Imagens das páginas
PDF
ePub
[blocks in formation]

fications in the bill.] To which Mr. W. replied, that he then would go for striking out the whole. The Secretary of War, in his report, had said that, "before any expenses should be incurred for new works, a thorough re-examination should be made," and that he would organize a board for that purpose. And as to all those

[SENATE.

necessary to carry on that system. Take Penobscot, or any other place mentioned in the bill; and, he asked, was the system of fortification proposed for that point precisely such as they would adopt at this day? He regarded that amendment, offered this morning, in relation to the board of officers, worth more than the whole places where he was certain that fortifications would be bill. Mr. S. said the time would come when our whole necessary, he had pointed out a re-examination of them, coast would be defended with steam. Our batteries on to see whether an improvement in the plan might not be the coast would be floating batteries, instead of battemade, and had recommended the amount necessary to ries on land. Batteries on our inlets and peninsula bays, be expended for those objects. But in no case of new as they were termed, would be worth more than in any fortifications had he recommended an appropriation other location. They needed information on both these without a re-examination. Mr. W. was opposed to the points. The Senator from Maine, in speaking of the principle of making appropriations for a series of years. delay of the defences of the country, had asked where if made from year to year, their expenditure could be was the fortification bill? He (Mr. S.) too asked where better examined; and so careful were the framers of the it was? He meant the ordinary fortification bill. Here constitution on this point, that there was an express pro- was a bill on their tables, not originating in the House hibition that appropriations should be made for a longer of Representatives, where the fortification bill usually period than two years. He was opposed to all new ap-originated, but which was called a fortification. He unpropriations until they had the benefit of new and im- derstood the ordinary fortification bill was now on their proved plans. tables, and he would therefore prefer that this bill should be delayed until it was acted on. He must vote against this whole bill, if compelled to vote now, with the exception of the provisions for surveys and steam batteries. He intended to propose that the bill be laid on the table: as a million of dollars of the appropriation had been stricken out, he was not prepared to say what would be the effect on the remainder.

After some remarks from Mr. RUGGLES, Mr. SOUTHARD said that the position in which the bill under consideration was now placed induced him to make a very few remarks, his views on the bill having been pretty fully given on a former occasion.

When this bill was taken up this morning, the Senator from Missouri [Mr. BENTON] had moved to strike out various appropriations, amounting to something more than a million of dollars, making a reduction of that sum from the amount of appropriations in a bill which they were so confidently called on a short time since to support. He thought that, perhaps, by a little further delay, they might possibly find another million stricken out. So far as it regarded the million having been stricken out, he had no objection, and would not have objected to the process being carried on further.

There was now a new principle proposed, which was, that the new works be commenced, and appropriating the whole amount, and dividing it into two years, and the next appropriation into three years. He (Mr. S.) had at least doubts as to new fortifications being com menced before old ones were completed. He believed it to be the true policy of the country to complete the old ones first, because they were the primary ones, and the most important to the country, and, if neglected, will fall to ruin. He would have no difficulty in voting for appropriations to complete them, provided they were not so large as that they could not be economically expended. As no appropriations were made last year, it would perhaps be proper to increase the ordinary ap propriations for this year. But there was a certain limit beyond which they could not go, without they were regardless of economy. He felt reluctant to commence any new fortifications, unless they could go on with the old ones; and, according to the reports, they could not command the labor of the country beyond the completion of the old fortifications, without pressing upon the business and interests of the country. He was of the opinion that all that could be expended the present year, might be expended in completing and arming the old fortifications. If it were true that injustice had been done to Maine, or that injustice had been done to New Jersey, let justice, he said, be done to them hereafter. Mr. S. spoke of a change in the opinions of public officers in regard to the system of fortifications, and of the great number of men necessary to be armed in occupying them. Every day was adding nerve to the arm of our defence in our increase of wealth and population, and there was consequently a great change in the necessity of carrying out that system to its full extent. Then the difficulty was, as to what point they should stop at. The Secretary of War did not think it

