SENATE.] Public Deposites. ber of members of both Houses. These sums are to be refunded to the Treasury of the United States at such times as Congress shall by law provide. [MAY 27, 1836. the end of the year? Every dollar that we can subtract from the purposes intrusted to our special care by the federal constitution will add a dollar more to the surplus Mr. B. said he would waive for the present any con- to be distributed among our constituents. We should stitutional doubts which may exist in regard to the power thus become antagonists (he would not use the new of Congress to distribute among the several States the word) to the very Government of which we ought to be surplus revenue derived from taxation. He would the supporters. How much money will each appropri merely remark that, if we do not possess the power to ation take from our dividend, would be an inquiry conmake such a distribution, he could not perceive by what stantly obtruding itself upon us. In order to justify authority we could make the loan proposed by the gen ourselves to our own consciences for opposing any aptleman. If you have not the power to give the principal,propriation here, we would become ingenious in magniwhence can you derive your power to give the interest? To loan the States this money, without interest, is to make them a donation of an annuity equal to six per cent. per annum, for an indefinite period, on the sums which they may respectively receive. In any constitutional view of the subject, he could not perceive how the interest could share a different fate from that of the principal. This was not to be a mere deposite with the States for safe keeping, it was intended by all that the money should be used by the States in the construction of internal improvements, in the payment of their debts, and in accomplishing every object which they might deem useful. If we possess the power to loan the public money to the States in this manner, we might at once give it to them absolutely. The leading objection which he had to this system was, that its direct and continuing tendency, at least until 1842, would be to create a bias in the Senators and Representatives of the States in Congress in opposition to the fair and efficient administration of the Federal Government. The Senator from South Carolina, feeling the force of this objection, has attempted to obviate it by stating that the strong tendency of the action of this Government was towards consolidation, and this propo sition would be useful as a counteracting force. Mr. B. would now neither dispute nor affirm the proposition of the Senator in regard to the central tendency of this Government; but this he would say, that, in avoiding Scylla, we must take care not to rush into Charybdis. He thought the counteracting power of the gentleman's bill would be so excessive that it might drive us into the opposite extreme, and thus become dangerous. He disclaimed the sentiment that the people of this country can be bribed with their own money. He did not believe that there now existed, or ever had existed, upon earth, a more virtuous people than our population in the mass. But we had been taught by divine authority to pray that we might not be led into temptation. It was the part of an enlightened statesman to make the interests of men correspond with their duties, whenever that was possible. Their action, then, to promote the public good, would be free and unrestrained. But in what situation should we place ourselves by the adoption of this proposition? In every case requiring an appropriation of public money, the direct and immediate pecuniary interest of our constituents would be directly at war with the performance of our duties as members of Congress. Now, sir, we might be as pure as angels, and yet, unless we were as wise also, such a position, without our own knowledge, would create a powerful bias in our minds. Is it wise, is it politic, voluntarily to place ourselves in the position of antagonists to the very Government of which we are members? Adopt this proposition, and what will be the consequence? Should the Executive recommend, or the interest of the country require, the construction of a fort, of an arsenal, of a navy yard, of a ship of war, or any other expenditure necessary for our permanent defence, we would not only inquire into the justice and expediency of the expenditure, but we should involuntarily ask ourselves, how much will this expenditure reduce the dividend of the public money which our respective States will receive at fying the comparative importance of the objects to which the States would apply the money. We might thus change the nature of our Government; and, if its tendency be now towards consolidation, we might rush to the opposite extreme by the adoption of this proposition, which, by its terms, is to continue in force for six successive years. Would any prudent man place in the hands of his agent, whom he had employed to build a house for him, a sum of money, and tell him that what remained of this sum, after completing the work, should be his own? This would be to offer him a premium for not incurring the necessary expense to enable him to perform his duty. We shall be such agents, precisely, should this amendment be adopted. Our constituents will receive every dollar which we can subtract from the purposes of the Federal Government during a period of six years. Mr. B. said he greatly preferred the distribution proposed by the land bill to that