form and extent of the works adapted to the existing circumstances, if any change be desirable. The construction of those not needing examination can commence immediately, and that of the others as soon as the plans are determined upon. By this proceeding, therefore, a season may be saved in the operations."

Such, Mr. President, (said Mr. W.,) are the expressions and the opinions of the head of the Department, upon which the call has been made, on this important subject of fortifications. Are those expressions and opinions equivocal? Has not the Secretary told us that he believed the public interests would be promoted by the passage of the necessary appropriations for them?" Has he not told us, that by making these appropriations now, "a season may be saved in the operations?" Where, then, is the doubt? Where the equivocation? The bill originally contained provisions for nineteen new works. The Secretary selects and recommends, unequivocally, appropriations for twelve of the nineteen, and as unequivocally recommends a postponement of appropriations and further surveys and examinations as to the remaining seven. He meets fairly and fully the whole bill, and gives his opinions and his reasons as to every part of it. Whence, then, the pretence that his recommendations are obscure, and his opinions doubt ful, as to the works still embraced in the bill? The Committee on Military Affairs, since the receipt of the report of the Secretary, have considered his views, and made their bill conform to them. They have recommended that the appropriations for the seven works, for which the Secretary does not recommend immediate appropriations, should be stricken from the bill; and the Senate has unanimously agreed to the amendments. They have been made, and the bill is now precisely what the Secretary tells us the public interests require that it should be. Whence, then, (Mr. W. said,) he again asked, these attempts to prove that the opinion of the Secretary was doubtful as to the remaining twelve proposed new fortifications? The answer was clear and conclusive, and he should only repeat what had been already said by the honorable Senator from South Carolina [Mr. PRESTON] when he gave it. Gentlemen had taken the expressions of the Secretary applicable to the seven works for which he recommended the suspension of immediate appropriations, and had applied them to the twelve works in reference to which he had given the opinion "that the public interests would be promoted by the passage of the necessary appropriations for them." Any one, who would read with care the report of the Secretary, would detect this error, and absolve that officer from all obscurity or equivocation.

It should be further remembered that the President, upon whom the call was made, has especially and fully endorsed the recommendation of the Secretary of War. So far, therefore, as the information and opinions of the executive departments can establish a necessity for the works for which the bill under consideration provides, we are able to pronounce, without doubt or hesitation, that they are necessary to the public defence.

What, then, (Mr. W. said) he must ask, is the condition of the Senate in its action upon this bill, after the pledge given to the country in the resolution above quoted? Were we at liberty to refuse the appropriations, unless we disputed the necessity of the works? It seem ed to him not. It seemed to him we were estopped by our own acts, unless we were prepared to assert and show, in opposition to the report of the Secretary, and the concurring opinion of the President, that the works proposed to be constructed are not necessary to the national defence, within the fair scope and meaning of our own resolution.

[SENATE.

vidual Senator, to know whether there is one member of that body who will deny, or even question, the necessity of one of the works now proposed by the bill. He did not believe he should hear a voice raised in doubt, much less in denial, of the necessity of each and every one of these works. How, then, was the Senate to refuse the appropriations, and preserve the pledge it had given to the country, that the public defences were first to occupy its attention, and that provision for these defences, so far as such provision might be necessary, was first to be made from the public moneys in the Treasury, and the public revenues to be received into that Treasury.

Objections to the bill, however, had been made, and Mr. W. said he would detain the Senate for a few moments, to examine some of those objections.

