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MAY 19, 1836.]

Fortification Bill.

(SENATE.

gretted very much the absence of the Senator from the money in the deposite banks, and assert that he had South Carolina, as he would greatly have preferred to made this dilatory proposition for a different disposition, have replied to him in his presence; but as he had no to accomplish that design, would the Senator consider remarks of a personal character to make, he could not him courteous or just? Would the Senate consider the consent to delay the bill by a suspension of his argument.] imputation of such motives to any member of the body

Mr. W. proceeded: He had nothing to add on the parliamentary or proper? It was not his purpose to subject of this great change of opinion on the part of the make any such charge. It was not his habit to impute Senator, except that it had surprised and disappointed | motives to the members of this body, for acts done unhim, coming from that quarter.

der their official responsibility; and he did not believe'that Another position of the Senator was not less singular such a charge, if made against the honorable Senator, and extraordinary, and called for a reply. It was the would be founded in fact. He did not believe the Senassertion that the bill was not intended to expedite the ator, in making the proposition upon which he had comconstruction of fortifications, but to retain the public mented, had been actuated by any design to retain the money in the banks where it was now deposited; and he money in the deposite banks; but the reverse. Yet he went so far as to say, that were the objects of the bill did believe that such a design imputed to that Senator what they purported to be-the erection of fortifications would have precisely as much foundation in justice and he would support it. Mr. W. said, in the absence of truth, as the similar charge preferred by him against that Senator, he would take no notice of this unjust and the friends of the defence bills; and he trusted he had ungenerous imputation upon the motives of the friends of shown that the effect of the Senator's proposition would this bill, but would examine the position, supposing it

be to retain the money in the banks much longer, and had any foundation in fact. The bill upon its face con

| much more certainly, than any effect to be apprehendtains as direct and positive appropriations as any other | ed from the passage of these bills. appropriation bill which has been presented to Congress.

Mr. W. said his intention and desire was to apply the If passed, it will devolve upon the proper executive de

money in the Treasury to a constitutional use. The mo. partment the immediate duty of obtaining the proper

ney is the avails of “taxes, duties, imposts, and excisites and commencing the several works, and of pro ses,” laid and collected by, or under the authority and ceeding in their construction with all possible despatch,

direction of Congress, "to pay the debts, and provide so far as the means appropriated will go. Ilas any one for the common defence and general welfare of the suggested, or will any one believe, that any sinister in

United States." The first great constitutional use to tentions, on the part of those who may vote for the bill, which the public moneys were to be applied had been will influence the executive officers in the prompt and fully performed. The debts had been fully paid. The faithful discharge of their duties under it? Had the Sena second, to “provide for the common defence,” it is the tor from South Carolina suggested, or could be suggest,

object of this bill to prosecute more vigorously and effiany change of the form of the bill, so as to make the ap

ciently. For that reason he supported it, and most earpropriations more positive and unconditional, or the duty

nestly hoped it would be successful. Yet it was not for to expend the money more imperative and urgent? He

him to impute improper or unworthy motives to those hazarded nothing in giving a negative answer to these who thought the constitution and the public interests inquiries. Language could not improve the bill in these I would be better served by giving away this money to particulars; nor had it been intimated that there was the States, or what was, in his judgment, precisely either doubt or condition to be found upon its face. He

equivalent, lending it to the States without interest, and would, then, leave the Senator, and the Senate, to de. | upon a declaration upon their respective statute books termine how far he was sustained in placing his opposi- / that they would repay the principal whenever their retion to a proper and positive law upon the ground of

and positive law upon the ground of presentatives in the two Houses of Congress should orhis suspicion that some who support it entertain inten- der them to do so. He thought, however, so long as tions unfavorable to its execution.

he abstained from the imputation of motives to those Hie must present this objection of the Senator in an

who advocated such a disposition of these moneys, he other light, and see whether it may not be made quite as was entitled to an exemption from imputation as to his own applicable to himself, as to those who advocate and sup. motives, in urging a use of the money such as the honor and port the defence bills. His charge is, that they desire

interests and safety of the country required and demandto retain the money in the deposite banks. What dis ed; and such as the constitution not only authorized, but position does he propose to make of it? for he is the

directed in terms. author of a variety of propositions upon the subject.