of the Senator from South Carolina. The same objection did not exist to it. It assumed as a principle that the nett proceeds of the sales of the public lands belonged to the States. It withdrew from this Government the entire fund. It would leave us to administer the Government out of the other means which still remained. It was a fixed and certain mode, and did not seek to distribute a mere surplus of what might remain in the Treasury after we had provided for other objects. Besides, the money was granted absolutely, and not loaned to the States. But he did not intend to discuss the merits or demerits of the land bill upon the present occasion. If Mr. B. could consent to vote for the proposition of the Senator from South Carolina, he would not object to that part of it which distributes the money in proportion to the representation of each State in both branches of Congress. If there were no other considerations in its favor, (which he did not admit,) he thought the magnanimity of the large States should induce them to give their smaller sisters this comparatively trifling advantage. Mr. B. said he might yet be compelled to vote for the amendment proposed by the Senator from New York, for investing the surplus revenue in stocks issued by the States; but if he should, it would be with extreme reluctance. He could only be induced to give such a vcte upon the principle that it was a less evil to dispose of the public money in this manner, than to keep it any longer in the deposite banks. He admitted that these State stocks had a permanent and fixed value. They did not fluctuate in the market like other stocks. Nobody doubted their security, and the comparatively trifling rise and fall in their prices depended entirely upon the plenty or scarcity of money. A large proportion of these stocks were held in Europe. He knew this to be the case a few years ago; and he presumed there had been no considerable change since. Their price had always been high in our market, from the fact that capitalists in Europe were glad to make safe investments, which would yield them an interest of four or four and a half per cent. Upon this point of the case, he thought the Senator from South Caaolina had not succeeded in refuting the argument of the Senator from New York. It was true that the price MAY 30, 1836.}. Caleb P. Bennett--Public Deposites. of this stock might be enhanced by the Government becoming a large purchaser in the market; but this advance would be inconsiderable, compared with the advantage of taking the surplus revenue from the deposite banks, and putting it into general circulation among the people. Mr. B. did not concur with the Senator from South Carolina, in believing that such investments in State stocks could be of any advantage to those States which had issued them. No matter who held the certificate, whether the United States or individuals, the States were equally bound to pay the accruing interest, and finally discharge the principal. If the price of these stocks should be permanently raised by the investments of the Government, the States might hereafter obtain loans on somewhat more favorable terms than they had done beretofore; but in regard to the old stocks, the States would continue precisely in the same situation they are at present. In one respect they might be injured instead of benefited. If they wished to purchase in their own stocks before the time they should become payable, as New York had done, the price might be raised upon them. Mr. B. doubted whether a sufficient amount of these State stocks could be purchased to absorb the surplus in the Treasury. They were limited in amount, and a large proportion of them was held in Europe. He would be glad to obtain more information on this branch of the subject than the Senate now possessed. Of one thing, however, he felt very certain. If the surplus could be invested in these stocks, we could do nothing which would more immediately relieve the money market of the country. He believed that the truth of this proposition was so manifest, that it was wholly unnecessary to do more than merely to state it. He had one very strong objection to the amendment of the Senator from New York. The rage for speculation, which now existed throughout the land, was the curse of the present time. The gambling in stocks was infinitely worse in its consequences to the community than all other kinds of gambling united. This spirit was rapidly extending itself throughout the whole country. It enabled those who were initiated in the fluctuations of the money market to take advantage of others who were less skilful, and to accumulate rapid fortunes at their expense. Although it might be true, and he believed it was true, that the measure proposed by the Senator from New York would not much enhance the price of State stocks, yet it would unlock the capital now vested in them to the amount of the purchases of the Government, and throw it upon what had been called the fancy stocks. This operation would at once raise the prices of all these stocks, and put into the pockets of their owners large sums of money. You would thus give an impetus to the already wild speculations in stocks, and increase the spirit of gambling, which is now one of the greatest curses of our country. For these reasons he felt an almost insuperable repugnance against the introduction of the Government of the United States into the market as a great stock-jobber, though its operations might be confined to