having heard the observations of the Senator from South Carolina, [Mr. CALHOUN,] that a committee of conference might yet agree upon some compromise which would be acceptable to both Houses. He now believed, from what he had just heard from several members of the other House, that another committee ought to be appointed. The Senator from South Carolina had not, he believed, denied any of the positions which he had stated. They did not materially differ as to their constitutional views on this subject. His (Mr. B's) positions were these: that any number of individuals within the States might | associate together, either in companies, battalions, or divisions, for the purpose of entering the army of the United States, for six or for twelve months, upon any contingency which might render their services necessary; that these associations would be voluntary, and not compulsory; and would be held together by no tie but that sense of honor which binds a man to enter the service of his country, after he has declared, in the presence of the world, that such was his determination; and that these volunteers, after having arrived at the place of rendezvous, and after having been mustered into service, but not before, became a part of the regular army of the UnitedStates; and the President could then, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, appoint their officers. At one period of the conference, he had believed that the committee would arrive at these conclusions. One of the objections of the Senator from South Carolina was, that the appointment of the captains of companies and other inferior officers ought, like that of the superior officers, to be submitted to the Senate. Mr. B. had been perfectly willing, and was still willing, to adopt this modification. He could not, however, agree, nor did he understand the gentleman now to insist upon it, that these offices could not be filled without the previous advice of the Senate. Such a provision would render the law perfectly nugatory. We might not, and probably would not, be in session when these appointments must be made. The same necessity which the gentleman alleges to have existed during the late war, for authorizing the President to make appointments during the recess of the Senate, will exist in regard to the appointments to be made under this act. Besides, whatever might be our opinion in regard to the power of the President, if the question were now, for the first time, submitted to us, Congress have so often authorized him to make appointments during the recess, to be submitted to the Senate at its next session, that this constitutional question must be considered as settled. As to the act of 1812, which had just been cited by the other Senator from South Carolina, [Mr. PRESTON,] he thought it went too far. He would not say that it was unconstitutional, because he had not examined the subject sufficiently to express a positive opinion. This he would say, however, that it did authorize the exist ence of a dormant military force within the several States, commanded by officers appointed by the President of the United States, and liable to be called into service at any moment he might think proper. The individuals composing this force were exempted from militia duty within the States. Upon the principles contained in this act, the militia of the several States might be subverted, and a national militia, under the command of national officers, might be substituted in its stead. This would certainly be at war with the spirit of the constitution, which reserves to the States respectively the appointment of the officers of the militia, and the authority of training them according to the discipline prescribed by Congress. The militia emphatically belongs to the States, and not to the general Government; and it might be very dangerous for the States to surrender their control over this force into the hands of Congress. Under the act cited by the gentleman, a portion of the [SENATE. militia was taken from the control of the States, and relieved from the performance of militia duty, whilst they remained in the heart of the country, mixed up with the other citizens. This did seem to him to interfere with the power of the States over their militia, contrary to the provisions of the constitution. But these objections did not apply to the bill before them, nor to the amendment he had suggested. They had drawn a broad line of separation between the force to be raised and the militia of the States. What they proposed was, that these volunteers should associate themselves together for the purpose of offering their services to their country, and that, when they arrived at their places of rendezvous, they should enrol themselves, and be mustered into service as a part of the regular army; but, until then, that they should remain as they were, citizens of the several States, liable to the performance of the militia duly of the States. With these views, he was confident that a new committee of conference might come to such an agreement as would be acceptable to both Houses, and he therefore hoped that one would be appointed. He was almost ashamed to say that he had never acquainted himself sufficiently with the rules which governed the