in activity between Louisiana and Mexico would be broken up by a war, and the principal channel through which specie entered into New Orleans closed completely. Every interest in that State, agricultural as well as commercial, would be seriously affected by a change in our relations. He was informed, and believed, that, during the last twenty months, the trade between the city just mentioned and the ports of Mexico amounted to nearly fifteen millions of dollars, and that in the same space of time about eight millions of specie had entered the Mississippi from the same quarter. All this was to be thrown away, because they had no free institutions in the country adjoining us. He must be excused if he did not feel himself at liberty to partake in such sentiWe were placed here to watch over the growing interests of our own country, to promote its happiness by all the means by which its wealth, population, and security can be secured, and not to indulge at its expense our own feelings, nor to carry out among other nations our abstract opinions of government. ments. the human race. [MAY 9, 1836. credence to such a tale; but unless Santa Anna was an Mr. WALKER had not intended to say a word more, was at liberty to read the letter itself. It was written Mr. PORTER replied that the Senator 'from Mississippi had said that he had heard apologies made on that floor for Santa Anna. He had taken down his words at the time, and could not be mistaken. The Senator now states his meaning was, that he hoped no apologies would be made for him. To the expression of such a feeling, he (Mr. P.) had not the slightest objection; and the gentleman was perfectly free to apply that hope to him. There was another consideration (Mr. P. said) for him and for the other gentlemen from Louisiana, in both Houses, with whom he had the honor to be associated. If war broke out between Mexico and the United States, the western portion of our State, and its borders, were to become the seat of it. That war, once commenced, he was afraid would not be speedily terminated. It must become, from the extent of the country and its localities, partisan in its character. And a large portion of the most wealthy and populous portions of the State was to be exposed for years to the inroads of Mexican cavalry and their Indian allies. He foresaw that, in the event alluded to, the inhabitants of that section of the State of Louisiana were to have their security disturbed and the safety of their property, particularly that of slaves, seriously endangered. He would give his aid to no measures which would precipitate such a state of things. It was very well for gentlemen who came from States where peace and security could not be affected by hostilities, to indulge in aspirations after the happiness of But he protested against their doing so at our expense. He acknowledged that he felt it of much more importance that the interests and safety of the people of Louisiana should be attended to, than the settlement of the political questions now agitating Mexico. The Senator from Mississippi had told us that the individual, whose letter he had read an extract from, was a man of character and veracity. Be it so. He did not feel inclined to controvert the truth of the statement; but he must be excused if he still doubted its correctness. The individual in question did not say that he heard Santa Anna make the declaration imputed to him; nor that the British minister in Mexico had made such a statement to the informant. It was, therefore, an assertion made on the information communicated by others. And all the weight it was entitled to was, that which it might derive from the correctness of the judgment of the writer on the veracity of those from whom he had received the tale. Mr. P. said he must be pardoned if, on a question of this magnitude, he could not surrender his belief to the opinions of any man of the truth of others, more particularly when the statement itself carried with it internal evidence how highly improbable it was. He had never heard any thing more ridiculous. What was it? Why this: that Santa Anna should have declared to the British and French ministers "that he would march with his army of ten thousand men from the frontiers of the Sabine, one thousand five hundred miles, subdue four or five millions of people-and that But the gentleman from South Carolina had invoked people among the bravest and freest on earth-plant bis them, in the name of liberty, to act in favor of Texas; standard on the Capitol at Washington, and tear the not at this time, for he considers it premature, but laurels from the brow of General Jackson." He (Mr. when the proper time should arrive. Was the honoraP.) did not quarrel with the belief of any man who gave ble gentleman very certain that they would favor liberty Mr. BROWN regretted very much to hear expressions that had been used in the course of the debate, calculated, in his opinion, to stimulate feelings in the people of this country, already sufficiently excited, and to encourage feelings of hostility against a nation with which we are at peace. He protested, for one, against entering into a crusade to regulate the internal concerns of any nation; he protested against any acts or the expression of any feelings calculated to involve us in a war with the Government of Mexico. He could attach no importance to the expressions said to have been used by Santa Anna with regard to this country; for, coming in the way it did, we could not, consistently with what was due to ourselves, notice it. When Santa Anna himself thought proper to address to this Government, through his diplomatic agents, or promulgate to