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SENATE.]

Fortification Bill.

ted action, because it has more material at cheaper rates to work upon. How deeply interested, then, are all Jaborers in internal improvement! How anxious ought they to be to advance them! With these views, I have felt a most anxious solicitude to prevent the public money from being lavished away on objects that will yield little lasting benefit to the public, when it may be distributed among the States, and be made instrumental in advancing the interests and prosperity of the people. Sure I am, if the States should have a little aid in this way, great lines of rapid and cheap communication would soon penetrate them, infusing fresh vigor into agriculture, manufactures, and all the multifarious objects upon which labor acts. If you give to a man two acres of fertile land to cultivate, instead of one, it will be his fault if he does not produce more, and make his situation bet ter. I must, therefore, be permitted to say that the interests of the people demand, imperiously demand, the distribution of the surplus in the Treasury, to be expended for their benefit, instead of being lavished upon unnecessary measures of defence.

Sir, in the course of this debate I have heard the surplus heavily and bitterly denounced, and fortifications recommended in its stead. The people themselves have been harshly characterized as scrambling after the public money. The people scrambling after it; after their own property! You took it from them, have no need of it, and now they call on you to return it. This is denominated scrambling! Sir, the people are not scram bling; but the scramble is here, in these halls, and among the pet banks, to keep the people's money from them by devising new schemes of defending the country, and by making appropriations years in advance. The scramble is to keep what does not belong to you; and, sir, the public are not so blind as not to comprehend this. They understand to whom this money belongs, and will not be satisfied to have a few favored individuals enjoy the use of it. There must, sir, either be a surplus, or such a profligate and wasteful expenditure as has never been witnessed. This cannot be disguised. It must be met, and gentlemen must choose the alternative they mean to take. On this point 1 join issue with all who favor lavish schemes, to waste the public money under guise of defending the country. It is to keep the money from the people, to prevent their being benefited by it. It is declaring to them they cannot be trusted with their own property; but the Government, ay, the Government, as their guardians, must hold it and waste it, to advance selfish schemes, and to enlarge its influence, by the all-subduing and corrupting power of money. What stockholder of all these banks, when his property has been advanced from par to thirty per cent. advance by the public deposites, will not be silenced in his opposition to all abuses of power? Talk of corrupting the people, and their scrambling after the money! It is now employed in a more effectual way than to diffuse its benefits among the whole public. Its seductive power is now felt, for it works out certain conversion: and the question is, shall it perform this corrupting office, or shall the people have it? Let this be the issue; let the people understand that this is the reason for double and triple appropriations in advance, and for preventing the distribution under the land bill.

Our true policy is to return to the old and safe course of policy. Give up the double and triple appropriations. Keep the expenditures on a reasonable footing, and let the people have the benefit of the great balance which will remain. It is theirs, and they know how to spend it; and, allow me to say, they will see and understand

where the scramble is.

Mr. NILES said that as the Senate had been occupied one week or more with the debate on this bill, he had supposed that the discussion of the general principles of

[MAY 24, 1836.

it were terminated; and he had been somewhat surprised at the observations of the honorable and distinguished Senator from Massachusetts, [Mr. DAVIS,] who had just taken his seat. He felt reluctant to detain the Senate, or to renew this debate, yet could not forbear to notice some of the remarks of the Senator, as he felt bound to do this in justice to himself and those with whom he acted. The honorable Senator, if not in direct terms, at least by fair inference from his remarks, has assigned to the friends of this bill positions which they do not, I apprehend, assume themselves, and the justice of which they by no means acknowledge. So far as re spected himself, he disavowed the positions in which the Senator seemed disposed to place the friends of the bill. The gentleman can select what ground he pleases for opposing this measure; but he could not assent to his assigning to him, as one of its friends, a position which he had not taken, and which he did not approve.

The Senator seems to charge those who support this bill, as not having proper confidence in the navy, and as not placing a sufficient reliance on that as a means of defending the maritime frontier. Sir, said Mr. N., so far as I know the sentiments of the friends of this measure, this is entirely incorrect and unjust. Fortifications, to the extent that they may be necessary for the defence and security of our towns and harbors, are not only not incompatible with a main reliance on the naval force for the protection of the maritime frontier, but they form an essential part of that system of defence. Fortifications at proper points are not only required to defend our towns, but equally so for the shelter and security of our ships. In case of war, we cannot expect at all times and in all places to have a naval force superior to that of the enemy on our coast.