The first in order which he would notice was, that new discoveries in the art and science of defence might supersede the present propositions; that the power of steam, and its application to the defences of a nation, were yet little known, and had been little tried; and that future experience might prove that this power would furnish a preferable substitute for the permanent defences proposed by the bill. In answer to this objection, he would merely ask, in sincerity and candor, whether a single member of the Senate had brought his mind to the belief that our important commercial towns, our principal and most useful harbors, and the mouths of our great navigable rivers, which were susceptible of perfect defence by permanent, stationary, and durable fortifications, were to be left to any description of movable and floating defences, whether moved and govern ed by steam, or by the natural elements? Did any man, who had in the slightest degree examined this subject, delude himself with the notion that a commercial nation, with a coast more extended and exposed than any other nation of the world, and with the means in its Treasury for the construction of permanent and secure defences, was either to wait for new discoveries as to the power and application of steam, or to trust its wealth and commerce to the protection of floating batteries, instead of well-constructed and immovable fortifications? For himself, (Mr. W. said,) his enthusiasm as to modern improvements had carried his mind to no such conclusions. He had not doubted, and did not now doubt, that steam, as connected with harbor defence, was to be made a most important agent in the great work in which we were engaged, and he was prepared to go as far as experience and wisdom would warrant in providing for its use; but he would not, for one moment, admit that the important points upon our coast, susceptible of perma nent land defences, were to be left to the uncertain and doubtful protection of moving batteries of any descrip tion. He had not heard it advanced that the science of defence by fortifications was very imperfect, or that improvements were to be soon anticipated; and having come to the conclusion that these were the defences which the country required, at the points named in the bill, and that the art of constructing them had been, in all essential particulars, as perfect for centuries as it now is, he was prepared to give,his support to the bill, without waiting the uncertainty of valuable improvements by new discoveries.

The next objection he proposed to notice was, that we want information as to some of these proposed works; that the necessary examinations, surveys, and estimates have not been made; and that we act in the dark in making appropriations without them. This objection (Mr. W. said) he was willing to admit was specious and plausible; but as to these particular works, he thought he should be able easily to show that it was much more specious than solid and substantial. He had He must then appeal to the Senate, and to every indi-understood from the remarks made by the chairman of

SENATE.]

Fortification Bill.

the Committee on Military Affairs, [Mr. BENTON,] when this bill was first under discussion, that all these points had been selected as points proper for the construction of permanent fortifications by the first board of engineers which ever examined our Atlantic coast with a view to its permanent defence; that several subsequent examinations, by competent and skilful engineers, had been made for the same purpose; and that all had selected these points as capable of being defended by the erection of forts and batteries, and as of sufficient importance, either as commercial towns, or safe and convenient harbors and roadsteads, to render such defences necessary to the protection of our commerce and the security of the country; and that conjectural plans and estimates of the works required had been repeatedly made at all the points. He now received the assent of that honorable Senator to the correctness of his understanding in these particulars, and was therefore not mistaken in assuming this as one ground for the immediate action of the Senate. But there was another and a stronger ground. A call had been made upon the War Department, upon this subject; and the answer, full, complete, and apparently satisfactory to all, was before us. That Department was in possession of all the information which had been collected as to the necessity and propriety of these works. No one would doubt the competency of the head of that Department to form a safe and correct opinion upon the sufficiency of that information for the discreet action of Congress. What, then, does the Secretary say in reference to the fortifications provided for in this bill?

"It cannot be doubted but that fortifications at the following places, enumerated in this bill, will be necessary."

[MAY 19, 1836.

his former opinion, that the money of the Government would command engineers of science, skill, and experi ence; and that gentlemen were entirely mistaken in supposing that the corps of engineers, holding military commissions under the United States, monopolized all the science, experience, or skill, to be found in this widely extended country. But, for the sake of this argument, he would admit the necessity of an increase of the corps of engineers; and what would be the effect upon the duties of the Senate in relation to this bill? An act for the increase of that corps, to the extent recommended by the head of the corps, had long since passed this body, and been sent to the House of Representatives. We, therefore, had discharged our duty in this matter, and he was for continuing to discharge that duty in a matter consistent with our own action. It was not for the Senate to wait the passage of one of its bills through the other branch of Congress, before it would act upon another and more important public measure. Let us (said Mr. W.) follow our own action, be consistent with ourselves, carry out our own measures, and leave the House of Representatives to their proper responsibilities. This objection has no foundation with us, because we have already obviated it by our legislative action, and it does not become us to assume that any other branch of the Government will not discharge the same duty.