Mr. WHITE thought that it would be very unwise to adopt any plan for fortifications which there was danger they might have to abandon hereafter. The plan ought to be well considered, estimates and surveys furnished, and all the necessary information obtained from scientific and practical men, before they commenced expenditures for such important works as were intended to endure for ages. It would be remarked, that when the report of the Secretary of War was brought in, two plans were before Congress: one was, the bill making appropriations for entirely new works, then before them; and the other was the customary fortification bill, making appropriations for such fortifications as were already in a state of progress. Upon looking at the report, it plainly appeared that the Secretary recommended (all apprehen. sions of a war with a foreign power having ceased, and there being full time for the necessary preparations and examinations for new works) that appropriations for these should be suspended till such examination were made; while he advised that they should progress, as rapidly as circumstances would permit, with the works already begun. Immediately after, the Secretary recommended the creation of a board of officers for the examination, as well of the old works as for surveys and examinations for contemplated new ones, to determine on the best plans for improving the one and for commencing and completing the other. The Secretary also said, that if the appropriations were early made, most of the new works could be put in operation this season: but he went on to add, that, unless the corps of engineers were increased, it would be unnecessary to make any appropriations, because the number of officers now in the corps was barely sufficient to attend to the completion of the old works; and as there would be no officers to superintend the disbursement of the money, it must lie idle. Mr. W. here made quotations from the report of the Secretary of War. His interpretation of this report was, that the Secretary recommended that they should create this board of officers for examinations and surveys, and, in the mean time, appropriate $100,000 for making experiments for the improvement of steam batteries, and go on as rapidly as possible with the old works. would then get the advantage of all the improvements in steam machinery that were advancing from day to day, have the benefit of the information and suggestions of

We

SENATE.]

Fortifications.

this board of officers, and, at the same time, have the country protected to a considerable extent by the completion of the old works. Why should they, he asked, deprive themselves of all these advantages, at a time when there was no prospect of hostility from any foreign Power, by unnecessary haste? It did seem to him that it would be an unwise and improvident expenditure of money to commence any new works that they might find it necessary hereafter to abandon, because not adapted to the situation of the country, the improvements of the age, and the purposes for which they were - intended.

Mr. SHEPLEY contended that the opinion of the Secretary of War had been misconstrued. He thought the Secretary had declared the reverse of an opinion that we should not proceed with new fortifications during the present year. Mr. S. adverted to the language of the report of that officer, in which he had said that it could not be doubted that fortifications at certain points, designated in this bill, would be necessary; and that it would be to the interest of the country that they be constructed. Here, then, was a decided opinion expressed in favor of these new fortifications; and let the vote be what it might, he hoped, if it was against the bill, it would not be claimed to be based on the position that it was in accordance with the recommendation of the Secretary of War. There was none so blind as those who would not see. But for those who desired to come to the light in regard to the fortification at Penobscot bay, they would find that all had been done there that could throw any light on the subject. An examination in detail had been made, and no further knowledge could be acquired. They had all the necessary information before them now, in relation to the necessity, importance, and expense of the work.

Mr. SOUTHARD said, as there had been upwards of a million of dollars of the appropriations stricken out of the bill by various amendments, which changed the features of it, and in order that they might better understand the bill as amended, he would move to lay it on the table, and that it be printed in its amended form.

[MAY 12, 1836.

and the Senate could add to or reduce the amount of appropriations contained in them, as they thought proper. They had before them two propositions: to complete old and to erect new fortifications. Ile thought they ought, as far as possible, to complete the old fortifications before new ones were taken up. By pursuing the course indicated, which was that of waiting for the action of the other House, it would prevent confusion, caused by the Senate sending their fortification bill to the House of Representatives, and the House of Repre sentatives sending theirs to the Senate; while both branches would be acting on the same subject in distinct bills. Mr. C. then moved to lay the bill on the table.

Mr. BENTON demanded the yeas and nays.

Mr. CLAYTON thought the Senator from Missouri [Mr. BENTON] would jeopardize the bill by taking it up now, when the Senate was so thin, and suggested whether it would not be better to let it lie over until tomorrow.