the word officially, threats of the nature alluded to by the Senator from South Carolina, he should then be ready to resent them; but, coming in the shape these expressions have done, they were unworthy of our notice, and ought not to influence our judgments. They all knew how common it was in the city of Washington to hear of extraordinary declarations attributed to distinguished individuals, and how little credence was to be attached to them. He did not intend, he said, to question the veracity of the author of the letter; but he could not avoid questioning the correctness of his information. by engaging in war in behalf of Texas? What had these Texans done to require that we should embroil ourselves in a war with a country with whom we are on terms of peace, in order to favor their cause? They had gone from a land of liberty to a land of despotism; they had cut asunder the ties which bound them to the freest and happiest country on earth; and, although they had our sympathies, they had voluntarily relinquished all claims to our support. But it was said that Santa Anna had overthrown the republic of Mexico, trampled on the constitution, and established a despotism; and that therefore we should support the Texans. We were (said Mr. B.) the last people on earth who should meddle with the internal concerns of another nation. If there was any one principle of national law more sacred than another, it was, that one nation ought not to interfere with the internal policy of its neighbor. If we set him the example, Santa Anna might take it into his head, or another foreign Government might do so, that we too were in need of reformation; that our institutions were not such as conformed to their opinions; and we might have a war on our hands, brought on us by the very example we had set. He was utterly opposed to any thing of the kind. What! (said Mr. B.) shall we become propagandists? Shall we have scenes here at this Capitol such as were witnessed at Paris in the French revolution, when individuals representing every country in Europe appeared before the National Assembly, and called on them to liberate them from their oppressors? Shall we have another Anacharsis Cloots preaching a crusade in favor of the oppressed all over the world? We are now (Mr. B. said) in a state of peace and unexampled prosperity; and shall we pursue any course calculated to jeopard that peace and impair that prosperity? He thought it due to the importance of the subject to throw out these few observations; he viewed the subject as pregnant with important consequences, and considered that our best interests depended upon pursuing a prudent and cautionary course. Mr. MOORE said, from the general tenor of the remarks of the Senator from North Carolina, [Mr. BROWN,] we might be led to infer that a very different proposition had been submitted from the one now pending. No proposition had been proposed involving the neutrality of the Government, or jeoparding the peace of the country; yet an inference of this kind was fairly to be inferred from the course of his remarks. Mr. M. said he was very sorry when a petition of a similar kind had been presented on a former occasion by one of the Senators from Ohio, coming from the citizens of Cincinnati, that an effort should have been made then, as was now made, to give the go-by to this proposition, and cast some damper upon the feelings of the patriotic and brave Texans. He regretted that the prop osition to lay that petition on the table (which, as far as it signifies any feeling, was an expression unfavorable to the cause of the Texans) should have come from the quarter it had. [SENATE. further, and have these petitions referred to an enlight ened committee. But, said he, we have been admonished against the propriety of using reproachful epithets towards the head of the Mexican Government. And he hoped he would be pardoned if, in his feelings, he should not be able to regard such admonition. He did not hesitate to say that Santa Anna's deportment towards the Texans had been not only marked by the violation of all rules of civilized warfare, but by a ferocity and barbarity--not to say a violation of solemn pledges-which were not only dishonorable, but even beyond what might have been looked for from a Camanchean savage. Mr. M. said some remarks had fallen from the Senator from North Carolina [Mr. BROWN] as to the character of the Texan war, which he thought were not only not called for, but not authorized. The Texans were engaged in an unequal and fearful contest--in the defence of a republican constitution and liberty against a military despot. A company of gentlemen of high respectability, in the county in which he resided-his neighbors-bad been prompted to volunteer in this cause from feelings of honorable sympathy and patriotism, and were now under the Texan banner, if not sacrificed; and he hoped they were not, for he wished them success most cordially. He could not think they were obnoxious to any censure or expression of feelings such as the Senator from North Carolina [Mr. BROWN] had gratuitously made. Mr. M. said he had had the honor of a seat on the floor of the other branch of the national Legislature when the honorable Senator from Massachusetts [Mr. WEBSTER] had submitted his important proposition to aid the suffering Greeks; he had heard him then with much pleasure; and he could not see any thing in the present proposition so reprehensible as he had intimated. He was not disposed to violate treaties or international law, nor to compromit the neutrality of the Government; but was willing an investigation should be made, and was willing to do whatever could be done