participated in the benefit of the fund, should in some measure contribute to its support.

Mr. CRITTENDEN moved a proviso, to attain the object he contemplated.

Mr. DAVIS said he was indifferent about the result. If the Senate thought proper to adopt the proviso, he should make no objection.

Mr. HENDRICKS desired the adoption of the proviso, and did not feel disposed to vote for the bill unless something of the kind should be inserted.

Mr. LINN wished to offer an amendment, as soon as it should be in order.

The proviso was then agreed to.

Mr. LINN then moved his amendment, providing an appropriation for the erection of hospitals at such points in the West as the Secretary of the Treasury may indi

cate.

Mr. DAVIS replied that only three hospitals had as yet been erected in the United States. Where there are no hospitals, there have been contracts with individuals for the purpose of taking care of any sick or disabled seamen who may require such care. He thought it might be desirable to increase the number of hospitals, but he was not now prepared to decide where they should be erected. He recommended the withdrawal of the amendment, and expressed a hope that a liberal sum might be voted in the appropriation bill, for the purpose of putting up hospitals.

Mr. LINN disclaimed any intention to embarrass the bill, and said he should vote for it, either with or without the amendment. He had no objection to withdraw his amendment, if another bill was likely to come before the Senate.

The amendment was withdrawn.

Mr. CLAY concurred in the object of the Senator from Missouri, beleving that the western waters had a strong claim on the liberality of the Government. A liberal appropriation ought to be made, but as it was suggested that the object might be attained in another way, he would not press the proposition.

The bill was reported as amended, and the amendment was concurred in.

After some further conversation between Mr. HENDRICKS, Mr. LINN, Mr. PORTER, and Mr. DAVIS, the bill was ordered to be engrossed.

On motion of Mr. BENTON, the Senate proceeded to the consideration of executive business; and after remaining for some time with closed doors, on reopen ing them,

The Senate adjourned.

MONDAY, JUNE 13.

[JUNE 13, 1836.

Mr. N. said he had received, and proposed to present to the Senate, certain resolutions of the Legislature of Connecticut, regarding the independence of the prov ince of Texas. In the discussions which, on several occasions, had taken place during the session, upon this interesting question, he had not participated, nor would he now submit but a few remarks on the subject. The resolutions he had to offer were of very different character, and he thought entitled to much more respect than those which had been received from other quarters, which had come from popular meetings, or memorials of individuals, and from places where there were some reasons to suspect that private interests, connected with land speculations in that country, may have had some agency in the proceedings. These resolutions did not come from individuals, or any combination of citizens; they were from one of the sovereign States of this Union, and he felt bound to ask for them the respectful consideration of the Senate. It was also worthy of remark, that the first State which should raise its voice in favor of the independence of Texas should be one in a remote part of the Union, where no interested motives would be supposed to operate; from whence there had been no emigrants to that country, and where no sympathies can exist springing from that source.

It is also worthy of special observation, that the first State which has, through its Legislature, urged the recognition of the independence of Texas, is in an opposite section of the Union, and which from its position might be supposed to feel some apprehension or jealousy of an extension of the territory of the republic on its southern border. This is a strong fact, going to prove that, notwithstanding all that is said about local interests, and the jealousy in one section of the Union of the increasing power and importance of opposite sections of the republic, there is, in reality, but little foundation for such opinions among the people or their immediate representatives.

In the statements contained in these resolutions, so far as relates to the contest now going on in Texas, he presumed there would probably be little diversity of opinion. All must execrate the barbarous and savage warfare which has been carried on by the Mexicans, disgraceful to a people making any claims to civilization; all must sympathize with the inhabitants of Texas in this war of extermination which has been waged against them; and all must admire their courage, perseverance, and daring achievements.

TEXAS.

Mr. CLAY presented a memorial from sundry citizens of Shelby county, in the State of Kentucky, praying for the recognition of the independence of Texas. This memorial was subscribed by many citizens, several of whom were personally known to him as among the most respectable in the highly respectable community to which they belonged. As a committee, of which he had the honor of being a member, was now deliberating upon the subject of the memorial, he would now not say more than to move the reference of the memorial to the Committee on Foreign Relations; which was accordingly

ordered.