the stocks of the different States. Still, as he had before observed, he might feel himself under duresse to vote for this measure, as the least of two very great evils. Mr. B. said he had thrown out these suggestions to the Senate in the same conciliatory spirit which dictated the remarks of the Senators from New York and South Carolina. We were now in a free conference; all equally desirous of adopting the best measure to promote the public good. He had endeavored to contribute something to this end. When Mr. B. had concluded-- On motion of Mr. EWING, the Senate adjourned. MONDAY, MAY 30. CALEB P. BENNETT. [SENATE. hundred and twenty citizens of the State of Delaware, Mr. NAUDAIN, upon presenting the petition of one praying that the pension granted to Caleb P. Bennett as revolutionary officer, be continued to his widow during her life, made the following remarks: a Mr. President: In presenting this petition, I cannot refrain from saying that this presents no ordinary case for the consideration of the Senate. The late Governor Bennett entered the army of the Revolution in the year 1776, as an ensign in the Delaware regiment; he continued in the service to the end of the war. Brandywine, Germantown, Long Island, Monmouth, Camden, and the well-fought fields of the South, attest the gallantry of the distinguished corps to which he belonged. Of that corps he was the last surviving officer, and, I believe, the last individual. Yes, sir, of nearly 5,000 men, furnished by the gallant little State I have the honor partly to represent on this floor, to the army of the Revolution, all have been gathered to their fathers. The latter years of the veteran Bennett were cheered and solaced by the bounty of his country extended to him, and not one now remains to enjoy that bounty given by their grateful coun try to cheer their declining years. Among those who received this bounty, none can be found more worthy than Bennett; none received it with more gratitude, for it enabled him the better to provide for his aged wife and orphan grandchildren; and their comfort was dear to him as the apple of his eye. He has and his portionless grandchildren, are thrown upon the been taken from them, and his widow, aged and infirm, cold charities of the world without any means of support. Would it not, Mr. President, comport with the honor, the dignity, nay, even with the interest of the Government, to provide for his widow, (for her who was the wife of his youth, the companion of his manhood, the nurse of his sicknesses and infirmities, and the solace of his latter days,) who devoted his best days to your service in the time of your greatest peril? Sir, it is the result of the services and sacrifices of such men, that we are now en joying the privileges of an independent nation. To them we owe all our political liberties. It is, by the blessing of Providence, upon their labors that we are this day deliberating upon the high destinies of this people. And in these "high and palmy" days of the republic, when their services and privations, shall we refuse to snatch our Treasury is overflowing with money, the fruits of from poverty and distress the relict of one of those galgratitude forbid. Sir, let the poor old widow of your lant men to whom we owe every thing? Justice and time-worn revolutionary officer enjoy, for the brief resihusband, and the blessings of those ready to perish will due of her days, the pension you had extended to her follow us for good, and call down the approbation of that God who delighteth in charity upon us and our children. The memorial was referred. PUBLIC DEPOSITES. The bill to regulate the deposites of the public mo. neys was taken up as the order of the day. Mr. EWING, who had the floor, addressed the Senate in a speech of considerable length, in support of the particular views he entertained on the subject. The bill had a bearing on two distinct matters; both of which were, to his mind, of great importance. The first rela ted to the deposite and safe keeping of such amount of the public moneys as was proposed, after its collection, to be retained in the Treasury; and the other related to the disposal of the surplus in the Treasury over and above that sum. For the disposition of the last, two distinc SENATE.] Public Deposites. propositions had been made: one, by the Senator from South Carolina, [Mr. CALHOUN,] to loan it out without interest, and for a certain period, on certain conditions, to the several States composing the Union; and the other, by the Senator from New York, [Mr. WRIGHT,] to invest it in stocks on the credit of some of the States of the Union. The first proposition in the bill, providing for the safe keeping of the public money, by adopting some arrange. ments that would be satisfactory to both Houses, he had great hopes would be determined on, and become a law before the close of the session; for from what he had observed of the spirit of the Senate during the last week, he thought some satisfactory measure would be adopted, and he, for one, would do all in his power to bring about the adoption of some measure satisfactory to Congress and the nation. He had not, however, the same confidence that any thing would be done as to the disposition of the surplus. In looking to the two propositions relating to this object, he thought he could engraft amendments on the one of the Senator from New York, which would render it more conformable to his views than the original bill of the Senator from South