But I pass from this point, as my principal object was to notice what the honorable Senator said concerning the militia. He remarked that Senators seemed to forget that our principal reliance in war, and our sole reliance in peace, was on the militia; on an armed body of citizens. In this opinion he fully concurred. It was a noble sentiment, correct, just, and patriotic; and he congratu lated the Senate and the country on this evidence of the progress of sound doctrine, and in a quarter where he least expected it. He rejoiced to hear sentiments so just and correct, from so distinguished a gentleman, who has occupied so prominent a position, and possessed such commanding influence, in a leading State in the eastern section of the Union. But he feared that the gentleman was somewhat singular in his views, or somewhat in advance of his political associates. Sir, said Mr. N., I had supposed that the party to which that Senator belongs had for many years, and particularly since the last war, endeavored to degrade, disorganize, and break up the entire militia system. Such, he knew, had been the case in his own State; and although he could not speak with the same confidence of others, yet he believed such had been the tendency of their influence generally. That party, in his own State, had for many years, individually and collectively, exerted a steady influence, unfriendly and injurious to the militia; they had passed numerous laws calculated to derange the system, destroy its efficiency, and bring it into disrepute. These laws, in many of their provisions, had been in direct conflict with the act of Congress of 1795, providing for organizing the militia of the States. The last fatal blow in this work of degrading and destroying the militia, was given during the panic session of 1834. Then it was, sir, that, with an Executive fresh from this hall, where for six years he had been instructed and enlightened in the true theory of our Government, and the great principles of civil liberty, the Legislature gave the finishing stroke, and completely prostrated the militia system. And this was done in a way, and under circumstances, that I hardly dare to men

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tion, lest I should expose myself to the imputation of casting discredit on my own State.

[Here Mr. BENTON requested Mr. N. to state the facts to which he alluded.]

[SENATE.