Mr. NILES presented certain resolutions of the Legislature of the State of Connecticut, on the same subject.

a prisoner, and his forces broken and routed. The power of the present, perhaps he ought to say late, ruler of Mexico, is probably at an end. But is that decisive of the fate of Texas? He hoped it might prove so; but it was evident this must depend on the course pursued by the Mexican nation. Will they give up the contest, and consent to the separation of the province of Texas; or will they continue the war, and attempt to maintain their dominion over it? We must look beyond the present aspect of affairs, into the real condition and resources of the parties. If the Mexican nation determine to prolong this war, are the people of Texas capable of sustaining themselves through a protracted struggle? That they have an army sufficiently numerous and brave might be admitted; but has the country sufficient population and resources to sustain a war of any considerable dura

tion? There were, he believed, but about sixty thousand souls in Texas proper, and only one hundred and fifty thousand in the whole territory, including the State or province of Coahuila. He thought it premature to act on this question at this time, and that some delay was necessary for the developing of events, and the condition of that country to become more settled. But however small may be the population of that country, and however feeble, compared with the great Powers of the earth, yet if they should make up in valor what they want in numbers, if they become in fact free, and the dominion of Mexico is overthrown; if they shall, in fact, exist as an independent community, exercising the powers of Government, he did not see how we could refuse to recognise their existence as an independent and sovereign State. Can we withhold from a brave people upon our borders, struggling for their rights, that common justice which we have extended to others? Can we deny to the inhabitants of Texas, most of whom are emigrants from the United States, and have carried with them not only our own language, but all the elements of our free institutions, that measure of justice which we have accorded to all others?

He was not willing to sanction such injustice, from any narrow views of policy. He was aware that there were, connected with with the independence of Texas, ulterior questions of the most momentous character-questions which might shake this Union to its centre. But he did not think they could be avoided; we had got to meet them, and he should be prepared to do it when ever the proper time arrived. Some of these questions were of a very delicate nature, connected with the balance of political power, as regarded a particular interest, which he would not now particularly allude to. When these questions came upon us, however they might embarrass and distract our councils, he did not doubt that the republic would be safely carried through them. He had full confidence in the intelligence, justice, moderation, and good sense of the people, to carry the republic safely through every difficulty. Clouds might hang over us, and thick clouds gather around us, yet, as had been the case in every former crisis, there would appear a light to guide our course, and point the way to a safe deliverance.

Whether these momentous questions, which may grow out of the independence of Texas, had been considered by the Legislature of his State, he was not able to say, as he had not seen any of the debates on the question. But it was evident that the representatives of his State bad disregarded narrow and sectional considerations. These resolutions are the offspring of that sense of justice and love of liberty which belong to a free people, who always sympathize with the oppressed when struggling for their rights. It was enough that the representatives of such a people witnessed a desperate and unequal struggle for liberty on the borders of the republic. Their sympathies were aroused; they regarded the cause of the Texians as the cause of justice, of humanity, of liberty, and of the maintenance of those principles of freedom under which the people of this country have been prospered and blessed above all other nations of the earth. They did not probably stop to inquire what might be the consequences of doing justice to the brave inhabitants of Texas; or whether, if they became independent, they would continue a distinct community; or whether they might not conquer Mexico, and erect a rival republic in the southern part of this continent; or whether the territory would be annexed to the United States.

Without probably going into these questions, they desired that justice should be done to a brave people, heroically struggling for liberty and independence. He highly approved their patriotic motives, and at the

VOL. XII-111

[SENATE.

proper time he should be prepared to further the object they have in view; but they have wisely left the question as to time to Congress. He could not think the period for action on our part had yet arrived. This was a case in which this Government should act with caution. In ordinary cases of this kind the question was only one of fact, and was but little calculated to compromit the interests or honor of the United States; but the question in regard to Texas was very different, and vastly more important. That is a country on our own borders, and its inhabitants, most of them, emigrants from the United States; and most of the brave men constituting its army, who are so heroically fighting to redeem the province, are citizens of the United States, who have engaged in this bold enterprise as volunteers. Were this Government to be precipitate in acknowledging the independence of Texas, might it not be exposed to a suspicion of having encouraged these enterprises of its citizens? There is another consideration of more importance. Should the independence of Texas be followed by its annexation to the United States, the reasons for suspicions derogatory to the national faith might be still stronger. If we, by our own act, contribute to clothe the constituted authorities of the province with the power of sovereignty over it, and then accept a cession of the country from those authorities, might there not be some reasons to charge us with having recognised the independence of the country as a means of getting possession of it? These and other considerations require that this Government should act with caution; yet, when the proper time arrives, it will be our duty to act, and to act promptly. But he trusted that all would feel the importance of preserving the national faith and national honor. They should not only be kept pure, but free from injurious suspicions, being more to be prized than any extension of territory, wealth, population, or other acquisition, which enters into the elements of national prosperity or power. He would move that the preamble and resolutions be read and referred to the Committee on Foreign Relations.

GENERAL ASSEMBLY, May 27, 1836.