with propriety. But the Senator from South Carolina [Mr. PRESTON] had expressed his views more fully and eloquently than he was able to do, and he therefore would not trespass longer. Mr. BUCHANAN said he had received several memo. rials from the city of Philadelphia of the same character as those which had been presented by the Senator from South Carolina, [Mr. PRESTON.] He had intended to present them this morning to the Senate, but was prevented from doing so at the proper moment by an accidental circumstance. It was also his intention to have accompanied their presentation by some remarks. These he thought it best to offer now, rather than to wait until to-morrow morning, and then become instrumental in getting up another debate. These memorials asked Congress "to recognise the independence of Texas, and at such time, and in such manner as may be deemed proper, to interpose to terminate the conflict which now rages in that country." Sir, (said Mr. M.,) when petitions are presented here In some remarks which he had submitted to the Sendemanding of Congress to abolish slavery in the District ate a few days since, and which, like all other proceedof Columbia without the consent of the owners of such ings in this body, had been much misrepresented abroad, slaves, and a proposition is submitted to refuse to receive he had indulged the feelings of a man and an American. such petitions because Congress is considered as having What he then had uttered were the sentiments of his no constitutional power to meddle with the matter, and heart in relation to the existing struggle in Texas. But, that it would be highly impolitic, even if they had the when he was called upon as a Senator to recognise the power; then gentlemen can rise and talk loud and long independence of that country, he thought it prudent to about the right of a citizen to petition for the redress of refer back to the conduct of our ancestors, when placed grievances, &c.; and they imagine they see a violation of in similar circumstances, and to derive lessons of wisthe constitution in an effort to close the door to these peti-dom from their example. If there was any one princitions. Now, (Mr. M. said,) he was unwilling to extend to these petitioners less respect than had been shown to abolition petitioners. He was willing to go ple of our public policy which had been well settledone which had been acted upon by every administration, and which had met the approbation not only of this SENATE.] Affairs of Texas. country, but of every civilized Government with which we have intercourse-it was, that we should never interfere in the domestic concerns of other nations. Recognising in the people of every nation the absolute right to adopt such form of government as they thought proper, we have always preserved the strictest neutrality between the parties in every country whilst engaged in civil war. We have left all nations perfectly free, so far as we are concerned, to establish, to maintain, or to change their forms of government, according to their own sovereign will and pleasure. It would, indeed, be surprising-and, more than this, it would be unnatural-if the sympathies of the American people should not be deeply, earnestly enlisted in favor of those who drew the sword for liberty throughout the world, no matter where it was raised to strike. Beyond this we had never proceeded. The peaceful influence of our example upon other nations is much greater. The cause of free government is thus more efficiently promoted than if we should waste the blood and treasure of the people of the United States in foreign wars, waged even to maintain the sacred cause of liberty. The world must be persuaded-it cannot be conquered. Besides, we can never, with any proper regard for the welfare of our constituents, devote their energies and their resources to the cause of planting and sustaining free institutions among the people of other nations. [MAY 9, 1836. He would rejoice should similar success attend the arms of the Texans. He trusted they would yet conquer their independence against the myrmidons of Santa Anna. In that event, there was no man in the country who would vote more cheerfully to recognise it than himself. Until that time should arrive, he must continue to act upon the firmly established principle which had been our guide for nearly half a century. Mr. B. believed that no President of the United States had ever been more strongly convinced of the necessity of maintaining this principle inviolate than General Jackson. His whole conduct towards foreign Governments had made this manifest. Whilst he requires justice from all, be treats all with justice. In his annual message at the commencement of the present session, he informed Congress that instructions had been given to the United States district attorneys to prosecute all persons who might attempt to violate our neutrality in the civil war between Mexico and Texas. He also stated that he had apprized the Government of Mexico that we should require the integrity of our territory to be scrupulously respected by both parties. He thus declared to the world not only that we had determined to be neutral between the parties, but that our neutrality must be respected by both. This affords abundant evidence of his disposition neither to interfere with the internal concerns of other nations, nor to submit to any violation of the law of nations by them. Mr. B. entertained not a doubt that this line of conduct, which he had marked out for himself in the beginning, he would pursue until the end, so far as the executive Government was concerned. It was obviously necessary to concentrate a strong mil