Carolina, under any modifications that could be made to it. One great objection which he had to the plan of the Senator from South Carolina was, that it legalized the present disposition of the public funds, and, though the same objection applied to the plan of the Senator from New York, yet the objection was not so strong, and could be removed by striking out a particular section of the amend ment. His view was, that they should not consider the public funds as rightfully placed anywhere, except under the control of law, and that they should take up the subject de novo, and pass a law declaring where they should be placed, in the same manner as if they had never been taken from the custody of the law. The measure for the deposite and safe keeping of the public money could be carried into effect immediately; but the other measure, for the disposition of the surplus, would require much time to be put into operation. If they adopted the proposition of the Senator from South Carolina, they would have to wait for the meetings of the State Legislatures to give their assent to it; and if they adopted the plan of the Senator from New York, much time will be required to enable the commissioners to purchase stocks. He was satisfied, considering the amount of public money in deposite, that the places of deposite were too few. In looking over the statement of the Secretary of the Treasury, he found that the deposites in all the banks were equal to the whole amount of their capital stock; and that where the largest masses were deposited, the deposites were sometimes double and sometimes three times that amount. The effect of this was, that the banks which received large masses of deposites must make an underhand use of them, or let themremain idle, because they are not permitted by their charters to discount more than a certain amount beyond their capital. They also accumulated in their vaults the notes of neighboring banks, whose issues and accommodations to the public were by this means restrained; and, therefore, jealousies and distrusts naturally arose. Το The banks whose notes are thus held up by the deposite banks, feeling themselves in their power, fear to discount, and the public therefore suffer by it. remedy the evils growing out of this state of things, he would suggest to the Senator from New York to modify his amendment, by providing that the deposites in no bank shall exceed half the amount of its capital stock actually paid in. The result of this amendment would be, that it would be necessary to select other deposite banks, who would receive from the present deposite banks the notes that are now held up in terrorem against [MAY 30, 1836. them, and enable them to go on as formerly with their ordinary accommodations to the public. It would also more effectually secure the safety of the public money; for it was obvious that, if a bank failed, it must pay all the demands against it before the stockholders got any thing; and thus, by having in these banks but an amount of deposite equal, to half their capital, the public never could be losers, unless in very extraordinary cases, which could be guarded against by selecting banks under the management of men of known honor and respectability. This amendment would also render the banks independ ent: they would not, as now, be in the power of the Secretary of the Treasury, and liable to be broken at any mo. ment that he chose to remove the deposites from them. Mr. E. stated his objections to the provision requiring that, as a security for the public deposites, the deposite banks shall have an amount of specie in their vaults equal to one fourth of their circulation. This provision, he thought, would have a very unequal operation, and was not calculated to effect the object in view. It was supposing that the liabilities of the banks arose from their circulation only. Mr. E. instanced some banks whose liabilities for their circulation were in a small proportion to their capital, and mentioned other banks whose liabilities consisted almost wholly in their circulation. He himself did not look upon the specie in a bank as a test of its ability to pay its debts. There ought to be specie in a bank to some extent to meet any sudden run that might be made on it; but further than this, it was not necessary. If the amendment which he proposed, limiting the amount of deposites in these banks to half the amount of their capital, should prevail, he thought they need not be so particular as to the amount of specie they had. Mr. E., after referring to some other amendments that he intended to propose, proceeded to consider the propositions for the disposition of the surplus. He considered the plan of the Senator from New York as less objectionable than the one of the Senator from South Carolina, though he was not prepared to express a decided opinion with regard to either. Mr. E. then went into a minute examination of the nature of the stocks proposed to be purchased by the commissioners of the sinking fund, stating the advantages and disadvantages of each, with the effect that large investments in them by the Govern ment would have both on the stock market and the money market; after which, he laid on the table, for the consideration of the Senate, the amendments that he proposed to submit at a future time. Mr. WRIGHT suggested that the best course, in his opinion, would be to refer the whole subject. In the mean time the discussion might proceed, so as to put the Senate in possession