Whereas the people of Connecticut, one of the free and sovereign States of this republic, have witnessed, with feelings of sympathy, the struggle of the people of Texas to secure to themselves independence and freedom; and whereas, in maintaining their just and inalienable rights, that people have been compelled to resist the power and oppose the dominion of vastly su perior numbers, who have exhibited more than savage ferocity and barbarity--devastating their country with the avowed object of either exterminating them or reducing them to a state of absolute dependance and subjugation; and whereas, in this unequal contest, the Texians have exhibited a degree of wisdom and firmness, moderation and bravery, that commands the sympathy of every friend of liberty and of his race-contending, as they are, for their rights against barbarians, who have violated promises, broken faith, and murdered, in cool blood, defenceless and confiding persons; and whereas the people of Texas, through their representatives, have declared themselves independent, organized their form of Government, and published to the world their intention to become a free, sovereign, and independent nation, distinct from, and independent of, Mexico; and whereas, appreciating the high resolve and unalterable determination of this gallant people to live free or die-believing, from what has already transpired, that their independence can and will be sustained, it becomes a matter of duty and justice, on the part of this Government, to acknowledge their independence, and to recognise them as belonging to the family of nations; therefore,

Resolved by the members of the Senate and House of Representatives in General Assembly convened, That the Senators from this State in the Congress of the United States be, and they are hereby, instructed, and the Representatives requested, to use their best endeavors to procure the acknowledgment, on the part of the United States, of the independence of Texas; and that it be recognised as a free, sovereign, and independent nation, As soon as may be consistent with our existing relations with foreign nations.

Resolved, That his excellency the Governor be requested to communicate copies of this preamble and resolutions to each of our Senators and Representatives in the Congress of the United States.

CHAUNCEY F. CLEAVELAND,
Speaker House of Representatives.
EBENEZER STODDARD,

President of the Senate.

[JUNE 13, 1836.

additional amendments were made, on motion of Mr. LEIGH, to correspond with it.

Mr. WRIGHT offered an amendment, the effect of which is to require each deposite bank to keep within its vaults such an amount of specie as shall be required by the Secretary of the Treasury, and shall, in his opinion, be necessary to render said bank a safe depository of the public money.

Mr. WALKER moved to amend the amendment by adding the words, "having a due regard to the nature of the business of said bank;" which was agreed to; and the amendment as amended was adopted.

Mr. BENTON moved to amend the bill by adding a proviso that it shall be lawful for the President of the United States to direct transfers to be made, from time to time, to the branch mints of the United States, either for supplying metal for coining or for safe-keeping.

Mr. B. explained the advantages of this amendment at full length. He was very much in favor of prevent

PUBLIC DEPOSITES.

The bill to regulate the deposite of the public moneys was then taken up as the order of the day.

The amendment of Mr. LEIGH, to allow time to such banks as had not a sufficient amount of specie to comply with the conditions of the bill to provide the necessary amount, was agreed to without a division.

Mr. CALHOUN was in hopes that some Senator, coming from that portion of the Union where the specie condition would operate oppressively, would move to strike it out. After hearing the debate, he was satisfied it would operate oppressively in some States, while in others the banks would not be affected by it.

Mr. C. then moved to strike out the second clause of the section.

Mr. KING, of Alabama, had felt some hesitancy in making a proposition to strike out this clause, though he agreed, with the Senators from Virginia and South Carolina, that it was wholly useless, and that it would operate unequally and oppressively on some of the deposite banks that were in all respects essentially sound. He had felt, from the beginning, the greatest solicitude to pass such a law as would secure the safe-keeping of the public funds, and guard the public interests, without incorporating into it any provision calculated to embarrass or defeat it. These were his sentiments in the committee, and he was disposed to carry them out now. With the opinions that he entertained, he could not give his support to the bill if this provision remained in it. The banks of his State were as solvent as any in the country; but the nature of their business was such that they would be compelled to abandon the custody of the public deposites unless this provision was stricken out. He thought at one time to move to modify this provision; but this only could be done by giving a discretion to the Secretary, which rested with him already.

Mr. CALHOUN's motion having been agreed to, some

hopes of any of these banks being sustained by the Treasury. But this provision that he wished to be inserted, he thought, was calculated to be very useful. It might become necessary for the Government to have transfers made to the mints for other purposes than coining, should any difficulty arise as to depositing public moneys with the State banks. He believed that, with some extension of the mint system, all the public money's might be advantageously deposited with them; but he did not look to this now-all he proposed was to facilitate the coinage of the mint, and to have them as depositories of the public money, if necessary. He looked upon this amendment as nothing more than the revival of the act of 1791, by which it was expressly ordered that all the foreign coins received by the Treasury should be sent to the mint of the United States; and he hoped it would find favor with the Senate.

Mr. LEIGH moved for a division of the two propositions contained in the amendment, so as to take the question first as to the transfers to the mint for the purpose of coining, which he said he was in favor of.