I must again, said Mr. N., express my gratification that the militia system-that system of popular military power-had found so able and distinguished an advocate as was the Senator from Massachusetts, in the ranks of Sir, said Mr. N., I will state them, for the discredit the old federal party; a party which it had often been cannot be in the relation, but in the acts themselves. said was honest, but mistaken. He had never doubted Whilst the Legislature was in session, some of those pa- that it was mistaken; and had sometimes half believed triotic citizens who had been long engaged in attempting that, in its better days, it was honest. It was mistaken to degrade the militia, got up a mock military company, in many of its principles; but its greatest and most fatal composed of boys and young men, dressed in the most mistake was, the want of confidence in the people. He fantastic mock uniforms, and with arms of every descrip- could well remember the time when that party, if willing tion, both wonderful and strange, and music like the to trust the people with arms in their hands, were not sounds of rams' horns. This company of patriots, after willing to trust them with votes in their pockets--when being marched about the streets, was paraded before nothing short of a freehold was believed to be sufficient to the State-house, where the grave and wise legislators, render it safe for those who were intrusted with the who had been deputed to take care of the interests and defence of the country to have a voice in its political honor of the State, so far lost sight of both, so far forgot affairs. There was one other remark of the honorable what was due to themselves and to their constituents, as Senator which he could not forbear to notice. It was to leave their places to witness this contemptible and with surprise and astonishment that he heard this bill ridiculous spectacle. But this was not all, nor the worst. characterized as presenting a bribe to the people of the The same day, and apparently under the influences of State represented by the Senator, and which, he thought, this mock military exhibition, they pass the act to which they would indignantly spurn. A bribe! What have I have referred a law to disorganize and degrade the we here that deserves to be viewed in so odious a light? militia of the State. But in this instance, as in many Is a proposition to defend the population in our seaports, others, the people were in advance of their representa- to be regarded as an attempt to bribe them? The detives. This unworthy proceeding aroused a spirit which fence of the country is the first, most important, and contributed, with other causes, to produce a change in most sacred duty of this Government. It was this which the councils of the State; and at the very next session of led to the formation of the old confederacy; and, from the Legislature the obnoxious act was repealed, and the that day to the present moment, it has constituted the militia re-established on that basis on which they were strength of the bond of our union. Sir, said Mr. N., placed by the act of Congress passed in 1795. Among this charge, harsh enough, let it proceed from whom it the consequences of the proceedings referred to, was may, is peculiarly so when coming from the quarter it one (whether advantageous to the State or not, he would has. Are the advocates of that extraordinary measure, not say) which had been of some importance to himself. the distribution scheme-a measure which bears upon its Sir, said Mr. N., I have long believed, and many very face the design of bribery and corruption--to charge years' experience has added to the strength of the con- the friends of this bill with attempting to bribe the peoviction, that the militia system-the system of armed ple, because they propose to defend them? Such impucitizens, of combining citizens and soldiers-the system tations come with an ill grace from that quarter. Sir, which unites not the sword and the purse, but the mus no measure, which is clearly within the regular, legitiket and the ballot, was a fundamental part of our politi-mate, and constitutional sphere of the action of this Govcal institutions. And when he had witnessed the prece- ernment, can be justly regarded in the odious light of a dence of sentiments hostile to it, and the tendency of in- proffered bribe. It may be impolitic, unwise, and even fluences calculated to degrade and subvert it, he had wasteful; but it cannot partake in any degree of the trembled for the liberties of his country; believing, as he character of bribery. No, sir, it is only when we overdid, that this part of the system could not be destroyed, step the bounds of the constitution; when, departing without endangering the whole fabric. He had felt it a from our prescribed limits, and penetrating into those of duty to say what he had on this subject, because he could the States, we attempt to accomplish objects over which not consent to be placed in a position unfriendly to the we have no rightful control, by applying the revenues militia, or to silently suffer an inference to be deduced, of this Government, that our measures become justly unsupported and unfounded as he believed it to be, that obnoxious to the charge of bribery. It is not difficult those who supported this bill did not rely mainly on the to perceive that it is schemes like these which have militia for the defence of the country. This objection called forth the opposition to the measure now before of the Senator could have no force as applicable to this us. Their corrupting and pernicious influence is already. bill; although he would admit that it would apply with felt on every measure that comes up for consideration. great weight to a comprehensive plan of fortifications, That the Senator from Massachusetts is under this infiubased on the principle of its combining in itself the means ence, he has furnished sufficient evidence. He asks if of a complete defence of the maritime frontier. Such the public funds could not be more usefully employed a system might seem to exclude a reliance on the militia, in developing the resources of the country, and seems and to be intimately connected with a standing army, or to suppose that railroads will be more efficient than fora large military force. But this bill only provides for tifications for the defence of the country. This, he bedefending cities and harbors from floating batteries; and lieved, was a new advantage claimed for railroads, but as much confidence as he had in the militia, he could thought it might not be more unfounded than some other not believe that the native courage and muscular arm public benefits, which were anticipated from them. But of the ploughman and mechanic were a safe reliance, or whatever other results may follow their introduction, the proper kind of force, with which to defend our towns he (Mr. N.) thought that railroads would not entirely against naval batteries. But if the honorable Senator supersede the necessity of fortifications. He had seen from Massachusetts [Mr. DAVIS] thinks the militia a enough to satisfy him that it is the disposition to seize better force for the defence of seaports than fortifica. upon the surplus as the means of carrying on works of tions, and his distinguished colleague should concur in this kind, which produced the objections to this bill and the same views, he should be willing, and presumed the embarrassed our entire legislation. The mischievous majority of the Senate would consent, to strike out the influence, which was foreseen and foretold by the oppofortifications for the State they represent, merely to nents of that scheme, we now witness. We ought, peroblige the honorable gentlemen. haps, to feel under obligations to the gentlemen for their

SENATE.]

Louisville and Portland Canal.

readiness to verify our predictions; they seem resolved that we shall have the reputation of prophets, and to leave nothing for us to do to acquire this reputation. I have read, said Mr. N., of two brothers in England, who became fanatics, and imagined that they had the gift of prophecy; among other predictions, they foretold the death of their mother on a certain day; but as the good lady did not value the reputation of her sons as prophets sufficiently to be willing to establish it at so great a sacrifice, she obstinately refused to die; and, to avoid the imputation of being false prophets, they were obliged to murder her. But the advocates of the distribution scheme, who now talk about defending the country by railroads, impose no such hard terms on the opponents of that scheme; and, although they may not be willing to sacrifice their lives, they volunteer their declarations and votes, to confirm our predictions and establish our reputation as true prophets.