After Mr. Wright bad concluded, Mr. RUGGLES The last, and that one upon which he presumed the rose, and addressed the Chair as follows: Senator intended to rely, was, to deposite the money in

Mr. President: This bill has been slumbering on the the treasuries of the several States, without interest. table for more than two months, without any disposition But when, and upon what terms, is the money to be being manifested by a majority of the Senate to take it transferred from the deposite banks to the several State up. The inquiry throughout the country is, where is treasuries? When, and as soon as, the Legislature of the fortification bill? What has become of the fortifica. each State sball have passed a law, pledging the faith

tion bill? Why does not the Senate act on the fortificaof the State for the repayment of the money upon the

tion bill? All ibe seaboard--all that part of it which has call of Congress. Nearly all those Legislatures have not been already provided with works of defence---is closed their annual sessions, and all probably will, be alive to this subject. No measure is more imperiously fore this proposition can become a law, if it is to become demanded by the exposed condition of the seaboard, a law at all. Much the larger number of them do not and none more loudly called for, in connexion with again conyene until November, December, and January. liberal appropriations for an increase of the navy, by the The money, therefore, according to the disposition pro general sense of the country. posed by the Senator himself, must remain in the depos

This matter has been delayed and put off till it is now ite banks for the whole of the present year, at the least; too late to do much else than to prepare for entering while, in several of the States, the legislative sessions upon the contemplated works at an early period of the are biennial only; and, in one State at least, it is said its next year. An I why it is that this important bill has constitution prohibits the Legislature from.contracting been postponed to others of much less consequence, a debt for any purpose. Mr. W. said, were he to and suffered--nay, made--to lie on the table, while the charge the honorable Senator with a design to continue season for operations has been passing away, I am un.

VOL. XII.-94

SENATE.)

Fortification Bill.

[May 19, 1836.

able to understand. But I hope the Senate will now him to lanıl--make room for him to disembark, that settle the details of it, and do what, in my humble ap- those who should be left to recross the Atlantic might prehension, the Senate ought to have done two or three carry back with them such experience of our hospitality, months ago.

as would deter them and others from a similar enterThe Senator from Tennessee who has just taken his prise thereafter. seat (Mr. WHITE] appears to understand the Secretary Sir, there is more chivalry than wisdom in such a view of War as recommending, in his report on this subject, of the subject. Fortifications are not so much to prea postponement of all the new fortifications named in vent an enemy from landing on our coast, as to shut up this bill, and the completion of those works only wbich our harbors, occlude our ports, and lock up the mouths have been beretofore commenced. But, sir, I have not of our rivers, and thus to guard against a sudden attack so understood the report. On the contrary, the Secre. upon our commercial towns by the fleets of an enemy. tary expressly recommends the construction of fortifica The Senator thinks we should find no great difficulty tions at several points where pone have been commenced. in chastising an enemy that should have the presumption

If we are to proceed upon the principle that no new to land on our shores. And, sir, he seems to suppose works shall be commenced, confining the appropriations | that it would argue imbecility and cowardice to attempt to the completion of those already in a state of forward. to keep him away from our harbors by those ugly, ness, the State I have the honor to represent will still frowning battlements, and to protect our cities by forbe left without defences. She has no works commen tresses. Perhaps he supposes it the wisest and most ced, and therefore bas none to complete. The views gallant course to give an enemy's ships of war free of the Senator from Tennessee go to sustain the motion access to our commercial towns, and, after he has battersubmitted by the honorable Senator from South Caro ed them down, to invite him to land and measure swords lina, (Mr. PRESTON,) when this bill was last before the with us! We should unquestionably give him some Senate, and which, as I understand it, now comes for- evidence of our valor, but I do exceedingly doubt ward for consideration. The motion was to amend the whether he would carry away with him any very high bill by striking out the appropriation for the defence of opinion of the wisdom of our protective policy. And the Kennebec. In making the motion, he announced should be not accommodate us by accepting our invitahis intention also of moving to strike out all the appro- tion--should he not choose to land and give us battle on priations for works of the third class, as classified in the shore, we might lose the opportunity of proving even report of the board of engineers made in 1821; and also our valor. to strike out the appropriation for steam batteries. But the Senator from South Carolina does not go These several motions, it seems, are to be met succes quite so far. I do not understand him as opposed to sively. Now, the Kennebec falls within the third class this system of public defences. On the contrary, he in that report, and would therefore be embraced in the claimed for his colleague the distinguished honor of second proposed amendment. But the Senator bas having “ fought up" this system of fortifying the marithought proper to single out the Kennebec river for the time frontier, against much opposition and discourageseparate action of the Senate; no doubt, supposing it to ment, at the time he was Secretary of War. And so be a vulnerable point, and more assailable than any other creditable did he deem the achievement to his wisdom in the bill. He does not choose to attack the whole and patriotism, that he erected for him a triumphal line of fortifications at once, but to break through it at arch, and fixed his statue upon it, and seemed resolved some chosen point, and then to cut them up in detail. Il that it should not be cast down by impious hands, withsuppose that would be according to military principles. out an effort to sustain it there. The effort, it must be