of all the ideas of gentlemen in reference to this matter. He thought that course would be a saving of time to the Senate, and the best mode of perfecting the bill. Mr. CALHOUN suggested that the bill might be laid on the table, or postponed, until some Senator should be prepared to go on with the discussion. Mr. WEBSTER asked to what time it was proposed to postpone the discussion. Mr. CALHOUN replied, until tomorrow, or whenever any Senator might be prepared to proceed. Mr. WALKER said that the unfavorable position in which the State of Mississippi would be placed by the measure proposed by the motion of the Senator from South Carolina, [Mr. CALHOUN,] compelled him to trespass for a few moments upon the time of the Senate. The proposition is to loan the surplus money to the States, upon their Legislatures passing laws to return the money to the General Government, in certain instalments, upon the call of Congress. Now, said Mr. W., Mississippi can pass no such law, and consequently can receive no portion of this gratuitous loan, and will not by this bill be placed on an equal footing with her sister States. There is a general and comprehensive clause in the new constitution of Mississippi, prohibiting the Legislature from pledging the faith of the State for the redemption of any loan whatever, except by the consent, in all cases, of two successive Legislatures, and then under certain restrictions and limitations which might prevent the passage of the law altogether. Mr. W. said, as the sessions of the Legislature in Mississippi are biennial, another obstacle would be interposed to the adoption of any law of that State on this subject, within any convenient period. This bill, then, was a proposition to make gratuitous loans, without interest, to all the States except Mississippi. But, Mr. W. said, he had other objections to this bill. It was a dangerous and untried experiment. It would greatly complicate and embarrass the relations between the States and the General Government. It would make all the States debtors of the General Government, and create a new and strong pecuniary interest in favor of a dissolution of the Union, as a means of absolving themselves from the heavy debts they may incur to the General Government under this law. The relation of debtor and creditor was not generally one of long continued friendship. It was an old but true remark, if you wish to make a friend your enemy, loan him money beyond his means of convenient payment. The remark will apply with full force to the States and the General Government. If we wish to embroil ourselves with the States, and make them the enemies of this Government, let us loan them money, as proposed by this bill, far beyond their means of convenient payment. It is admitted that the States will expend this money; and when we call upon them for payment, will it be made? Suppose a minority of States refuse pay ment, or that a single State refuses, how will we collect the money? A suit is impracticable. Will we, then, collect it by force, or leave it uncollected, to the injury of all the States that make payment? But if the General Government must loan the money, and the States must make good the loan, how will they do it? Will the State Legislatures dare to impose a direct tax upon the people of each State, to refund these uncounted millions? No, they will instruct their representatives in Congress to collect the money required by the General Government by increasing the tariff and the price of the public lands. If the loan be not a gift in disguise, an increase of the tariff and the price of the public lands is the inevitable result of this measure. If it be a gift in disguise, it is a distribution of the surplus revenue, which the Senator from South Carolina [Mr. CALHOUN] has denounced as a gross violation of the constitution. And (said Mr. W.) if Mississippi could really receive her portion, the ratio would be most unjust. By this bill, the State of Mississippi would receive no more than Rhode Island, although, taking the votes given in Mississippi at the last election as a criterion of her increase since the last census, she must now contain three times the population of Rhode Island. The measure would, then, be unequal and unjust-doubly so when it was considered that Mississippi, through the collections from the land office and other sources, paid into the public Treasury ten times the amount paid by Rhode Island. Mr. W. said the amount deposited in the deposite banks was large, but from ten to sixteen millions had been repeatedly in deposite in the Bank of the United States. Then it was thought all right and proper by that institution, and she viewed a restoration of the deposites to the bank as indispensable to the salvation of the country; but now we are told that the country is to be ruined because a large amount is deposited in State banks. Mr. W. believed there was infinitely more danger to liberty from accumulating this money in a single [SENATE. bank, than from depositing it in various State institutions. The evil was this, that we never should have collected this vast amount from the people; and we should now and at once reduce our collections, by reducing the price of the public lands and all other taxes. Reduce your revenue and taxes, and loans or distribution are unnecessary. Mr. W. said the Senator from South Carolina [Mr. CALHOUN] had fixed the surplus revenue this year at about $26,000,000. Mr. W. would not pretend to say whether