To this and every measure involving expenditure, the distributors discover serious objections; they complain, they remonstrate, they cannot be satisfied; and although they do not tell us in so many words the true source of their objections, it is sufficiently manifest it is the sur plus, which they want for other purposes. Sir, said Mr. N., we are informed of an ancient people, for whom much was done, and great exertions made for their benefit; they were led out from a land of bondage, and conducted safely through the wilderness to a goodly land; yet they were not satisfied; they murmured; they complained; they found fault with their leader; they could not be satisfied with the manna of the wilderness, although sent down from Heaven; but when the true cause of their complaint was discovered, it was found that they all sprang from a longing and hankering after the "Aleshpots of Egypt." So it is with those who murmur against this bill; the true secret of their opposition is, a longing after the surplus, a hankering after the fleshpots of Egypt. That the honorable Senator from Massachusetts is under this influence, is perfectly manifest; he is thinking about the fleshpots; he wants a part of the surplus to complete the western railroad his State is constructing. But the citizens of that enterprising and wealthy State are abundantly able to accomplish that work without looking here for aid. It is within the means of individuals, and certainly within those of the State. Let them go ahead, then, with the work, and rely on their own resources; he wished them success, although rather skeptical as to the benefits and influence of railroads on the general prosperity. He hoped the gentleman would think no more of the surplus, nor longer cherish a hankering after the leeks and onions of Egypt, but rely on the ample resources of his State; and in that he trusted that the objection to this measure will not appear so insurmountable.

Mr. DAVIS said there seemed to be no great disagreement between the Senator from Connecticut [Mr. NILES] and himself. The gentleman, said Mr. D., seemed to have been so great a lover of these "fleshpots," that he is not willing to let us have any. He was glad to have the Senator going along with him, and that he would not raise an army to eat up the militia. He hoped that as the gentleman had seemed to consider the standing army not the proper means of defence, in accordance with the spirit of our constitution, he would not go for these fortifications, that would require an army to maintain them.

[The Senate adjourned without the vote being taken.]

WEDNESDAY, MAY 25.

LOUISVILLE AND PORTLAND CANAL.
The bill to authorize the purchase, on the part of the
United States, of the private stock in the Louisville and
Portland canal, was taken up as the general order.

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[MAY 25, 1836.

Mr. HENDRICKS said, that, having reported this bill to the Senate, it would no doubt be expected that he should give an explanation of it, and he would ask the attention of the Senate a short time for that purpose. This bill (said Mr. H.) is based on a memorial of the Louisville and Portland Canal Company, referred by the Senate to the Committee on Roads and Canals. The memorialists state the whole cost of the canal, the interest the Government has in it, the dividends it has declared and is declaring, and the present and increasing productiveness of the stock; and go on to say that, notwithstanding all this, much remains yet to be done to make the canal what it is capable of being made, and what it must be made, before it will be capable of accommodating the immense and rapidly increasing trade of the western country; and that the individual stockholders do not think it a duty incumbent on them to make additional expenditures pro rata with the federal Government. They pray that the tolls accruing on the stock owned by the United States in the canal may be appropriated to improving the canal, until it shall be rendered as capable as may be required to give all proper facilities to the trade passing through it, or that the tolls belonging to the United States may be relinquished for the benefit of those who pay toll.

The memorialists declare their object to be to relieve the commerce of the West from the burden of the tolls which now go into the Treasury of the United States, either by causing those tolls to be expended in improv. ing the work, or by reducing the tolls in favor of those whose business requires them to use the canal. They, therefore, pray that an act of Congress may be passed, authorizing the Louisville and Portland Canal Company to retain the dividends that may be declared on the Government stock, and to disburse the same in improvement on the canal; or that an act may be passed authorizing the company to retain the dividends on the stock belonging to the United States, and appropriate them to their own use, on condition that they reduce the present rates of toll twenty per cent.

The committee, however, have not adopted either of these propositions. They have not been able to see how the commerce of the West can be materially relieved by expending the Government dividends in enlarging and improving the canal--if, indeed, the work be already what it has heretofore been represented to be, and what the committee supposes it to be, capable of answering fully the purposes for which it was intended. Nor has it been perceived how the commerce of the West can be permanently benefited by permitting the company to appropriate to their own use the Government dividends, on condition that they reduce the present rates of toll twenty per cent.; for the time will soon come in which the commerce of the West will swell the dividends of the company to the maximum of their charter, or a tariff of tolls twenty per cent. below the present rates; and whenever that time shall come, the company would, if this proposition were adopted, be receiving the tolls on Government stock, without giving any consideration therefor; and western commerce could not be benefited by such arrangement between the company and the Government.