It is not my intention, sir, to take up the time of the admitted, was a splendid and gallant one. And I trust Senate in advocating the system of national defences, the honorable Senator, whose name and fame it was infor one part of which this bill provides; for I apprehend! tended to perpetuate, will, by his support of this bill, that at this day few are to be found, who are willing to vindicate his claim to the apotheosis designed for him. hazard their reputation as statesmen, by calling in ques. Yes, sir, I may be permitted to hope that the combined tion the wisdom of shielding a maritime frontier, and honors of rhetoric and statuary will call up the distinfurnishing a navy with convenient and numerous places guished Sepator alluded to, to the support of the bill, of resort and refuge. The example of other nations, against the assault made upon it by his eloquent coland the experience of our own; the concurring opinion league. of distinguished statesmen, and others eminent for their Since, then, the system of fortifying the maritime military science, the established policy of our Govern- | frontier is not to be impugned, I ask what is the objecment, hitherto sustained by all parties; in fine, bistory, tion to this bill? One objection is, that it involves too example, experience, science, and patriotism--all concur / great an expenditure; that it is entering upon a scheme in sustaining the system of national defences, which that will call for appropriations to an unlimited amount. embrace a navy and fortifications. The recent report - At the same time we are told, and from the same quarof the Secretary of War upon this subject, which has ter whence this objection comes, that our Treasury is received so much commendation, fully sustains the prin- full to overflowing; that there is now a surplus in the ciples of the bill under consideration, differing only in Treasury of thirty-two or thirty-three millions, with a some of its details.

prospect of some forty-one or forty-two millions by Indeed, I do not understand that this system of defence another year; and that it is absolutely impossible to is seriously questioned by the Senator who submitted exhaust that surplus, or to sponge it up by this scheme this motion. There is, however, the honorable Senator of fortifications. It is asserted that the most liberal, from Kentucky, (Mr. CRITTENDEN,) who the other day; extravagant, profuse appropriations for this purpose "canin endeavoring to find sufficient surplus revenue to not possibly touch the surplus revenue"-not even touch justify its distribution among the States, took occasionit; that its increase is going on with so much rapidity, that to denounce fortifications on the maritime frontier, as prodigality itself, with its utmost strides, cannot overwholly unnecessary to the present and prospective con- take it. And yet, the Senator says that the amount dition of our country. He thought we could do without appropriated by this bill is "alarming.” Appropriations, them. He was opposed to the whole scheme. And I which are necessarily so insignificant in amount that they infer from his remarks, that he was also opposed to a cannot even touch the surplus in the Treasury, are at navy; for he told us that, instead of preventing an enemy the same time to be regarded as "alarming" and "apfrom landing on our shores, we ought rather to invite palling," and leading on to national bankruptcy. How

May 19, 1836.)

Fortification Bill.

(SENATE.

these conflicting views of the subject can be reconciled, less, is one of the largest in New England. It is naviga. I cannot very well understand.

ble for large ships of war to Bath, and for smaller vesWith a view, however, of diminishing the amount sels to Hallowell and Augusta. Bath is a highly comappropriated by this bill, it is proposed to strike out the mercial town. More shipping is built in the district of fortification for the defence of the Kennebec waters, and Bath than in any other in the State, and a quarter more that is to be followed by another to strike out the pro- than is built in all the southern States put together. posed fortification for the Penobscot. My purpose is to Above Bath, on the river, there are several thriving and resist these propositions as unjust to the State I repre prosperous towns. At the head of navigation is the sent here, unwise in regard to great and important na- capital of the State, and at that place is situated the tional interests, and as being an utter departure from arsenal of the United States. Yes, Mr. President, the the constitutional obligation resting upon Congress to United States have there property in buildings and the provide for the common defence.