proceedings of a committee of conference. His common sense, however, had taught him that it was the duty of such a committee to confine itself to the point of disagreement between the two Houses; but he had been informed by gentlemen of great experience that the whole subject of the bill was open to them. Acting upon this principle, they had got into a general discussion as to the relative value of volunteer and regular, as well as common militia forces. He believed now that a committee of conference might do some good, and that, by steering clear of the constitutional scruples of gentlemen, they might agree on some amendments that would render the bill acceptable to both Houses, and thus enable them speedily to adopt a measure so urgently demanded for the protection of the suffering inhabitants of the frontiers. Mr. B. said, as he should not be a member of the new committee of conference, he would read the amendment which had been so much discussed in the old.committee. "Be it enacted, That the said volunteers shall form themselves into companies, and designate their company officers, who, if he approve of such designations, shall be commissioned by the President, after they shall have been mustered into service; and that the President be, and hereby is, authorized to organize the volunteers so mustered into service, as aforesaid, into battalions, squadrons, regiments, brigades, and divisions, as soon as the number of volunteers shall render such organization, in his judg ment, expedient; and shall then appoint the necessary officers; which appointment shall be submitted to the Senate at its next session." Mr. LEIGH said the bill, as it came from the other House, provided that the President be authorized to accept the service of ten thousand volunteers; and the committee finding no provision for appointing field and staff officers, provided that the President should appoint them. In most of the States there were corps of men called volunteers; and what struck him was, that it was these volunteer companies that were excepted, and that the first provision required that the companies should be officered by the States. But the greatest difficulty that struck him was, that when companies were some from one State, and some from another, in forming the battalions, who was to appoint the officers of such battalions? And so in the case of regiments, brigades, and divisions. He contended that the only mark of distinction between volunteers and regulars was, that one received the bounty, and the other did not. As to the character of the force, the length of the term of service was of no consequence, It was a voluntary enlistment in both cases-the one with, and the other without, the bounty; and they ought to be commissioned in the same way as the commissions were issued for the regular army. But the greatest difficulty, in his mind, was in taking a body of men out of the militia, and keeping them subject to the control of the President. Mr. WEBSTER said the first proposition to be considered was, that the militia belonged to the States, who had the exclusive right to organize and train them; there was no other militia known to the constitution. The militia, therefore, was the militia of the States, there being no such thing as a national militia known to the constitution. If they were to say that there should be men enrolled and officered by the Government, liable to be called into service at its pleasure, that would be a national militia, which he supposed no gentleman contemplated. By the constitution, they might raise an army, and, on a sudden emergency, call on the States to furnish military aid by their militia. In the first ten years of the Government, a law was passed under their difficulties with France, authorizing the President, should circumstances render it necessary, to raise a provisional force; and the act went on to provide that, when raised and organized, this force should be subject to the rules and articles of war. There might then be a provisional army, as well as a regular army. He had no idea that any man could be in the military service of the United States, but in one or the other of the two characters-a member of the regular army, or a militiaman, called into service in the constitutional way. He would be the last man to agree that there should be an organized, unemployed force scattered through the country, liable to be called into service at the pleasure of the Executive; but for a short service it seemed to him that they might accomplish the object by providing that the men should have the privilege of electing their own officers, such elections to be approved of and confirmed by the President. It was with these views, and to render it more in conformity to the general ideas of a volunteer force, that he had made this suggestion when the bill was before them a few days ago. He had simply made the proposition, leaving it to wiser heads than his own to determine the manner in which it should be carried into effect. [MAY 21, 1836. ference; and, on balloting for a committee on the part of the Senate, Messrs. CALHOUN, KING of Alabama, and NICHOLAS, were chosen. On motion of Mr. WHITE, the Senate proceeded to the consideration of executive business; after which, it