A further objection to the passage of this bill is, that if the appropriations be made, the money cannot be expended. It is asserted, that the ordinary appropriations for the fortifications already commenced are more money than it is in the power of the officers of the Government to expend, and that hence additional appropriations for new works cannot be expended. Mr. W. "I think, therefore, that the public interest would said he did not see that the conclusion followed from the be promoted by the passage of the necessary appropria- premises. If it were true that money could not be extions for them. As soon as these are made, such of the pended at one point upon our extended coast, for the positions as may appear to require it can be examined, want of laborers, he could not see that it necessarily foland the form and extent of the works adapted to exist-lowed that laborers could not be procured at other ing circumstances, if any change be desirable. The con- | struction of those not needing examination can commence immediately, and that of the others as soon as the plans are determined upon. By this proceeding, therefore, a season may be saved in the operations."

points. The evidence upon which this objection rests is a report from the head of the engineer department, stating that some eighty or one hundred thousand dollars appropriated for the construction of a fort at Throg's neck, near the harbor of New York, was not expended These are the opinions of the executive officer of the during the last year, because laborers were not procured; Government especially charged with these works of de- that invitations to laborers were published and circulafence, and fully aware of all the information in the pos- ted in the city of New York, and in several of the eastsession of the Government in relation to their necessity ern cities, without effect. The report, no doubt, states and propriety. Does he tell us we want more informa- truly the facts, as far as it goes; but there are other facts tion before we can act? No, sir. He tells us it cannot required to enable us to form a correct judgment as to be doubted that fortifications at the points mentioned the inference authorized from this failure to procure la will be necessary. Does he tell us that we want fur- borers. What prices were offered? Were they equal ther examinations, surveys, and estimates, before we to the current prices of similar labor in the cities where can hazard an appropriation? No, sir. He tells us that the invitations were circulated? Was the season of the when the appropriations have been made, such of the year that, when laborers are usually disengaged and at positions as may appear to require it can be examined, liberty to make contracts? Were the character and conand the form and extent of the works adapted to exist-dition of the work such as the mass of laborers were ing circumstances, "if any change be desirable." Does competent to perform, and would be willing to enhe tell us that nothing is to be gained by making the ap- gage in at ordinary wages? These and other inquiries propriations now? No, sir. He tells us that, by this should be answered before we are authorized to conproceeding, a season may be saved in the operations. So clude that money would not command labor in the immuch, Mr. President, (said Mr. W.,) for the objection mediate vicinity of our great commercial metropolis. that we have not information to authorize these appropriations.

Another objection is, that we have not engineers to superintend these works; and that, unless the corps of engineers be increased, the appropriations, if made, must remain unexpended. Mr. W. said this was an objection to this class of appropriations which had been frequently advanced upon former occasions, and he had repeatedly attempted to answer it; in which attempt, he was sorry to say, he had been so unsuccessful that the same objection again met him here. He must repeat

Mr. W. said this objection had been repeatedly urged during the discussions of the present session, and he had himself repeatedly attempted to answer it; he was mortified to see how unfortunately, as the objection continued to be urged with undiminished earnestness and confidence. He must, therefore, again repeat what seemed to him to be a most perfect and complete refutation of the idea that money will not command labor in and about New York, to any extent to which money is offered and paid. All will remember that since we have been here, during our present session, the city of

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[MAY 19, 1836.

We are, Mr. President, (said Mr. W.,) if the posi tions assumed by the opponents of this bill be admitted, in a condition unknown to the history of any people who have ever before existed upon the face of the earth. We have no debt. Our Treasury is full to overflowing. We are defenceless in almost every respect. And yet we cannot be defended, according to the doctrines of some, because our money will not purchase the labor necessary to construct the defences we need. According to others, we cannot be defended, because we have not engineers of skill and experience to direct the expendi ture of the money, if we appropriate it. An increase of our engineer corps will not aid us in this particular, because such an increase will not bring with it the requisite skill and experience; and, as a necessary consequence from these conclusions, we must not increase the engineer corps, because, without an increase of appropriations for fortifications, we shall have nothing for the engineers to do, who may be added to the corps. Was ever, Mr. President, so helpless a condition of any people before known? Money in the Treasury to an excess, but nobody will work for it; defences of every description imperatively required, but men of skill and science cannot be found to superintend their construction. Therefore, we must give away the money, and wait for the defences of the nation, until the Treasury shall contain other means, until money will command labor, and until engineers can be educated to superintend the pubworks.