Acting upon these principles, we have always recognised existing Governments, or Governments de facto, whether they were constitutional or despotic. We have the same amicable relations with despotisms as with free Governments, because we have no right to quarrel with the people of any nation on account of the form of gov-itary force on the confines of Texas, not only to enforce ernment which they may think proper to adopt or to sanction. It is their affair-not ours. We would not tolerate such interference from abroad, and we ought to demean ourselves towards foreign nations as we should require them to act towards ourselves. A very striking illustration of this principle has been presented, during the present administration, in the case of Portugal. We recognised Don Miguel's Government, because he was de fuclo in possession of the throne, apparently with the consent of the Portuguese people. In this respect, Mr. B. believed we stood alone, or nearly alone, among the nations of the earth. When he was expelled from that country, and the present Queen seemed to be firmly seated upon the throne, we had no difficulty, pursuing our established policy, in recognising her Government. A still more striking case, and one to the very point in question, had occurred during Mr. Monroe's administration. The Spanish provinces throughout the whole continent of America bad raised the standard of rebellion against the King of Spain; they were struggling for liberty against oppression. The feelings of the American people were devotedly enlisted in their favor. Our ardent wishes and our prayers for their success continued throughout the whole long and bloody conflict. But we took no other part in their cause, and we rendered them no assistance, except the strong moral influence excited over the world by our well-known feelings and opinions in their favor. When did we recognise their independence? Not till after they had achieved it by their arms; not until the contest was over, and victory had perched upon their banners; not until the good fight had been fought and won. We then led the van in acknowledging their independence. But until they were independent in fact, we resisted every effort, and every eloquent appeal which was made in their behalf, to induce us to depart from the settled policy of the country. When the fact of their actual independence was established, we then, and not till then, did acknowledge it. our neutrality, but to protect the lives and property of our fellow-citizens. This had been done; but the commanding General had been strictly prohibited from acting except on the defensive. Such a force is absolutely necessary to preserve inviolate our treaty with Mexico. Under it, we are bound to maintain peace among the Indian nations along the frontier of the two countries, and to restrain the Indians within our territory by force, if that should become necessary, from making war upon Mexico. This obligation is reciprocal, and binds both parties. If the Indians from Texas should be let slip upon our frontier; if they, or Santa Anna, or any other power, should attempt to invade our territory, then every American would say, Repel force by force, and return blow for blow. Our cause and our quarrel would then be just. But let us not, by departing from our settled policy, give rise to the suspicion that we have got up this war for the purpose of wresting Texas from those to whom, under the faith of treaties, it justly belongs. Since the treaty with Spain of 1819, there can no longer be any doubt but that this province is a part of Mexico. He was sorry for it; but such was the undeniable fact. us then follow the course which we had pursued, under similar circumstances, in all other cases. Let Mr. B. said his blood boiled whilst contemplating the cruelties and barbarities which are said to have been committed by the Mexicans in this contest. The heart sickens and revolts at such a spectacle. But, as an American Senator, he could give the Texans nothing except Mr. B. concluded bis prayers and his good wishes. with presenting the petitions to which he had referred. Mr. SHEPLEY hoped the Senate would not agree to print the memorials. He protested against giving the countenance of publicity to these petitions, which call upon the Government to interfere between Mexico and Texas, and thus to destroy that neutrality which it is the obvious policy of the United States to preserve. He would not consent to give any sanction to the opinions of these petitioners, that our neutrality ought to be compromised. MAY 10, 1836.] ous. Western Frontier-Navy Bill. The petitions had been presented, and read, and discussed, and had thus passed through all the customary processes; and nothing more was necessary, unless it was desired to influence public opinion against the Mexicans. He would not be instrumental in propagating such sentiments, because they were perfectly erroneExpressions had fallen from gentlemen in the Senate, which, perhaps, it would have been better had they been better considered. He did not understand, by the language of this letter which had been read, that Santa Anna gave it to be understood that he intended to come to Washington in the attitude of an aggressor; but if we are the aggressors in the first instance, that he would then pursue the troops to Washington. There had been a disposition manifested, and he was sorry to see it so prevalent, to mix up the general Government of the United States in this controversy, to hurry us into a state of war with Mexico. But, in his opinion, we had no reason for war. He would as soon expend his sympathies upon one of the two political parties which are now