Mr. BENTON said the Senator from Delaware had shown a disposition throughout to go on with the fortifi. cations, and had manifested that disposition while serving with him on the committee; and there was no one to whose suggestions he would listen with more respect than his. But, under the circumstances, he was not willing to postpone it any longer.

Mr. CALHOUN was not disposed to elude the question, but wished to meet it fairly.

Mr. CALHOUN's motion was then rejected—yeas 17, nays 22, as follows:

YEAS-Messrs. Calhoun, Clayton, Crittenden, Davis, Ewing of Ohio, Kent, Knight, Leigh, Moore, Naudain, Prentiss, Preston, Robbins, Southard, Swift, Tomlinson, White-17.

NAYS-Messrs. Benton, Brown, Buchanan, Cuthbert, Ewing of Illinois, Grundy, Hendricks, Hill, Hubbard, King of Georgia, Linn, McKean, Morris, Nicholas, Niles, Rives, Ruggles, Shepley, Tallmadge, Walker, Wall, Wright--22.

Mr. BENTON observed that the fairest way of getting at the whole matter would be to take the question suggested by the argument of the Senator from Tennessee yesterday; that was, on a motion to strike out all the new works. This would be the best way of getting at the sense of the Senate; and he would withdraw his amendment, in order to give the gentleman an opportunity of making a motion to that effect.

Mr. WEBSTER said he wished to see the bill as it then stood, and hoped the motion to print would prevail. Mr. BENTON observed that it was wholly unnecessary to lay the bill on the table for the purpose of printing it. Any gentleman might in a moment see it in the shape in which it then stood, by getting from the Secretary the items that were stricken out, and drawing his pen through them on the bill which belonged to his file. Mr. EWING moved that the Senate adjourn: lost-out; and if any of the fortifications were to be retained, Ayes 17, noes 21.

Mr. SOUTHARD then withdrew his motion to lay the bill on the table, and moved to print the amendments. This motion was also lost: Ayes 17, noes 21. On motion of Mr. KING of Alabama, the Senate then proceeded to the consideration of executive business; after which,

It adjourned.

THURSDAY, MAY 12.
FORTIFICATIONS.

Mr. WHITE would not submit any motion to strike

he was inclined to think there was as much merit in the fortifications at Penobscot bay as any other. His objec tions were to appropriating the whole sum in gross, to be expended in different years. He had made no mo. tion, and would not make any now.

Mr. BUCHANAN said the report of the Secretary of War on the subject of fortifications was one of the ablest state papers he had ever read. He believed it had met with the decided approbation of every member of the Senate. The views of the Secretary were practical, and commended themselves to the common sense of all of us, whether military men or not. The principles esThe bill making appropriations for the purchase of tablished by that report were, that it would be vain and sites, the collection of materials, and for the construc-impracticable for us to attempt to erect fortifications tion of fortifications, was taken up as the special order of the day; the question being on Mr. BENTON'S motion to strike out the appropriation of $101,000 for fortifications at Penobscot bay, and to insert in lieu thereof $75,000 to be applied to the same object in the year 1836, and $75,000 in the year 1837.

along our coast at every point where an enemy might effect a landing; and if we even could do so, it would render a large standing army necessary to provide them all with garrisons, and would thus be in opposition to the genius of our institutions. That fortifications should only be erected to defend our commercial cities from Mr. CALHOUN was not disposed to depart from the the attack of an enemy; and these ought to be constructusual course of legislation in this case. Bills for fortified merely for the purpose of resisting an assault by sea; cations usually originated in the House of Representatives, because it was not to be imagined that an enemy would

[blocks in formation]

or could ever sit down before them on the land side, and besiege them regularly, according to the European custom. The principles of this report would not only reduce the number of our fortifications, but their size, and consequently the expense of their construction. This, with him, was an important object, as he should never be willing to involve the country in unnecessary expenditures, merely because we had a large surplus in the Treasury.