The committee believe that the great commerce of the West ought not to be in the hands, or subjected to the control, of any company; but that the canal should belong to the Government, and be made free; and they have adopted a proposition, made by the company some three years ago, to purchase the stock of individuals, take the control of the canal, and take off all the tolls, except so much as shall be necessary to keep it in a state of preservation and repair; enlarging it, also, as the business of commerce shall require.

The committee have therefore reported a bill author

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MAY 25, 1836.]

Louisville and Portland Canal.

izing the Secretary of the Treasury to purchase up the individual stock, provided so much of it can be procured at par value as will give the United States the control of the company; leaving the regulation of the tolls, and the whole matter afterwards, for the future legislation of Congress. The object of the bill is the purchase of the stock, the control of the canal, and that it be thrown open to the free navigation of the commerce of the West, charging such tolls only as will be necessary to preserve it and keep it in repair.

[SENATE.

But the fact is far upon western commerce and river-faring men would be The company inform us that so great has lightly felt and cheerfully borne. otherwise. been the capital expended in this work, and so heavy the necessary tolls upon it, that it imposes a tax on western commerce, which, in many instances, it is unable to bear. This has given rise to the great and general discontent which exists in relation to this work, and to the To give some pressing and importunate demand of the western country that the canal may be made free. It was first idea of the condition of this public work, the Senate will indulge me in giving a short history of it. authorized by a charter granted to the stockholders by the Legislature of Kentucky, in January, 1825, with a capital of $600,000. The company were required to commence the work in eighteen months, and finish it in three years. But the work was so much procrastinated by unforeseen difficulties, and probably by the want of experience in those who had the management of it, that additional legislation, giving further time, was asked for and granted. The same, and perhaps other special causes, also conspired in greatly increasing the expenditure and cost of the work; and the company contracted heavy debts, in addition to the capital originally chartered, for the progress of the work. Of the stock first chartered, Congress subscribed $233,500, and became to that exFinally, by act of the tent interested in the concern. Kentucky Legislature, the company were authorized to issue stock, or to sell stock sufficient to pay the debts contracted by the company, to finish the construction of the canal, and to pay the interest which had accrued upon loans, and upon moneys advanced by the stockIn this process the stock of the United States holders. was increased to $290,200, the present amount of GovAnd the whole cost of the canal, from ernment stock. its commencement to its completion in November, 1832, is upwards of $950,000. The charter is unlimited in its duration, and the company are authorized to charge a toll of eighteen per cent. upon the whole cost of the construction.

The second section of the bill authorizes the Secretary of the Treasury, in the event of his being unable to purchase in the individual stock, to dispose of the Gov. ernment stock, on the principle that it is useless to retain a quantum of stock which will give no control whatever of the canal, and in the expectation that, if the individual stock cannot be purchased at par, the public stock can readily be sold at par. The stock, however, is above par in market, and has been sold as high as seventeen and a half per cent. advance; and that which the committee hesitated most about was, the price which Par value has been ought to be offered for the stock. adopted, in the belief that the stock ought not to be considered as valuable as the present price in market would indicate. Various reasons might be given for this opinion, such as the reasonable demand of the western people that this canal should be made free; the adverse interest of the whole country to the company monopoly there; the unceasing war of western commerce upon this company-a conflict so permanent and so unequal, that the interests of the company must necessarily yield, and that at no distant day; and, if on no other principle, upon the principle that private property may be appropriated to public use, giving remuneration therefor. But this remuneration ought to be based on liberal justice, instead of the power of the one party, or the weakness of the other. The stock, then, ought not to be considered of value equal to the current market price, which has perhaps no reference to the suggestions just made. The amount authorized to be paid to the stockholders ought to be liberal. We ought, if we err, to err on the right side; to give more than the true value, rather than less; and I, for one, would be willing to give considerably above par. I speak, however, the sense of the committee, when I say par; which is perhaps not far wrong, and which, as I believe, it will be for the interest of the stockholders to take. Another reason why it is the interest of the company to sell at par is, that a canal of equal value-in-boat, for instance, employed in the trade between Louisville and St. Louis, measuring one hundred tons, deed, of greater value-of any capacity, however great, will pay $80 per trip; and suppose she makes a trip a can be constructed on the Indiana side of the river; preA large boat leaving venting in this way the undisturbed enjoyment of the week, she will pay to the canal, in one year, about $4,000--almost her whole value. monopoly in the Louisville and Portland canal. New Orleans with full freight, and discharging at Natchez and other ports as she ascends the river, a fourth, a half, or perhaps three-fourths of her load, before she reaches Portland, cannot afford to pay the toll on her whole admeasurement, and has to terminate her voyage below the falls, however much she may desire to visit the ports above. This state of things is so greatly injurious to the commerce and prosperity of the whole country, that it cannot much longer be borne. The representatives of the western country are imperiously required to look to this state of things, and to have it There is not one congressional changed. They are, or their constituents are, all interested in this matter. district in the valley of the Mississippi, but has a direct and positive interest in this affair. The people will require us to do our duty, and the subject cannot any longer sleep. The expenditure necessary for all this is about $700,000, less than three-fourths of a million; while millions almost without number have been expended, and are expending, upon the seaboard, for the