materiel of war to a large amount. Would you leave The geographical position of Maine renders the ques. that undefended? Would you leave not only the tion of fortifying her maritime frontier one of great in- valuable commerce of that river and adjacent ports, terest to the State as well as to the Union. She oc- and the thriving towns that adorn its banks, but also cupies an intermediate position between the rest of the your own arsenal, exposed and unprotected? Did Union and the possessions of a foreign Power. Her you erect your buildings there, but for the accomports and harbors are within a few hours' sail of the modation of your enemy in time of war? Was it to supports and harbors of a nation that may be, as she has | ply him with arms and munitions of war that you ex. been, our enemy. The coast of that State, for many posed them on an unfortified river in (as it may be) his leagues at sea, is the most frequented cruising ground / own neighborhood, where he could have ready access in time of war, of any portion of the coast of the United to them?' 'Sir, to leave the mouth of that river unfortiStates. It is literally whitened with our commerce. It fied, would be a palpable invitation to an enemy to come is there that an enemy's cruisers would reap their rich and help himself. He would so regard it, and accept barvest of prizes, and do more injury to the commerce the invitation, His very first expedition would be to the of the country than they could do at any other point of capital of the State. Without an hour's notice or warnthe Atlantic coast. Leave that coast undefended, and it ing, favored by a fair breeze, he would run up the river, would be swept as with the besom of destruction. All set fire to the shipping at Bath, demolish that and the the commerce, foreign and coast wise, which is carried other towns above it, seize upon the arsenal, turn its on by two hundred and fifty thousand tons of navigation, guns upon our capital, and, having supplied himself with would be swept from the ocean; our valuable fisheries whatever he might stand in need of from the arsenal, would be annihilated; and the whole seaboard would return musing upon the marvellous wisdom of a nation be lighted by the confiagration of our ships, our towns that, with a bloated Treasury, with overflowing coffers, and cities, and every thing accessible to an incendiary could leave such a position unfortified, foe. If the harbors on the coast of Maine should not be But, is there nothing else to be protected by fortify-fortified and occupied by us, they will, in time of war, ing that coast? Are there no other interests to be be occupied by the enemy. If they shall not be made regarded? Sir, there are there more than half a million places of refuge and protection, they will be places of ot your population, an industrious, moral, enlightened, exposure and destruction. There are a number of im enterprising, patriotic people, who are neither insensiportant positions on that coast which would be imme- ble to what they owe to the national Government, nor diately seized upon by an enemy, and made places of ignorant of what the national Government, under the rendezvous for his cruisers, privateers, and ships of war; constitution, owes to them. The State possesses a great whence they could sally out to intercept our commerce, amount of commercial and agricultural wealth, and and "sink, burn, and destroy;" and where they could manufacturing enterprise is spreading rapidly over the refit and levy contributions of supplies upon the defence. State. I find, by a report made to Congress in 1832, less inhabitants.

by the Secretary of State, founded on very partial and Sir, this does not rest upon conjecture. It is matter incomplete returns and estimates, that the manufactures of history. With us, it has been matter of experience. at that time amounted to upwards of seven millions of In the last war with England, she at once perceived the dollars. They may be safely estimated at the present advantages of occupying a position on the coast of Maine, time at ten millions. Add to this the value of lumber She early fitted out an expedition, which seized upon cut and sawed annually, estimated at ten millions, and Castine, a position on the Penobscot waters, where the the market value of lime manufactured in that State, enemy fortified himself. From that position he was en estimated at one million, and we make an aggregate of abled to commit havoc and devastation upon our con- twenty-one millions, independent of its agricultural promerce. The number of merchant vessels which that ducts. The article of wool alone, grown in that State position enabled him to capture, I have no means of es- in 1832, was estimated, from the returns, at one million timating.