disturbing the tranquillity of Spain, as permit them to be interested in the conflict between Mexico and Texas. It was a war of the same barbarous character in one country as well as the other, and there was no good reason why the feelings of the citizens of the United States should not as well be roused in reference to old Spain as to Mexico, especially as the Government of old Spain had done at least as much for liberty as that of Mexico. For one, he was wholly opposed to giving the least countenance to the opinions expressed in these memorials. We had nothing to do with the contest; no more to do with it, and should have no more feelings excited concerning it, than we have for all those who are oppressed by their Governments on the other side of the globe. We have nothing to do beyond the defence of our own rights and liberties; and the most cautious policy is advisable in order that we may not compromise our neutrality at all. He did not mean to say that to indulge our sympathies was wrong. They may have been raised entirely by the perusal of the cruelties perpetrated in Texas. hoped it was so. But it was possible there were other matters and motives which had their influence in operating on the feelings of a great number; and, if so, any sympathies arising from such a source were unworthy of respect and consideration. He hoped the memorials would not be printed. He Mr. WEBSTER expressed his hope that the memorials would be printed, because the refusal to print might be construed into a mark of disrespect. He hoped the Senator from Maine would not press his opposition to the motion, as he thought it best to avoid even the appearance of disrespect to the memorialists. He had only further to say that he had heard no Senator offer any apology or excuse, on this floor, for the person at the head of the Mexican Government, for any act, or any imputed act, of barbarous or cruel conduct. He repeated his hope, however, that Senators would not indulge in the expression of offensive epithets in reference to that person, until they knew something certainly in regard to his conduct which would warrant such language. The motion to lay the memorials on the table, and to print them, was then put, aud decided in the affirma tive. WESTERN FRONTIER. The Senate, on motion of Mr. BENTON, took up the bill from the other House, authorizing the President of the United States to accept the services of volunteers, and to raise an additional regiment of dragoons or mount. ed riflemen. There was some discussion in reference to this bill, VOL. XII.-90 [SENATE. in the course of which the bill was amended so as to authorize the number of volunteers to be raised at 10,000 men, and to confine themselves to repelling Indian invasions. On motion of Mr. PRESTON, the authority given to the President in these words: "and shall appoint the "above necessary officers," was amended by adding the rank of captain, which appointments shall be submitted to the Senate for its advice and approval at its next session." Mr. SWIFT moved to recommit the bill. Mr. NICHOLAS moved to add to the motion an instruction to report the bill with a provision to raise the army to the same peace establishment as that in which it was placed at the termination of the war in 1815. The question being taken on the motion of Mr. NICHOLAS, to add instructions, the motion was negatived. The bill was then recommitted. TUESDAY, MAY 10. RELATIONS WITH FRANCE. The following message was received from the President of the United States: WASHINGTON, May 10, 1836. To the Senate and House of Representatives: Information has been received at the Treasury Department that the four instalments under our treaty with France have been paid to the agent of the United States. In communicating this satisfactory termination of our controversy with France, I feel assured that both Houses of Congress will unite with me in desiring and believing that the anticipations of the restoration of the ancient cordial relations between the two countries, expressed in my former messages on this subject, will be speedily realized. No proper exertion of mine shall be wanting to efface the remembrance of those misconceptions that have temporarily interrupted the accustomed intercourse between them. ANDREW JACKSON. The message was laid on the table. NAVY BILL. On motion of Mr. SOUTHARD, the bill making appropriations for the naval service for the year 1836, was taken up as returned from the House of Representatives. All the amendments of the House were concurred in, on motion of Mr. SOUTHARD, excepting part of the following amendment made by the House: "The President of the United States be, and he hereby is, authorized, if in his opinion the public interest shall require, to send out a surveying and exploring expedition to the Pacific Ocean and South Seas: and for that purpose to employ a sloop of war, and to purchase or provide such other small vessels as may be necessary and proper to render the said expedition efficient and useful; and, for this purpose, the sum of one hundred and fifty thousand dollars be, and the same is hereby, appropriated out of any money in the Treasury not otherwise appropriated; and, in addition thereto, if necessary, the President of the United States is authorized to use other means in the control of the Navy Department, not exceeding one hundred and fifty thousand dollars, for the objects required." Mr. SOUTHARD moved to strike out so much of the above amendment as is contained in the following words: "if in his opinion the public interest shall require." SENATE.] Mexico-Fortifications. On this proposition Mr. HILL asked for the yeas and nays, which were