This bill is based on the principle that the canal should be made free, and that it is the duty of the federal Government to remove the obstruction to the navigation at the falls of the Ohio. This has been a serious and solitary obstruction to the navigation of the western counIt is a fall of twentytry ever since its first settlement. four feet in a distance of two miles, where the river is broad and interspersed with islands, rocks, and crooked channels, making the navigation for light boats extreme. ly dangerous, and prohibiting the passage of heavy boats altogether, during the low stages of water in the summer and fall seasons. This has, to a certain extent, destroyed the navigation of the river altogether, and produced great delays and heavy expenses in drayage around the falls; which, perhaps, never costs less than one dollar per ton.

To remove these obstructions, the Louisville and Portland canal was made. It was expected, when undertaken by the stockholders, that the work would not cost more than half a million, and that its assessment

The present tariff of tolls is forty cents per ton, United States measure, on the boats passing through it, no matter whether empty or loaded; and this is a charge upon boats and commerce which cannot be sustained. It stops much of the upward bound trade, and causes delays, transhipments, and porterage at Louisville and Portland, injurious to commerce, and onerous upon the consumers of articles thus improperly taxed.

A steam

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benefit of commerce, in break waters, and harbors, and piers, and sea-walls, all along the coast; and where, too, it is now proposed to expend the whole surplus revenue on such like objects, together with fortifications and ships of war.

The remaining inquiry of importance, and the only one, seems to be, is this canal such a work as can be expected to accommodate the interests of western commerce and navigation, or not? The description given by the board of directors is believed to be correct. It accords with other opinions on the same subject. It is represented as being entirely capable of answering all the purposes for which it was intended; abundantly sufficient to meet all the demands of business which can reasonably be expected for years to come. This canal is about two miles in length, constructed for the largest steamboats, and to overcome a fall of twenty-four feet in the Ohio river. Its substratum is a ledge of limestone rock in its whole length, through which it is cut at various depths, averaging eight feet; and this is overlaid with a stratum of earth, in depth about twenty feet. These, with the embankments of earth, make the canal forty two feet deep. It is fifty feet wide at the bottom, and two hundred feet wide at the top; the sides being well sloped and walled. The height of water in the canal varies from four to forty feet, according to the stage of water in the river. When the river is very low, there is more water in the canal than in the river; for instance, when there is but ten inches of water in the falls, and eighteen inches on the bars above and below them, there is four feet of water in the canal; and the canal has the greatest depth until there is seven feet water upon the bars. After that depth, there is greater depth in the river on the bars than in the canal.

1 here are one guard lock and three lift locks, all combined; and the line of lock wall exceeds nine hundred feet. The guard lock is 190 feet long in the clear, 43 feet high, and 50 feet wide. The lift locks are each 185 feet long in the clear, 50 feet wide, and 20 feet high; all based on solid rock. The stone masonry in these locks is said to be equal to that of thirty common locks on the Ohio and New York canals; and the amount of labor on this canal is said to be equal to that on seventy or seventy-five miles of ordinary canals. The canal is a valuable and substantial work; and, however costly its construction may have been, it is no doubt justly entitled to public confidence, and capable of accommodating, for many years to come, the great and growing commerce of the Ohio river. It is susceptible, also, of enlargement to any extent which that commerce may hereafter require.