adjourned. SATURDAY, MAY 21. DISTRICT BANKS. Mr. KENT moved to take up the bill to recharter the banks of the District of Columbia. Mr. BENTON said he should oppose the taking up any measure whatever, except a defence or appropriation bill, till the fortification bill was disposed of; and he therefore asked for the yeas and nays on the motion of the Senator from Maryland. The yeas and nays having been accordingly ordered, the question was taken, and decided in the negativeyeas 16, nays 16; the Chair giving the casting vote. FORTIFICATION BILL. On motion of Mr. LINN, the bill making appropriations for the purchase of sites, the collection of materials, and for the commencement of certain fortifications, was taken up; the question being on Mr. BENTON's amendment, as modified by Mr. PRESTON, to strike out $101,000 for fortifications at Penobscot, and insert "for fortifications at Penobscot bay, $75,000 per annum for two years." Mr. BENTON said the immediate question before the Senate related to the prospective appropriations; the appropriations for two or more years at once, for carrying on the fortifications. He had moved amendments to this effect, in pursuance of instructions from the Military Committee; and the committee had acted under the recommendation of the Secretary of War, (Mr. Cass.) Personally, he (Mr. B.) would wish to make all the provisions of the bill acceptable to those who were favorable to its general object, and should be sorry that any such should be alienated from the bill by the proposed amendment. He would go far to keep it in a form that should be acceptable to them; but there was one class of objectors to this form of appropriation, to Mr. CALHOUN stated his impressions in reference to whose conscientious and constitutional scruples he could that amendment; and, as he understood it, the members not defer, and whom he held to be estopped-if he of the committee who voted for the amendment, voted might use a law term--by their own act, and forever for it as preferable to the bill of the Senate. The ques- barred from setting up this objection; he alluded to the tion was put distinctly, whether they would prefer their distributors of the revenue-to the gentlemen who, at own bill of the Senate, or the bill as amended by the former sessions, and at the present one, had voted for Senator from Pennsylvania? and they decided in favor of five years appropriations at once, of what was called the their own bill. The cases cited as precedents for this proceeds of the public lands. To the scruples of these bill were not analogous; and by the act of July, 1812, gentlemen he could not defer, and with their objections the distinction was still broader, which was "upon the he could have no compromise; for he could not comexpress condition of enrolling;" which, by changing the prehend the train of reasoning by which gentlemen phraseology of a single word, it would read, "on the could bring themselves to balk at small and limited apexpress condition of enlisting." The question was dis-propriations for two years, for objects named in the concussed in committee as to what was the condition of these men before being called into service, after their service was tendered. They were citizens; and, he would ask, could they be tried by a court-martial? The question was, simply, whether the President could enrol a number of men as an army, and leave them in the midst of the citizens? He could not bring his mind to the conclusion to consent that the officers should be appointed without the consent of the Senate. The act of the 3d of July was passed under peculiar emergencies at the very close of the session, and he could not consent to recognise it as a general precedent. After some further remarks from Messrs. PRESTON, CALHOUN, SOUTHARD, and WEBSTER, The question was taken, and the Senate determined to insist on its amendment, and to ask for another con stitution, after having voted indefinite millions for five years for a purpose not named, not thought of, not dreamed of, in the constitution, nor heard of until forty years after that instrument was formed. There was nothing in the constitution against this prospective appropriation for building the forts; on the contrary, there was a clear implication in its favor. There was a limitation against extended appropriations for the support of armies; but that was founded upon a reason peculiar to armies-a reason which could have no application to the construction of forts; and, if it did, would not militate against the proposed appropriations, but would sanction them; for two years was the limit upon the army appropriations, and two years is the extent of the proposed appropriations for the fortifications. So far as the constitution was concerned, the argument, then, is in favor of the measure; and, so far as reason and propriety are concerned, and the practice of the Government has gone, the argument is entirely in its favor. When the appropriation is made for two years together, the work continues without interruption during the winter; and the winter is the time to advance with this kind of work, and that both in the North and in the South. In the South, it is the season of doing the work; in the North, it is the season for collecting materials