What, then, did the present bill, as it had been amended, propose? Simply to appropriate money for the erection of those fortifications which had been specially recommended by the Secretary of War as necessary for the defence of our commercial cities. Was there a single Senator who did not admit that it was necessary to erect fortifications at the proposed points? He believed we were unanimous upon this subject. Then what was the question? It was one merely of time. Shall we appropriate the money this year, or wait until the next? For his part, he was ready and willing to concur in what he understood to have been distinctly recommended by the Secretary, and make the appropriations at once. It was true that he had also suggested the propriety of establishing a board of engineers for the purpose of making further surveys and examinations before any of the works should be commenced, and had asked an appropriation for this purpose. But why should we delay making the appropriations for the construction of the works until this was done? Several of these fortifications had been already surveyed; and, in regard to these, all that was necessary, before commencing their construction, was to reduce their dimensions to the standard of the report. As soon as this was done, they might be commenced immediately. At an early period of the session, we had resolved unanimously in favor of making all necessary appropriations for the defence of the country. The Treasury was now full; and he could perceive no good reason for postponing until the next year what we might as well, and better, do at the present session. Let us place the money at the disposition of the Department, and let the fortifications be commenced as soon as the preliminary surveys could be completed.

Mr. EWING concurred with the Senator from Pennsylvania as to the general import of the report of the Secretary of War; and also concurred with him in the opinion that it was a very able state paper. He further agreed with the Senator from Pennsylvania, that the question as to the construction of these fortifications was the proper time for commencing them. Now, from all he could gather from the report of the Secretary, it appeared that there would be no advantage to be obtained by commencing these works at this time; and that it would be a departure from the well-established policy of this Government to go on with them before making the necessary surveys and estimates. It would appear from the Secretary's report that there were certain works which did not need examination; but, on turning to another page, it would be seen that the Secretary says that a re-examination should be made in every case, "in order to apply these principles." The Secretary told them that the whole plan was originally deficient, though well adapted to the situation of the country at the time; but that it was now inefficient, and ought to be changed. Mr. E. continued his objections to making appropriations for new works before the necessary surveys and estimates were made, and contended that they ought to wait for the result of the examinations of this board of officers to be appointed on the recommendation of the Secretary of War. If this bill should now be passed, it would take some time to get it through the other House. The bill to increase the corps of engineers must also be passed by that body; and it would take some time to get them together and instruct them;

[SENATE.

It

and, therefore, under all these unavoidable delays, no use could be made of the appropriations this season. appeared to him that these appropriations at this time would only have the effect of changing the deposites of the public moneys in the deposite banks from the name of the United States to the names of the disbursing officers. It would be nothing more; for the money must remain in these banks without a possibility of using it.

Mr. PRESTON said that laborers had by this time probably made their arrangements for employment during the season, and no doubt great inconvenience would arise in procuring them; and if procured, it would be at an increased expense. There were two fortification bills: one emanating from the Military Committee, designating the points of location; and the other from the Committee on Finance, making the necessary appropriations. Heretofore the practice had been for the other House to originate these bills; and the fault of the delay was not properly the fault of the Senate, but of the House of Representatives. The Senate now went into the consideration of one branch of this subject, while they were left in the dark in regard to the other. The Military Committee, at the commencement of the session, found us under peculiar circumstances. We were then threatened with a war, and, fearing the House might not get a bill up in time to meet the emergency, had brought this bill forward; but now matters were changed. The temper and judgment which characterized the report of the Secretary of War was such, that he was much disposed to acquiesce in its recommendations, and he very much distrusted his own judgment when differing from him in this matter. He differed from the Senator from Ohio [Mr. EwING] in regard to the construction he had put upon the report; and the President concurred in opinion with the Secretary of War against the opinion of the engineers.

There were certain fortifications which had been excepted by the Secretary of War in his report, who had suggested the prosecution of them under the peculiar circumstances with which they were identified, and had therefore acquiesced in the prosecution of some of the fortifications, while he rejected others. He could not tell how far the principles laid down by the Secretary would be retained in the provisions of this bill; but he inferred that the general purpose of the Secretary was, that Congress should examine this matter with full deliberation; and the general conclusion was, that the principles laid down by him should be deliberately applied to all these works. He had come to the conclusion that