the Treasury shall have been exhausted in bounties to the States, and we have not a dollar at command to be applied to new or additional defences' Mr. W. said he must say that gentlemen who assumed this position subjected themselves most strongly to the suspicion that a division of the public moneys, and not the prosecu tion of works of defence, was their darling object. the other class, who openly and frankly opposed the bill upon the ground that it conflicted with the schemes for a distribution of the public moneys, he must award greater fairness. They met what he considered to be the true question, openly and without disguise. He must, however, here bring to the memory of these opponents of the bill now under discussion, some of the arguments used by those who opposed the passage of the land bill through the Senate. It was contended (Mr. W. said) by himself and others, that any system of distribution, such as was proposed by that bill, would tend to impede the necessary public appropriations; to arrest the prosecution of the necessary public defences; and to embarrass the national Government in all its departments, and in every branch of the public service. It was urged that such distribution would necessarily lead the States into measures involving heavy and longcontinued expenditures; that the arguments, estimates, and flattering calculations of the friends of that bill, were eminently calculated to produce anticipations of future dividends which could not be realized; that the members of both Houses of Congress were the represent-lic atives of the States, and of the people of the States, The honorable Senator put forth another objection to and must and ought to be strongly influenced by the this bill, which was even less anticipated from that quarwishes and interests of those whom they respectively ter than was the objection which has just been examined. represented; that when disappointment as to the amounts It was, that the bill is in competition with the several to be divided should come upon the constituent body-- propositions for the distribution of the surplus revenue. as come that disappointment must-the necessities of the Remembering the constitutional opinions held and exStates, growing out of these delusive expectations, pressed by that Senator but two years since, on the subwould be paramount to the necessities of this Govern.ject of a distribution of the surplus revenue among the ment, with the representative bodies; and that appro- States, Mr. W. said it was impossible that he could have priations for the permanent defences of the country, expected opposition to this bill from that quarter upon appropriations for the navy, appropriations for the that ground. In the Senator's speech upon the removal army, and appropriations for all other branches of the of the deposites, made in the Senate in January, 1834, public service, would be injuriously restricted, or whol are found the following remarks: ly refused, that the sum to be divided to the States, as surplus revenue, might be increased.

Mr. W. said, when he urged these arguments, he did not even dream that he should see their correctness demonstrated before the close of the present session of Congress. He did not then believe that the evil tendencies of these plans for distribution would be so soon and so boldly developed. In this he had been entirely disappointed. Already we had met, in open avowal, the influence he had feared; and, upon this first measure of public defence which had been presented to the Senate since the passage of that dangerous bill, we had heard opposition distinctly avowed upon the ground that the appropriations night conflict with the various plans for a distribution of the moneys in the Treasury. If he had before merely doubted, he should now be most perfectly confirmed in his hostility to these projects, so long as any branch of the public service called for the expenditure of the public moneys on hand.

He would now (Mr. W. said) proceed to examine, very briefly, one or two of the objections offered by the honorable Senator from South Carolina [Mr. CALHOUN] to the passage of the bill under discussion. The first objection of that honorable Senator which he proposed to notice, was, the want of engineers to superintend the expenditures proposed; and he had anticipated the argument to be drawn from the action of the Senate, in the increase of the engineer corps to about twice its present strength, by the assumption that this increase would not bring engineers of experience, and would not therefore, at present, authorize an increase of appropriations.

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"There is another aspect, (said Mr. C.,) in which this subject may be viewed. We all remember how early the question of the surplus revenue began to agitate the country. At a very early period, a Senator from New Jersey [Mr. DICKERSON] presented his scheme for disposing of it, by distributing it among the States. The first message of the President recommended a similar project, which was followed up by a movement on the part of the Legislature of New York, and I believe some of the other States. The public attention was aroused, the scheme scrutinized, its gross unconstitutionality and injustice, and its dangerous tendency of absorbing the power and existence of the States, were clearly perceived and denounced. The denunciation was too deep to be resisted, and the scheme was abandoned."

Such, Mr. W. said, were the opinions of the Senator upon the subject of a distribution of the surplus revenue to the States; and could he have expected from him an objection to the passage of a bill, providing for the defences of the country, for the more rapid prosecution of a system of defences with which he had once been officially and closely connected, because it comes in competition with propositions for a distribution of the surplus moneys, so recently pronounced grossly unconstitutional, unjust, and dangerous to the power and existence of the States?

[Here Mr. PRESTON remarked that his colleague was not in his seat, but detained from it by official duties, and he hoped Mr. W. would consent to suspend his remarks until Mr. C. should be in. Mr. W. replied that he re