and making contracts. The practice of Congress sanctions this mode of appropriations. The annual appropriation of $200,000 for arming the militia is one instance, and has stood for thirty or forty years. The appropriation of a million a year, for eight years, in 1816, for the gradual increase of the navy, is another instance; and these appropriations, though made for a term of years, are always under the control of Congress, and may be reduced or discontinued when it pleases. Of this, the naval appropriation was a signal instance; for the million per annum voted in 1816, when the Treasury was full, was reduced to half a million in 1821, when it was empty. Independent of these general and permanent reasons in favor of double appropriations for forts, Mr. B. said there were special and peculiar reasons for them at this time. We were now going on two years without money for this object. The present year might be considered as lost. The length of time which the bill had been delayed, and the time that it might yet be delayed, extinguished the hope of doing much work this year. It was rather for the next year than the present that he was attempting to provide; or, to speak more accurately, it was for the winter of 1836-37, and for the spring of 1837, that he was attempting to get an appropriation. It was to prevent the stoppage of the works at the end of this year, and a new delay of three or four months next spring, that he was now struggling; for every person knew that the appropriations for the year 1837 will not be made until the third day of March; after which, time would be necessary to advertise for work and materials, to collect hands, and to allow a reasonable period for competition among bidders, which economy required. Mr. B. could not take leave of this part of the subject without recurring to the opinions of the Secretary of War, notwithstanding the singular fate which seemed to attend that gentleman's reports and recommendations. All Senators praised them. Both sides of the chamber united in applauding them. There seemed to be an emulation of applause in favor of all that he said; but the moment we come to action, the scene shifts. The moment we want a vote, there is a division; one side is off. The opposition gentlemen are against the vote; they array their deeds against their words; and, having given their applause, they withhold their help. This had been witnessed on many occasions besides the pres ent one; still he would make the experiment again, and try the Secretary's recommendation on the particular point now under consideration. Mr. B. then read from the Secretary's report of April 8th: "I think that, when the plan of a work has been approved by Congress, and its construction authorized, the whole appropriation should be made at once, to be drawn from the Treasury in annual instalments, to be fixed by the law. This mode of appropriation would remedy much of the inconvenience which has been felt for years in this branch of the public service. The uncertainty respecting the appropriations annually deranges the business; and the delay which biennially takes place in the passage of the necessary law, reduces the alternate season of operations to a comparatively short period. An exact inquiry into the effect which the pres ent system of making the appropriations has had upon [SENATE. the expense of the works, would probably exhibit an amount far greater than is generally anticipated." Mr. B. then turned to another part of his subject, and claimed the benefit of an ancient maxim which inculcates the wholesome advice, to wonder at nothing! He was greatly addicted to that maxim, and acted upon it both from habit and from reason. It was good for him that he did so; otherwise, he should be seized with a paroxysm of wonder at the present moment. For what more wonderful than the contradictory exhibitions upon fortifications which this chamber and this session display? Two months ago, it was a question of sharp debate to know who had occasioned the loss of the fortification bill at the last session; and both sides of the chamber, repulsing the blame from themselves, and throwing it on their adversaries, contended for the palm of pre-eminence to devotion to fortifications. Then came certain resolutions of his own, importing that the surplus revenue ought to be set apart as a conservative fund, sacred to the defence of the country, until all defences, military and naval, were on the scale of strength and respectability which the honor and independence of a great people required. On the discussion of these resolutions, he found himself left behind by opposition gentlemen. They darted ahead of him! They went beyond the surplus! They plunged into the integral revenue! Nothing would content their incontinent zeal, but a resolve to pledge all the revenue, and taxes besides, if necessary, to this great object; and so the vote passed, and that unanimously. This was in March, about two months ago; and now, when we come forward with a list of a few forts-twelve small ones at points of acknowledged importance-and want a small part of that mass of money in the Treasury, the magnitude of which is so afflicting to gentlemen, behold there is a decided opposition to the scheme! A systematic