the Secretary believed those works which he had designated might be carried on under the direction of the Government on certain contingencies, and that future changes might be made which would require a corresponding change of plans to meet them. In regard to many of these works, plans of them had been frequently approved, and the estimates of the necessary labor stood a matter of record for the last twelve or fifteen years. Most of those of the first class had been completed; and the present bill proposed to carry into completion those of the second class, and part of those of the third class. Penobscot and Kennebec were of the third class, and also the fortification at Provincetown, at Cape Cod. He believed Provincetown ought to have been of the first class, as it was of primary importance; but the Secretary of War had differed from this classification; and the President, looking directly to the ques tion, had decided with the Department, and differed from the bureau. The idea of defending the coast by steam was not new, but was as old as 1816, although a new and more powerful application of it had been invented. The springing up of new towns and cities, the development of new energies, and the rapid improve. ment of the country, had already produced a change in

[blocks in formation]

the state of things different from what existed when the original plan of fortifications was adopted.

Mr. P. went into an inquiry as to the length of time that would be required to put up these buildings. The Secretary of War, he said, had recommended that a general appropriation be made, so that as soon as works were found to be necessary at any given point, they should be commenced, with a view to a gradual completion; and the chairman of the Military Committee [Mr. BENTON] had moved, in pursuance of those recommendations, to change the appropriations to Penobscot from $101,000, to be expended in one year, to $150,000, to be expended in two years, and the appropriation to be divided into $75,000, to be expended in each year. It was proposed to commence from the stump, and finish that work in eighteen months. Heretofore, it had been the practice of Congress, in undertaking a series of works, to adopt the mode of appropriating a yearly amount at every session, by which the subject annually passed the ordeal of examination by a committee. This pledge to make these appropriations for a series of years was different from an appropriation for the fiscal year; and he would prefer that so much for 1836, and so much for 1837, should be particularly specified; and when they had acted on this amendment, he would offer some suggestions in relation to the proposed fortifications at Kennebec.

[MAY 12, 1836.

would be enlarged this year in consequence of the failure of the fortification bill last session, and there having been no appropriations for completing the fortifications last year.

The bill now before the Senate, providing for the erection of new forts, presents a different question, which ought not to be blended with that of the ordinary annual appropriations for fortifications. The question is, whether Congress will enlarge and extend the system of fortifications. As to the precise extent and comprehensiveness of the plan which it may be advisable to adopt, or which the security of the country requires, that is not now to be decided, except so far as the present bill may involve that inquiry. This bill authorizes the erection of twelve new forts, and appropriates one million three hundred thousand dollars for the purchase of sites and the construction of works the present year. For one of these forts there is an appropriation of only twelve thousand dollars; and as that is so small a work, it may be thrown out of the question, and the number of works reduced to eleven. These are all at important points, for the security of towns and harbors, which will afford safe shelters in time of war for our public and private vessels. The entire expenditures for these forts, he believed, would be something like three millions. The general question of the defence of our maritime frontier, and the extent and comprehensiveness of a plan of fortifications, is, in many points of view, one which only scientific and professional men can be supposed to be competent to decide. Perhaps there are few, if any Mr. N. then observed that the reasons which in- members in this body, who will feel themselves very duced him to make this motion were drawn from the competent to decide a question so intimately connected report of the Secretary of War, which recommended with the art and science of war. We must, to some that surveys should be made before commencing any extent, follow some other guide than our own judgnew works. He believed, also, that one half of the ap-ments; we must look to those whom we believe to be propriation would be sufficient to keep the workmen in employment for the remainder of this year, and until the middle of the next. For one, he was opposed to making appropriations for so long a time in advance.

Mr. NAUDAIN moved to amend the amendment by striking out the $75,000 for the year 1837, leaving the $75,000 for the year 1836.

Mr. SHEPLEY showed that different reports and examinations had been made in regard to the fortifications at Penobscot bay. That the Department could never make contracts beyond the appropriation, was a regulation well understood. It was judged this fortification would cost $150,000, and had been increased to that sum from $101,000. He went into a calculation of the cost, whether it should be constructed of brick or stone, to show the disadvantage and want of economy in making limited or partial contracts, which would be unavoidable, in case the appropriation for the second year should be cut off.