six hundred and forly thousand dollars. It must now It is for the protection of these waters, the waters of exceed two millions. There are no means of estimating the Penobscot bay and river, that one of the fortifica- the amount of other agricultural products. But I have tions is designed. There are a number of commercial already shown enough to entitle that “peninsular Slate," towns on the bay, whose shipping would, in times of as the Senator calls it, to some little consideration. Not peril, seek refuge in the river, above the contemplated one of the Atlantic States possesses so great natural fortification. Among them is Belfast, the proposed resources, nor one which is making more rapid progress Atlantic termination of the Belfast and Quebec railroad. in wealth and population. Above the position to be fortified are seyeral others, and The Senator, in his speech preliminary to the motion at the head of navigation is the city of Bangor, which under consideration, took occasion to speak of the great ships annually from 300 to 400 million feet of lumber. / amount of exports from the southern States, and advertThis city has just sprung into existence. Six years ago led to the small amount of exports from Maine. The its population was only 2,868; now, it is 9,000. Its in inference was, that more should be appropriated for the crease in wealth and enterprise exceeds even that of its defence of the southern, and less for the northern fronpopulation. It bids fair to be one of the most considera- tier. The returns show only the exports to foreign ble cities of the North.

countries. There are no returns which show the Kennebec river, which is proposed to be left defence- l amount of our coastwise commerce. We must arrive at SENATE.)

Fortification Bill.

[May 19, 1836.

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that by inference and estimation. In 1833, the exports Here we see that the whole amount of the exports of of South Carolina amounted to upwards of eleven mil. the United States was eighty-one millions; of which fortylions of dollars. That, with a small amount of exports eight millions were from the four States of Louisiana, coastwise, deducting what was retained for home con. Alabama, Georgia, and South Carolina alone. To this sumption, may be regarded as the product of the labor must be added a large amount of coastwise exports. of the producing class of the population of that State. Now, let me inquire of southern Senators by what Some allowance is to be made for what was grown be means this vast amount is transported to their foreign and yond the limits of that State. Maine has a population domestic markets? Do you ship it in your own vessels, somewhat less than South Carolina, but it is an active, or in foreign vessels? To a very great extent, you do not. industrious population of freemen. It does not there Let us see how this is. The following is an abstract take one half to keep the other half employed. The of the tonnage built, the tonnage owned, and the perproduct of industry and enterprise in Maine cannot be manent registered tonnage in 1833. less than that of South Carolina. I have no doubt it is greater. But the exports from Maine to foreign coun

Tonnage Tonnage Registere.? tries, for 1833, were short of a million of dollars. What,

States.

built. owned. tonnage, then, became of the residue of their products, making

permanent. the same deduction for home consumption? The answer is, it was shipped coast wise. The difference, then, Louisiana, .

326 60,903 13,100 between the commerce of Maine, and that of South Caroand that of South Caro- Alabama, .

7,5401 1,392 Jina, is this: the latter State shows a greater amount of Georgia,

547 9,994 2,467 exports to foreign markets, and the former a greater South Carolina,

649 14,058 3,246 amount to ports in the United States. They ship more to foreign countries, we ship more coastwise.

Total of four States, - 1,587 92,495 20,215 Now, I would ask, which is most entitled to the foster Virginia, .

3,326 50,407 6,834 ing care and protection of the Government-tbe com North Carolina,

3,01238, 235 6,603 merce carried on by a State with a foreign nation, or the Mississippi, .

30
1,003

none commerce of the States with one another? How would Florida, .

3,787 766 it be in time of war? which is the true question, in refer Total of the southernence to our protective policy. Would a cargo of flour States, .

8,002 185,927

34,418 shipped from Alexandria or Petersburg be more enti- Total of the United tled to protection when destined for Europe, than when States,

161,626 1,606,149 641,091 shipped to Portland, Bath, or Bangor? Would you re- Maine,

51,687 225,329 70,499 gard as more important the safety of a cargo of cotton, Portland,

7,860 49.012 when shipped from Charleston to supply the manufacto Kennebec,

11,214 42,772 ries of Europe, than when shipped for Boston or Ports Penobscot, .

10,587) 49,412 mouth for the use of the factories at Lowell or Dover?