The land belonging to the company is 350 feet wide, and two miles long, with some additional lots; in all, about one hundred acres; containing favorable sites for water power and dockyards. The canal, then, is a valuable and permanent work--a work well calculated to remove, in the hands of the federal Government, the obstructions to the navigation at the falls of the Ohio. It ought to be purchased up and made free, levying such tolls only as may be necessary for its preservation and repair. Public opinion and public justice demand this at our bands; and Congress will surely not hesitate to do this, unless, indeed, it be determined to abandon western commerce to struggle with its own difficulties, and to withhold entirely from its aid and protection the arm of the federal Government. And is the commerce of the West in all time to come to be taxed more than many of its articles are able to bear? Are the bulky and low-priced agricultural productions of the country to be excluded from the markets of the South in all future time, because of the heavy tolls they are subjected to at the Louisville and Portland canal, or at any other canal? Are expenses of transhipments, delays, and

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[MAY 25, 1836.

the damages of goods, or the still heavier tax of portage around the falls, forever to be endured? For the continuance of such parsimonious policy as this, it is believed that no adequate reason or good excuse can be given. The federal Government have the protection, as well as the regulation, of all the commerce of the country, domestic as well as foreign, assigned to its care; and surely the more remote from the tide-water and the ocean it is, and the greater its difficulties of tedious and dangerous river navigation, the more does it need the protection of this Government. When the domestic commerce of the country shall have passed the dangers of a long and tedious river navigation, and arrived at the safe harbors and depots of the Atlantic ocean or the Gulf of Mexico, it will much less need the aid and protection of this Government. What, Mr. President, is the commerce of many of the noblest rivers of the Atlantic States--the Delaware, for instance-when com. pared with that of the Ohio and Mississippi rivers? And yet we see millions expended in the Delaware, in a splendid breakwater, besides vast sums in almost every Atlantic harbor, and bay, and river, all around the coast, saying nothing about the magnificent fortifications on the whole line of seaboard, from the British dominions on the northeast, to the mouth of the Sabine. In this view of the matter, will it then seem unreasonable that the States and the people in the great valley of the Mississippi should expect and demand, at the hands of the federal Government, this single, solitary commercial facility at the falls of the Ohio?

And how much, Mr. President, is it proposed to expend for the benefit of foreign commerce, and for the advantage of the seaboard, according to official propositions, in various shapes and forms, now before the Senate? It is proposed to expend not only the whole surplus revenue now on hand, (and the Secretary of the Treasu ry tells us that this is about thirty-eight millions,) but it is proposed to mortgage the revenue of years to come, in increasing the navy; in constructing floating steam batteries; in building fortifications on land and in the water; and in furnishing ordnance, arsenals, and munitions of war. All this for the benefit of foreign commerce, for without foreign commerce we should have no need of a navy; but for this, we should not hoist a flag upon the ocean; but for foreign commerce, we should not be in danger of collision with any trans-Atlantic na. tion. Commerce and navigation were the cause of the war in 1812; and these interests will, in all probability, be the cause of all the wars with civilized nations which we shall ever be engaged in. We must, however, have commerce with distant nations, and that commerce must be protected. For this purpose we must have a navy; and I, for one, am willing to vote the means of an effi cient one; of one that shall be able to cope with any hostile fleet that can be expected ever to hover upon our coast. But I wish, at the same time, to urge the claims of domestic commerce, and call to its protection, also, the aid of this Government. What, sir, are the amounts proposed for the military and naval defences of the country, or for the protection of foreign commerce? which is the same thing. This amount I take from the official documents on our tables. For ordnance, small arms, and munitions of war, a fraction less than thirty millions; for increase of the navy, seventeen million seven hundred and sixty thousand dollars; for fortifications, thirty-one million five hundred and sixty-one thousand two hundred and sixty-eight dollars; amount ing, in all, to about eighty millions of dollars. Can it, then, be possible that Congress will hesitate about this expenditure of a fraction of a million for the benefit of domestic commerce in the West? Let it be remember. ed, too, that the foreign commerce of this country is, to its domestic commerce, small and diminutive; and that

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