Mr. NILES said it was not his intention to have taken any part in the debate on this bill previous to the discussion of yesterday; and so little attention had he given to the subject, that he was scarcely aware of the fact that one of the forts authorized to be constructed was to be in the State he had the honor in part to represent. That fact, with some other considerations not necessary to be disclosed, had induced him to present his views on this subject. The objection we had just heard from the Senator from South Carolina, [Mr. CALHOUN,] that the appropriations for the new forts were in a separate bill, and that the entire appropriations for fortifications ought to be embraced in one bill, and originate in the House of Representatives, he thought had no force in it; for it appeared to him more proper that the new fortifications should be presented in a separate bill, and be subject to a distinct consideration. The bill in the House is the ordinary appropriation bill for fortifications, and only provides for continuing the works now under construction; it can involve no new principle, and no question of general interest. The ordinary annual appropriations will of course be made, and he supposed the sums

[ocr errors]

competent to direct our legislation-to the engineer department and to the executive officers, acting under the high responsibilities of their stations.

But as to the objects to be attained by fortifications, and how far it is safe and wise to rely on them for the security of the country, these are questions of which we may feel qualified to form opinions, and to act from our own judgments. We are not now called upon to determine these questions, unless it shall be thought that the fortifications provided for in this bill will commit the Government to a more extensive system than it is advisable to adopt. Few, he apprehended, would be of this opinion, who are in favor of any enlargement of the fortifications on the seaboard.

The main question presented by the present bill, as he had already stated, was, whether there should be any extension of the system of fortifications on the Atlantic border, and whether it shall be commenced at the pres ent time?

The Senator from Pennsylvania [Mr. BUCHANAN] has remarked that the only question was one as to time; but this can only be correct by regarding the preliminary question, whether we shall enlarge the present system of fortifications, as conceded; which, I take it, is not the fact. The Senator from Ohio [Mr. EWING] seems to suppose that this bill is a mere humbug; and says it can have no other operation than to transfer the money appropriated from one account to another, because no part of it can be expended the present year. But the gentleman is mistaken in his conclusion, even if his premises were admitted. Whether the money can or will be actually expended the present year, is not very important. The main question is, whether we shall enlarge the system of fortifications, and whether we shall settle the question at this time? If there is to be any extension of the plan of fortifications, now is the time to do it. Now is the time to settle the principle, and to decide upon the new works, so far at least as depends

[blocks in formation]

on our legislation. If the principle is once established by law that further defences are to be provided for the security of the seaboard, it is of little consequence whether the works which may be authorized are constructed in one year or in several years. The principle being settled, the necessary appropriations must be made as there is occasion for them.

It has been contended by the Senator from Missouri, [Mr. BENTON,] that the plan for fortifications is antagonistical to the bill which has now passed the Senate for the distribution of the proceeds of the sales of the public lands among the States, and all other schemes of distribution. This, I apprehend, is correct, so far as the principle of this measure is concerned, as it is incompatible with any scheme of distribution of the public funds which shall withdraw them from the control of this Government; for although it may be true, as is contended, that very little can be expended on new works this year, yet, if the measure is sanctioned by law, and its execution will require an expenditure equal to the surplus there may be in the Treasury, after providing for the ordinary and other objects of extraordinary expenditure, it ought to be regarded as a different objection to any other disposition of this surplus.