opposition is displayed: some objecting to forts altogether; others to those in this bill; others to those not in it; others, again, agreeing to forts in the abstract, but refusing to take them in any form in which they can be presented. This was the singular exhibition which would excite his wonder, if he permitted himself to wonder at any thing. But he did not so permit himself, and less on this occasion than any other; for he saw and knew perfectly well the cause and source of this whole contradiction. It was the division of the money in the Treasury which was at the bottom of all! That division--that fatal scheme of dividing moneywhich was now delaying, obstructing, and defeating so many measures for the good of the country; and this one among others! It was a conflict between distribution and defence; it was a contest between antagonist schemes-between the schemes of taking the public money for the defence of the country, and taking it for spoil and distribution among political partisans. Mr. B. wished to fix the attention of the Senate and of the country upon the true nature of this contest; for it was portentous and alarming when a contest of such a nature could be got up, and much more when it could be maintained in the Senate. What was the true nature of this contest for the application of the public money? and what was the relative merit of the two schemes? Defence is an object known to the constitution; and not only known to, but is the first and highest object of the confederacy. To establish the common defence-to enable all to give that defence to each which no one could give to itself-was the first and paramount object of the confederacy. The means of accomplishing that object, are set forth by name in the constitution-navies, armies, forts, arsenals, docks, and all the accessories of military and naval power. Congress is the instrument designated by the constitution to provide these means for the purpose of accomplishing the great object; and for this purpose has power to raise money by loans or SENATE.] Fortification Bill. [MAY 21, 1836. tion to the bill, is confirmed in his place by a legislative election and an overwhelming majority. The Governor of that State (Mr. Edwards) also received a triumphant majority, and in his message to the Legislature has spoken upon this subject with so much wisdom and patriotism, that he (Mr. B.) could not deny himself the gratification of reading the passage to the Senate. "It appears that there is an unprecedented accumu. lation of funds in the United States Treasury; and this circumstance has given rise to various speculations and plans for its distribution. The present, in this respect, is a novel state of things. Never before, since the establishment of our Government, could it be said that we were out of debt, and had at command more money than we felt immediate occasion for. We have had a debt hanging at times rather heavily upon us, and we have been compelled by it to limit all our views and all our expenditures. At the close of the last war a military peace establishment was arranged; and such a force, and such only, was retained, as the exigencies of the country were supposed to require. Military works were projected for our defence, and the erection of them commenced. The state of the Treasury soon became such, that a reduction of the peace establishment was deemed necessary, and the expenditures for the fortifications were curtailed. taxes. This is the aspect under which the defence scheme presents itself to the Senate. Under what aspect does the distribution scheme come forth? Without name or warrant in the constitution! Nowhere can the name of the land bill be found in that instrument; nowhere can. a word be found which by any construction-by any interpretation--by any torture of the sense-can be made to countenance the idea of distribution, or any rule by which to make it. Authority is given in the constitution to raise money for the common defence; and fortifi cations are one of the means of defence specified in the constitution; yet this unconstitutional scheme of distribution now contends with the first object of the constitution; it contends with the means of establishing the common defence, and, so far as the Senate is concerned, it contends successfully and victoriously. Defence is delay ed, diminished, beaten off, trampled down in the Senate; while distribution, triumphant and exulting, has long since floated through. Yes, sir, distribution--distribution-distribution, is the absorbing and predominant feeling in the Senate. All other feelings seem to be shut out. Florida overrun with the Indians; Georgia and Alabama reeking with blood and resounding with cries; the whole West and Northwest destitute of troops, and open to Indian incursion; the ranks of the army empty; fortifications stopped for two years; the ordinary appropriation bills delayed beyond all example; voluntary movements of the people everywhere to protect themselves from danger; yet the Senate, the American Senate, deaf and blind to all, can see nothing, can hear nothing, can talk of nothing, can dream of nothing, but the division of the spoil. The surplus, the surplus, the surplus, is the engrossing theme; and the moment a dollar is pro-ple