foreign interference with our political institutions, we had no right to question the institutions of other countries. Mexico alone was made an exception.

He

The honorable Senator from Mississippi had said that he had heard on this floor apologies for Santa Anna. He (Mr. P.) had heard none. He himself had never made any. He had always thought, and always said, that so long as he observed good faith with us, and maintained the treaties he had entered into with the United States, we had nothing to do with his bad conduct in the Mexican provinces. That opinion he should on all suitable occasions express, and, if in his power, enforce. should not be deterred from doing so by any fear of misconstruction of his motives. His object was to preserve the peace of the country. He thought it her interest to preserve it-he meant not merely her pecuniary interest, but that of a higher kind, which looked at her true glory and the maintenance of the moral power which she now so advantageously possessed among mankind. And if these considerations did not influence him in the course he prescribed to himself in this matter, the vital interests of the State he had the honor in part to represent on this floor left him no discretion. valuable and lucrative branches of trade which were now

The