If it is decided to extend this system of fortifications, we must view the measure in connexion with the present condition of the finances, and what they will be likely to be for some years to come. The finances of the United States, for several years at least, will depend on laws and circumstances which Congress cannot control. The swelling flood flowing into your Treasury the past year and first quarter of the present, has arisen from causes which cannot be permanent: these causes are speculations in the public lands. Of the present sum in the Treasury, more than twenty millions have been received from the sales of the lands the last year and a quarter. I am aware that some gentlemen seem to suppose that this source of revenue is inexhaustible, and is to continue at the same rate for all time to come. This is a great delusion. Should the present rage of speculation continue, in a few years the most valuable portions of the public lands will be in the hands of speculators. This source of revenue, instead of being inexhaustible, as the imaginations of some gentlemen represent it to be, is wasting rapidly. But, were the fact otherwise; were the public domain as inexhaustible as the fountains of the great deep, are the resources of the people also without limit? Is it supposed that twenty millions a year can continue to be drawn from individuals, to be invested in uncultivated lands? It is impossible. Gentlemen, in giving scope to their vivid imaginations, seem to overlook this difficulty. As well might it be supposed that an unnatural excitement could be kept up in the human system by successive and continued doses of opium. In every department of business, a reaction must follow overaction. This is not only a law in trade, but is a more general law in all human affairs. If this course of speculation in public lands could continue, it would absorb the entire capital of the country, and would paralyze all its great interests. But it cannot continue, and the sales must soon come back to the amount required for the progress of settlements. And, so far as the Government is concerned, they will soon fall below this sum, as the individual landholders who have purchased on speculation will become competitors with the Government in supplying the demand required for actual settlement. This must already be the case to a considerable extent, as large portions of the most valuable lands are in the hands of capitalists, and are thrown into market by them. It is but a few year sago that the sales of the public lands were but from one to two millions per annum; and they will soon be reduced to the same amount. A spirit of monopoly appears to be the besetting sin of the day; it

[SENATE.

has taken a strong hold of our population, and its selfish influence is everywhere seen and felt: it pervades every department of business, and every branch of industry. And, instead of being checked, it is encouraged by legis lation; as it has found its way into the legislative assemblies, and exerts its pernicious influence there. In the graspings of this spirit, there is, perhaps, no worse direction that can be given to it than in its monopolizing the public lands.

In regard to the revenues from customs, they depend on law that Congress cannot, for some years at least, control. By the operation of the compromise act of 1833, the revenue from this source is diminishing, and will fall down to its minimum in 1842. At that period it has been estimated by the Senator from New York [Mr. WRIGHT] that it will not exceed ten millions. This estimate is based on the amount of importations of the last year, with an allowance for that gradual augmentation which the increase of population and consumption of the dutiable articles may require. This estimate, I think, will be found not to vary far from the truth; and this sum, together with the revenue from the public lands, which at that period can hardly be supposed to exceed two or three millions, and may fall short of that amount, will be several millions less than the ordinary expenditures of the Government. The time is not far distant when, instead of being troubled with a surplus, there will be a deficit in the public revenue, which will have to be supplied by increasing the taxes in some form.

The surplus the present year, and a small one of a few millions the two following years, must be regarded as the entire resources of the Government, to be applied to any extraordinary objects, either to complete the dcfences of the country, or of any other description. The surplus the present year will not probably much exceed fifteen millions, after meeting the usual demands on the Treasury for Indian treaties, the Florida war, and defence of the western frontier.

Whatever it may be advisable to do in extension of the permanent defences of the country, now is the time to do it, or at least to settle the principle. If it is not determined upon now, the present resources of the Government will no doubt be disposed of in some other way. Some of the numerous schemes for the distribution of the present surplus will be likely to prevail, unless some measure shall receive the sanction of Congress, which will be inconsistent with any plan of withdrawing the present revenue from the control of this Government.

Mr. N. said he desired not to be misunderstood: he would not advocate the adoption of this bill, or any plan of the extension of our fortifications, merely because we now have an excess in the Treasury; and for the purpose of disposing of such surplus, he would not be influenced in any degree whatever in deciding the question, whether it is the duty of the Government to enlarge the defensive means of the country, either as to fortifications or an increase of the navy, in consequence of the present condition of the Treasury. That question should be decided upon its own merits, and independent of all considerations of a temporary nature; and the present ability of the Treasury having arisen from temporary causes, can be no argument in favor of any general and permanent system of expenditure, not demanded for the security of the country.

All that he would contend was, that if the present fortifications have been regarded as only a part of a general plan for the protection of the seaboard, or if, from the extension of our commerce, and the growth of towns, further defensive means are necessary to afford equal security to all parts of the country, now is the time to commence the additional works which are to form a part of the general system. On the mere question of time, the state of our finances now, and their probable condi

« AnteriorContinuar »