provision is made for their recurrence. Our sounds, posed for the service of the country, they cry out for their dear beloved surplus! and call it a war upon the surplus, and a wicked design to lessen the fund for distribution! "The common defence was the principal object of our confederacy, and for this the United States are bound to provide; and this is a work which should be entered upon, and completed, with as little delay as possible. The sufferings of the last war are not yet forgotten, and should not be obliterated from our memories until am our bays, our rivers, and even many of our harbors, were destitute of the means of defence. Nearly the whole of our seaboard was exposed to the ravages of the enemy, and we suffered much from their depredations, and still more from the constant state of alarm and agita tion in which we were kept. When the United States Government has fulfilled its office and duty with respect to national defence and all other things within its province, it is time enough to talk of some other disposition of the public revenue; but, until this is accomplished, projects on this subject are, to say the least, premature.' These (said Mr. B.) are wise and patriotic sentiments; they are constitutional doctrines; they deserve applause and imitation. They soar above all sordid and mercenary considerations. They repulse the gilded bait. They despise the seduction of money. They go for the country and the constitution; they scorn the unconstitutional distribution bill, and its tempting array of dollars and cents. Yes! Virginia refuses the $1,765,554; Connecticut refuses the $513,472; Rhode Island refuses the $167,655; and when other States come to vote, let them contemplate and imitate the elevated, constitutional, patriotic, and wise course of these States. Mr. B. said that he had taken occasion a month ago, when the defence bills were postponed to make room for the passage of the distribution bill, to announce its future fate, and to claim for that scheme the distinction of the most odious notoriety that ever befell any bill which had received the sanction of the Senate. That judgment was in a rapid state of verification; and as far as public sentiment had been developed, the odious bill, with all its seductive, alluring, and tempting offers of money, was nothing but a stench in the nostrils of the people. In vain had the large dividends been figured out in numbers by our land committee, and offered to the States. All that had voted had scornfully rejected the wretched seduction. In vain has the exaggerated sum of $1,765,554 been proffered to the State of Virginia; in vain has the tempting bait of $513,472 been extended to Connecticut; in vain has $167,655 been held out to Rhode Island. The elections are over in all these States, and prove that if these States have a price, that price is not yet attained in the land bill. The elections prove that the constitu- Having shown that the distribution bill was at the tion and defence of the country are superior to sordid bottom of all the opposition to the fortification bill, and money temptations; for in all these States the men and all the other bills for the service of the country, Mr. B. the party opposed to an unconstitutional, debauching, proceeded to take a brief view of the particular bill and demoralizing scheme of dividing money, and in before the Senate, and of the objections to it. He said favor of constitutional objects by constitutional means, that every work proposed in the bill was contained in are successful in the elections; and successful by increas- the reports of the board of engineers for 1821 and 1826, ed majorities, and under the very guns and fire of the and was, besides, especially recommended by the predistribution bill; for the elections took place while the sent Secretary of War. Mr. B. here referred to those rebill was impending here, while the report of the Senate's ports of the board of engineers as recommended to Concommittee was circulating through the States, and while gress by the Secretary of War in 1821, [Mr. CALHOUN,] the table of distribution was exhibited to every voter, to and showed that they were not only necessary works, show him how much his State was to get. In each of but small ones; the whole twelve proposed in the bill the States, the triumph of the constitution and of defence not amounting to $3,000,000, while two only of those was gratifying and complete, and particularly in Connec- forts heretofore constructed cost nearly $4,000,000. He ticut. In that State, the Senator by Executive appoint- alluded to Fort Monroe and Fort Calhoun in the Chesment, [Mr. NILES, ] who distinguished himself by opposi-apeake bay. The former of these was estimated to cost 1517 MAY 21, 1836.] Fortification Bill. $1,259,792; it is not yet finished, and has cost $1,739,046, and it is estimated to cost $210,000 more. The latter was estimated to cost $904,355; it has already cost $1,388,731, and it is estimated will yet cost Here are about four millions of $531,188 to finish it. dollars for two forts, and these two in the neighborhood of each other; while the sum of three millions for twelve, scattered from Passamaquoddy bay to the mouth of the Mississippi, has been resisted for so many