ordered; and the question being taken on Mr. SOUTHARD'S motion, it was decided as follows: YEAS--Messrs. Benton, Black, Clay, Clayton, Davis, Ewing of Ohio, Grundy, Hendricks, Hubbard, Kent, Knight, Leigh, Linn, Naudain, Niles, Prentiss, Rives, Robbins, Ruggles, Shepley, Southard, Swift, Tallmadge, Tomlinson, Walker, White--26. NAYS--Messrs. Hill, King of Georgia, Wright--3. The amendment of the House, as amended, was then concurred in. SPANISH CONVENTION. On motion of Mr. CLAY, the Senate took up the bill to carry into effect the convention between the United States and Spain. This bill had been reported from the Committee on Foreign Relations, with an amendment striking out the whole of the bill from the House, and inserting the Senate bill, which provides that the funds received under the treaty referred to should be distributed by the Attorney General instead of a board of commissioners; which amendment, after some explanation by Messrs. CLAY, TALLMADGE, and WHITE, was agreed to. Sundry amendments were proposed by the committee to amend verbally, so as to strike out in several parts of the bill the words "commissioners and their officers,' and insert the words "Attorney General and his secretary." Mr. CLAY, from the Committee on Foreign Relations, to which was referred the message of the President of the United States concerning an additional article in the treaty with Mexico, reported a bill to provide for carrying into effect the treaty of limits with the Government of Mexico; which was read, and ordered to a second reading. [MAY 11, 1836. which Mr. BENTON's resolution proposes to expunge, being taken up and read Mr. WHITE said he wished to have an opportunity to take the sense of the Senate on this resolution during the present session, and he should feel it to be his duty to present the views which his own mind had taken of the subject. But as he did not wish to retard the progress of the appropriation bills, if any gentleman desired to bring forward an appropriation bill, he would postpone his resolution. Mr. BENTON signifying a wish to take up the fortification bill, On motion of Mr. WHITE, the resolution was postponed, and made the special order for Monday next. For a fort at Cedar point, on the Patuxent For fortifications at the mouth of the St. For steam batteries, to strike out the appro- $50,000 50,000 150,000 100,000 50,000 560,000 Mr. BENTON moved further to amend the bill by adding an additional section making an appropriation of $30,000 for defraying the expenses of a board of officers to examine sites, make surveys, &c., for the purpose of ascertaining the best plan of fortifications, and the most eligible situations for them; which motion was carried. Mr. BENTON then submitted the following amend ment: To strike out $101,000 for fortifications at Penobscot bay, and insert $75,000 for the year 1836, and $75,000 for the year 1837. Mr. CLAY said that the bill was in exact conformity with the former one, and was intended to revive the Mr. B. observed that this was in pursuance of the reccommission which had expired in consequence of the ommendations of the Secretary of War, that when apexpiration of the treaty. The Committee on Foreign propriations are to be made for fortifications, it would Relations were desirous that it should pass without delay. be better for the public service to make the whole apThere was a peculiar propriety in so passing it, result-propriation at once, so that the officers might know the ing from our existing relations with Mexico. A survey was to be made; and we were endeavoring to ascertain, as precisely as possible, the true boundary line between that country and our own. In the mean time, the General commanding our forces in that quarter bad taken up a position in or near this disputed territory. Existing circumstances were such as to make it absolutely necessary that proper officers should be authorized to carry out the provisions of the treaty; thereby evincing the sincerity of our intentions, and the fidelity with which we adhered to our engagements. The bill provided for the services of a commissioner and surveyor, but not for those of a clerk. A provisional appropriation was introduced, however, to pay the salary of such officer, and the Executive empowered to appoint him if it was deemed necessary. The bill was then read a second time, and was ordered to be engrossed for a third reading. RESCINDING A RESOLUTION. Mr. WHITE's resolution, offered some time since, on the subject of rescinding the resolution of March, 1834, extent to which they were to go, and that the works might not be delayed by waiting for appropriations, as had been the case heretofore. The principle introduced in this bill was to provide in one year for what was proposed to be done in two years. The object was to prevent delay in commencing the work early in the season. The officers employed to carry it on would have time to engage persons to do it, and to invite competition; whereas, when delayed till the summer, they had to employ laborers at an advanced price; and the consequence was, that the same amount of work cost the Government more than it ought to do. Mr. WHITE understood the recommendations of the Secretary of War were to appropriate such sums as would be necessary to finish the fortifications already commenced, and to re-examine the whole system under a board of examination for that purpose. He believed we ought to re-examine it to see whether the plan might not be reduced to one of greater economy. his (Mr. W's) view, they ought to strike out every ap propriation to new fortifications in the bill. [Mr. BENTON here remarked, there were none but new forti In |