The answer must be, two to one in favor of domestic com By this abstract it appears that the whole amount of merce which finds a market for the products of one shipping owned in the four States mentioned, is 92,495 State and a resource of supplies for another; and Con tons: 40,225 of the 60,903 owned in Louisiana, is steamgress is under the same constitutional obligation to pro boat tonnage employed on the rivers, leaving 52,259 tect the commerce carried on between the States, as it is employed in foreign and coastwise commerce. The perto protect foreign commerce.

manent registered tonnage is that which is engaged in Sir, there are other considerations to which I ask the foreign commerce, with but few exceptions. Of that, attention of Senators from the South and Southwest. It

these four States have but 20,215 tons, while the whole is not difficult to show that the whole South and South- amount of American tonnage employed in foreign comwest are directly interested in the fortifying the northern merce is 641,091. Adopting that proportion, South frontier, especially the frontier of Maine; and I cannot

Carolina should have about 70,000 tons instead of 3,000, but marvel that a motion which goes to defeat an appro having upwards of seven millions of exports in American priation for that purpose should come from the South. | vessels. The four States mentioned, with more tban The great amount of exports from the southern States half of all the exports of domestic produce, own less has been adverted to. The following is an abstract of than a thirty-fourth part of all the American tonnage the value of exports of domestic produce to foreign employed. countries, for the year 1833. It is made up from the

There is, then, this very great deficiency of vessels at latest returns that have been published:

the South; and to supply that deficiency, she is necessa

rily indebted to those States which have an excess above In Am. In foreign

their exportations; the principal of which is Maine, States. vessels. vessels.

having over 70,000 tons of shipping engaged in foreign Total.

commerce, with less than a million of exports. Yes, Louisiana, - 16,838,562 6,921,04523,759,607

Mr. President, Maine, bitherto overlooked, forgotten, | 4,141,786 1,522,261| 5,664,047

and disregarded in every thing relating to the defence Georgia, | 5,166,844 2,400,483 7,567,327

of her seaboard, owns nearly 40,000 tons more shipping South Carolina, 7,255,281) 3,864,284/11, 119,565

than all the southern Atlantic and Gulf States south of

the Potomac. Nay, I may say she bas more spacious Total of four States, .33,402,473 14,708,073|48,110,546

harbors, more deep and convenient waters, more ports Virginia,

4,740,003 .

of entry and delivery, more facilities for commercial and

719,237) 5,459,240 North Carolina, | 360,012 111,394 471,406

naval operations, than all of the southern States together, Mississippi, .

south of the Chesapeake. Sir, I do not speak extravanone none none Florida, 175,218 14,967 190,185

gantly. The facts, on examination, will be found to Total of the southern

bear me out. States, . -38,677,70615,553,671 54,231,377

But, sir, I will go further, and inquire where the South United States, -61,286, 11919,738,04381,024,162

obtains the vessels she owns. If I am not much mistaken,

it will appear that she is indebted to the North for tbem, | and, to a great extent, to Maine herself. By adverting to

Alabama,

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Mar 19, 1836.]

Fortification Bill.

[SENATE,

the abstract, I find that the four States named built in all that portion now held in the custody of England, 1833 but 1,587 tons, while Maine built 51,687. The presents matter for serious and anxious reflection. Are district of Bath alone, one of the twelve districts into we humbled by the lofty pretensions of a Power from which that State is divided, builds a third more than all whom we have twice conquered an honorable peace? or the southern States together, from Virginia to Louisiana, from what cause is it that our pride seems subdued, inclusive. That one district. for the defence of which while our interests are sacrificed? No American, and not a dollar has been expended on any permanent forti- especially no man of New England, can traverse this fication, owns three times the amount of tonnage that is region, and shut out from his mind the conviction that owned by the whole State of South Carolina, whose wrongs have been perpetrated under the cover of diploports have been fortified at an expense of little short of macy, that dare not be defended in the open field. This a million of dollars. The same remark may be made in land, which we claim belongs to us of right, has, for some reference to Portland and the Penobscot. Our ships, cause, or to answer some purposes, been most ignominia many of which are among the very best freighting ves ously surrendered to the custody of a foreign Power. sels in the world, navigated by intelligent and experi. / It does not fail to impress one strangely, that, after a posenced shipmasters, and manned by hardy seamen, are session of more than a quarter of a century-after the found in all the southern ports, New Orleans, Mobile, | full exercise of sovereignty, we should quietly permit Savannah, Charleston, &c., competing for freights and that possession and that sovereignty to pass into the taking their produce off their bands at the lowest prices bands of a foreign Power, and thus be held, until that of transportation.