that Senator was correct in the list of items. by which he made up this amount; but if he were, there might be other items that would greatly reduce this sum. If the Bank of the United States, as from present symptoms seemed probable, should have the audacity to retain the stock of the Government in that bank to pay her pretended infraction of her charter by the Government, then seven millions must be striken off the twenty-six millions, which would reduce the amount to nineteen millions; the war, another source of expenditure, yet remaining. When the Creek and Seminole war terminates this summer, it will be a solemn duty which we owe to the people of Florida and Alabama to remove these Indians at once, whatever the expense may be, beyond the limits of Alabama and Florida. Protecting the people of Alabama, Georgia, and Florida, from a renewal of these inhuman massacres, would be much better than loaning money. The number of Indians in Alabama and Florida was about thirty thousand, and we must remove them beyond the reach of white settlements, peaceably if we can, forcibly if we must; and the expense of removal in this manner will be enormous. We have now in Alabama and Florida a surplus only of blood and misery, and we must guard at any expense against a repetition of these inhuman massacres by these " poor Indians," with whom a certain party once so deeply sympathised, and whom they would retain within the settled States and Territories of the Union, there to commit these terrible atrocities upon every age and sex, and to give over the bodies of the dead to the wolves and vultures of the wilderness. said Mr. W., these scenes must not be repeated; no party can or does desire it. This Indian removal must be instantaneous, forcible; and the expense will still further greatly reduce our surplus revenue. To the proposition of the Senator from New York he had some objection. If he voted for it, it would be because no other alternative was left; but he hoped that no transfers of moneys from any deposite banks would be permitted to distant banks, except for necessary disbursements in other quarters. His confidence in the wisdom and integrity of the Secretary of the Treasury was very great. He was a most honest and able functionary; but this was a power which he could not desire to retain, and justice required that the money in the deposite banks, at the points where it was collected, should never be drawn from those institutions, to be placed in other and distant deposite banks, except when needed for the disbursements of the Government. Mr. W. was not satisfied with any of the propositions before the Senate in their present form; he hoped, however, that the bill would be referred, and some wise and judicious measure would yet be devised. It was due to ourselves and the country; and, in sustaining such a measure, he would co-operate to the full extent of his humble abilities. Let us not, however, convert the General Government into a money-lender to the States, with or without interest. If we do, we will effect a radical change in the relations between the States and the General Government; a change full of complications and difficulty, and threatening the repose, if not the very existence, of the Union. No, On motion of Mr. CALHOUN, the bill was then laid on the table, to be taken up at one o'clock to-morrow. SENATE.] Convention with Spain-Recaptors of the Frigate Philadelphia. On motion of Mr. WHITE, the Senate proceeded to the consideration of executive business; after which, it adjourned. TUESDAY, MAY 31. CONVENTION WITH SPAIN. On motion of Mr. CLAY, the Senate considered the message from the House disagreeing to the amendment of the Senate to the bill to carry into effect the convention with Spain. This bill, as it came from the House, provided for the appointment of a board of commissioners for the division and distribution of the money obtained under the treaty. The Senate amended the bill by striking out all the provisions regarding commissioners, and assigning the duties to the Attorney General. The House disagreed to this amendment; and the question now before the Senate was on concurrence in that disagreement. Mr. CLAY moved that the Senate insist on its amendment; and that a committee of conference, to consist of three Senators, be appointed. The motion was agreed to. RECAPTORS OF THE FRIGATE PHILADELPHIA. The bill to reward the recaptors of the frigate Philadelphia coming up for consideration, and the question being on the engrossment of the bill Mr. ROBBINS rose, and spoke to the following effect: This bill is a bill to compensate the recaptors of the frigate Philadelphia, after her capture by the barbarians of Tripoli, and while she was, and after she had long been, in their secure possession, in their own harbor, and under the guns of their own fort, and where she was kept fully manned and armed as their pride as well as defence, and where she was a monument at once for barbarian triumph and for American humiliation. This protecting fort was armed with more than a hundred guns, and backed, it was said, by an army in camp of twenty thousand men. The banks of this harbor were lined with land-batteries throughout, and armed also with more than a hundred guns, and its waters were guarded by a thousand seamen. Still this little gallant band, the recaptors, at the dead of night, with Decatur at their head, made their way to this frigate, boarded her, cut down every barbarian on board, or drove him over her