months. Mr. B. reviewed the objections which were made to this appropriation. It was said the money could not be expended if it was voted, and he was sorry to have to admit that this was an objection which gentlemen seemed to have it in their own power to make good. The year was certainly half gone, and, if gentlemen can have their way, it will be weeks or months yet before a dolIt will be lar for fortifications can be voted, if at all. autumn before the work can begin; but in the South the work will proceed all the winter; and in the North the winter is the time for collecting materials. If the bill was delayed till the year was half gone, it was the fault of the opposition, and gentlemen cannot be permitted to take advantage of their own wrong. They cannot now be allowed to plead the delay to defeat the bill, which delay they have themselves occasioned. It is said there are not engineers enough to superintend the works; but the answer was ready to that objection. A bill had long since passed the Senate to increase the corps of engineers, that bill was now in the House of Representatives, and it was to be presumed that the House would do what the service of the country required, and not suffer necessary defences to be lost for want of officers to superintend them. The Secretary of War earnestly recommends it, not only with a view to the new works, but because an increase of the corps is necessary for the performance of their current duties. Here is his recommendation. "That the corps of engineers should be increased. The reasons for this measure have been heretofore submitted, and the proposition has been recommended by you to Congress. I will merely add, upon the present occasion, that the officers of this corps are not sufficiently numerous for the performance of the duties committed to them; and that, if an augmentation does not take place, the public interest will suffer in a degree far beyond the value of any pecuniary consideration connected with this increase." It is objected that men of science in engineering cannot be created by a bill. That is granted. They canBut, in constructing fornot be created by a mere act. tifications, a few skilful engineers are sufficient-a few to locate and plan the works. The superintendence of the execution requires fidelity and attention, with such With respect to loknowledge as is readily obtained. cations for forts, they have been nearly all selected; all in this bill were selected fifteen years ago; are detailed in the report of the board of engineers for 1821-the same which the then Secretary of War [Mr. CALHOUN] recommended to Congress. It is objected that we have not plans and estimates for all these works; but I answer, that there are plans and detailed estimates for most of them, and conjectural estimates for the remainder, with the statement of the number of guns they would require; which is the only essential part of the estimate, for the number of guns governs every thing else; it governs the size of the fort, the number of the men to garrison it, and consequently the whole expense. Mr. B. said the question of fortifying a port was part ly a political question, to be decided by Congress; partly a military one, to be decided by professional men. Congress decides whether the place is sufficiently im portant to merit national defence; military men decide [SENATE. whether it can be defended; and, if so, by how many guns; of what calibre, and how to be placed. Each must decide within their sphere; and when the number of guns is given which will defend a place, the cost of the fort is, for all practical purposes, ascertained. Now, in all these cases, the number of guns and their calibre is given; that decides the size of the fort, for each gun, according to its calibre, must have so many feet for its platform and so many men to work it-from five to seven in time of seige; in time of peace, enough only to keep the fort. neous. Mr. B. said an excessive and overwrought anxiety had been displayed here for plans and estimates, as if they were the most infallible and unerring guides upon earth. Nothing, he said, could be more mistaken. The estimates heretofore furnished, and that by the board of engineers under the administration of Mr. Monroe, when the Senator from South Carolina [Mr. CALHOUN] was Secretary of War, were generally and exceedingly erroOut of eleven forts constructed upon those estimates, and thirteen more in a course of construction, not one had kept within the estimate; not a fort had been built for what it had been estimated to cost; but generally a quarter more, or in some instances half as much more; Nothing had kept and sometimes double as much. within the estimate but two little works, not forts-a battery at Bienvenu, and a tower at Bayou Dupre, Louisiana. Mr. B. then turned to Senate Document, Ne. 203, of this session, pages 12 and 13, to verify this statement; and read the list of forts, and the cost of their construction, which had been finished, or were still under The following is the list: construction. Statement of the forts on the seaboard of the United States under construction. Names and where To- Fort Independence, Fortifications, harbor Fort Pulaski, Cock- Total dollars, Cost to fin ish. $52,723 $202,852 |