Power shall find leisure to establish over it a permanent Now, sir, leave the maritime frontier of Maine without | legal title. But your committee will not dwell upon a defences, leave her harbors exposed, give up that "pen- | topic so fruitful of unpleasant emotions; they were sufinsular State" to the enemy, and a declaration of war ficiently harassed by them, while traversing this region: would put an absolute stop to ship-building. Her five or they could not look abroad without witnessing the depsix hundred shipyards would be desolate, and the first | redations and waste everywhere committed; they could six months after the commencement of hostilities would | not fail to appreciate, at its just value, the guardianship see our shipping destroyed and its owners ruined. The exercised over it. They were not blind to the trespasses effect such a state of things would produce on southern once suppressed by our own agents, but now renewed, interests dependent on the ship-building and ship-owning | upon the timber and the lands, and that seemed to be States, cannot be accurately estimated. The price of pursued with an eagerness and an ingenuity that scorned freights would be greatly increased. Such a diminution | resistance, or defied detection. They did not complain, of the number of freighting vessels would destroy all for there was no power to redress. Nor do the committee competition for freights, and southern producers would now arraign the conduct of the British agent; he is powbe compelled to pay whatever northern carriers should / erless on this subject. The great mass of the populalion choose to demand. And thus is the South directly in- consider the lands as waste; and each plunde terested in the defence of our harbors in Maine, and in

propriates as his inclination or interest leads him. There the protection and preservation of our shipping. We

have been some devices thought expedient as a cover for do not build ships for ourselves alone: we build them some of the grosser acts under the eye of the authorities. also for the South. The shipyards of the South are in Location certificates' are granted by the Government Maine. She is the great ship-building State of the Union.

of New Brunswick to old soldiers; these are made to Throughout the whole South and Southwest, every pro

cover one tract, until the timber is stripped, and tben it is ducer of a bag of cotton, a hogshead of sugar, or any

changed to another-a sort of roving commission, proother article of export, has a direct interest in this mat

tecting the aggressor, when the power to punish needs ter; for they will feel the effect of the increased price of but a slight apology to quiet it. Large portions of this freights in the diminution of the home value of their pro

region held in trust, thus formally, have recently been ducts.

claimed as belonging to Canada; thus taking it out of Mr. President, there is one other consideration to the jurisdiction of the trustee, the Governor of New which I cannot forbear calling the attention of the Sen | Brunswick, and freeing it from all rule, or law, or ate, involving a matter of great national interest. I have agency." reference to the long pending and still unsettled con.

I have read this extract for two purposes. One is, to troversy between this Government and that of Great have the opportunity of reminding the Senator, who Britain, relative to the disputed territory on our north

has made it a part of his speech, that, whatever errors of eastern border. It is a large and valuable portion of the diplomacy have been committed in respect to that State of Maine, claimed, and to some exient occupied, | matter, were committed by those for whose acts the by Great Britain; but which is clearly our rightful do- present administration cannot be held responsible. main, and should be held within our sovereignty and Whatever wrongs have been perpetrated under the coyjurisdiction.

er of diplomacy, that cannot be defended in the open The Senator from Massachusetts Mr. Davis) laid be- / field, have grown out of measures which ba fore the Senate, some time since, resolutions emanating consent of Maine, and which were as much against her from the Legislature of that State, which relate to this wishes and interest as they are against the principles and controversy and to the territory in question. It was at policy of the present Executive Department of the Goy. a time when I was absent from the Senate a few days ernment. I need not be more explicit. That Senator from indisposition. I have since seen a published report of was, I think, a member of the other House during a pe. his remarks on that occasion, in which I find an extract riod now gone by, where he was a distinguished and published, as having been read to the Senate from the able supporter of the then existing administration, in report of a committee sent by that State, some months most of its measures, if not of its diplomacy. since to explore and examiné into the condition of the There is another honorable Senator on this floor, who country in dispute between the two Governments. A has doubtless some faint recollections of interesting cir. part of that extract is as follows:

cumstances that have taken place in respect to this ques. " The committee have thus briefly noticed the outline tion, with which his official duties, always ably performpresented in its passage across this important portion of ed, must have made bim acquainted. What reference our domain. When it shall be explored more fully, it the Massachusetts committee had to the "diplomacy"> will be found to contain an inexbaustible treasure, in its at Ghent, in which that Senator took a distinguished part: deep forests, its rivers, and its soil. The condition of or what reference was intended to what took place in

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