sides into the water; then, and in obedience to orders to set fire to her in different parts, burnt her down to the water's edge, and then made their retreat in safety; and all this in the face and fire of the artillery of that fort and of those land-batteries. Thus, in, flames, was extinguished this monument of our disgrace, and our own frigate was no longer to be employed as a pirate in piracies on our own commerce in those seas. This astonishing feat struck a terror into all the Powers on the Barbary coast, and they humbled themselves to their fears of a people capable of such daring exploits. They were soon after brought to sue for peace; to release our captive citizens without ransom; in a word, to suffer us to dictate to them the terms of peace. From that moment, ever after down to the present time, our commerce, before-so vexed and harassed and plundered, has been safe to our merchants in those seas. Such were the fruits of that bold and successful enterprise. In every instance, save this, the capture and destruction of an enemy's vessel of war, or the recapture of our own vessel of war from the enemy, has been compensa. ted to the captors by Congress. To the report in this case there is appended a complete list of all those cases, and of the compensation made to each, fully attesting this fact. This case stands a solitary exception. Though the first in the order of time, though in brilliant and consequential merits the first, it remains the last and [MAY 31, 1836. alone to be compensated. The subject has frequently been before Congress, and in no instance have ever the propriety and the duty of making compensation, and to the amount of this bill, been made a question; but a dif ference of opinion as to the scale of distribution has been the difficulty, and has frustrated every bill for compen. sation heretofore reported. To obviate the objections growing out of this difference of opinion, the committee have now reported a bill with a scale of distribution corresponding to the pay of the officers and seamen of the navy, according to the pay-bill adopted at the last session of Congress. This, we think, will do justice, and give satisfaction. The parties interested, all, as we understand and believe, will be content with this scale. As the same bill has now been reported to both Houses, the committees indulge the hope that no difficulties of form will longer impede this act of national justice. But one word further, with the indulgence of the Senate, as to the merits of this case. Let it be recollected that this daring enterprise was out of the routine of the regular naval service; if was indeed permitted, but not directed, by the commanding officer on that station; it was wholly a volunteer enterprise. It was originally suggested by the gallant and ever-to-be-lamented Decatur, then a lieutenant, and but a youth as it were. He saw that the thing was practicable to spirits daring like his own, and that the achievement, though full of danger, would be full of honor. He saw the brilliant page it would make in history, but he did not foresee that it would be but the title-page to that volume of brilliant exploits which subsequently were to illustrate our naval annals, of which this was to be the precursor and animating model. He soon collected his volunteer band of congenial spirits, all young like himself, and, like him, burning with a thirst for distinction. Confiding in themselves, they went to the enterprise confident of success, and did realize what to colder minds would seem but the dream of romance. It is pleasing to note the number of our naval heroes, who afterwards so much distinguished themselves in our naval battles, who gave their juvenile and first proofs of heroism in this heroic enterprise. Man It is not easy to estimate the value to a country of a sublime achievement in any line of merit, by any of her own sons, as an example to enkindle the spirit of emulation in others to rival, and of ambition to surpass it; nor is it wise in any Government to be penurious or over frugal in awarding remuneration for such value: for it is the sublime in achievement only that has this desirable, this almost magical influence in example; that sublime which the voice of fame gives to immortality. born to immortality in another life, aspires to it in this. But over all that is vulgar in men, and things, and human affairs, he sees time to roll her oblivious wave; and that nothing but the sublime in human virtue and human achievement stands secure and aloft above her devouring flood, and never to be affected by it. These achievements he admires, and, emulating these, he treads the arduous paths that lead to the same glorious heights. it is the home-example that has most of this marvellous effect. Who that dwells upon the great example near to him in time and place, and in a congenial pursuit, but has felt himself animated, and carried even beyond himself, in his efforts, on the self-inquiry, "Why should I not do what my fellow has done? and why should my equal outstrip and leave me behind in the race of glory?" Hence it happens that one sublime achievement, by its animating influence, begets another, and another, and another, till they cluster into a constellation. Hence, too, it happens that these constellations break upon the world but periodically. The brilliant eras which mark the history of all nations who have greatly distinguished themselves, are to be traced to the operation and force of this prin But |