Mr. CALHOUN was opposed to the amendment, as it might be the means of oppressing some individual bank, by transferring all the specie in its vaults for the purpose of coining.

Mr. EWING, of Ohio, could see no advantage in either of the propositions contained in the amendment. There could be no advantage to the country in requiring banks to give up the coin in their vaults for the purpose of recoining. Banks, except on the seaboard, rarely kept bullion on hand, and the effect of this amendment would be to compel them to give up their specie. There would be no sort of advantage in sending Spanish milled dollars, which were current here, and current every where, to the mint to be recoined; for it would give no more specie circulation to the country.

Mr. WRIGHT did not understand the proposition as the Senator from Ohio did. He understood it to be purely an authority to the President to transfer certain amounts of money to the mint, for the purpose of furnishing it with the means for coining. In short, the proposition was in accordance with the views expressed in both Houses, when the branch mints were established, to enable them to have the means for purchasing bullion for continuing the coinage. He had supposed that their purpose in establishing the mints was to change the

coinage of foreign gold coin into our own, which, being less desirable for exportation, would be more likely to remain in the country.

Mr. CALHOUN supposed the object was to obtain a large circulation of the coin of the United States. That could only be done by repealing the laws making foreign coin a tender, and next by suppressing the circulation of bank notes from ten dollars down, which Congress could not do. He was opposed to the amendment, and should vote against it.

Mr. EWING, of Ohio, said that, if the effect of reducing the value of the gold coins had been to retain them in the country, the effect had also been to take so much silver out of the country. That could be the only effect, though he did not believe that either had been the case to any extent worth mentioning. Though the value of our gold coin was fixed too low, yet the merchants fixed the true value, and exported it when it was worth more abroad than at home. As to establishing new mints for the purpose of increasing the circulation of specie, he looked upon it as perfectly idle. Specie was a mercantile commodity, and would always be exported when it could be done so on more favorable terms than to get exchanges.

Mr. LEIGH here withdrew his motion to divide the two propositions in the amendment. The objections, he said, to the first proposition did not occur to him when he made his motion.

|

Mr. BENTON then renewed the motion just with. drawn by Mr. LEIGH. The two propositions, he said, were distinct from each other, and the questions on them ought to be taken separately. It did not appear to him, he said, that they would ever have in this country a Secretary or President who would act so preposterously as to send current coins to the mint only to be recoined over again; and therefore the objection made to his amendment fell to the ground. It was obvious that those who were friendly to an increase of the coinage were met at every point by the friends of the bank, predicting the impossibility of their measures producing the intended effect. This was commenced with the efforts to recharter the bank, and was continued in the opposition to the establishment of the branch mints. The proposition which met with so much opposition now, was simply to give to the President authority for supplying the mints with metal for coinage; and if it prevailed, the banks would, in all probability, readily endeavor to furnish a supply of foreign coins and of our own coins which are imperfect. This amendment was perfectly free from all the objections made to it; for the officers of the mint | would never think of recoining our own perfect coin. The effect was only to give life and activity to a law now on the statute book.

Mr. EWING, of Ohio, was not aware of any combination to prevent the increase of the coins, nor was he aware that he or any gentleman on that floor was entitled to the appellation of friends of the Bank of the United States. He had voted for the recharter of that institution; but it was not in being now, and they had nothing further to do with it. He had opposed this and other propositions of the Senator from Missouri, because he did not think they would produce any public good. The object of the gentleman, to increase the specie circulation, was a good one; but the means he proposed were not calculated to obtain it.

Mr. WRIGHT suggested another consideration in fa. vor of the amendment. It was known that our country produced a considerable amount of bullion, and it was desirable that it should receive our impress, instead of being sent abroad to be coined. The mint, therefore, should have the means of getting a supply of this native bullion by the adoption of the proposition before them.

The question was taken on the first proposition in Mr.

[SENATE.

BENTON's motion, authorizing transfers to the mint, for the purpose of supplying metal for coinage, and it was decided in the affirmative: Yeas 22, nays 17, as follows:

YEAS-Messrs. Benton, Black, Brown, Buchanan, Cuthbert, Ewing of Illinois, Grundy, Hendricks, King of Alabama, King of Georgia, Knight, Morris, Niles, Page, Rives, Robinson, Ruggles, Shepley, Tallmadge, Walker, White, Wright-22.

NAYS-Messrs. Calhoun, Clay, Crittenden, Ewing of Ohio, Goldsborough, Kent, Leigh, Mangum, Moore, Naudain, Nicholas, Porter, Prentiss, Preston, Robbins, Swift, Webster--17.

The question then being on the second proposition of Mr. BENTON'S amendment, as to transfers to the mint for the purpose of safe-keeping of the public money,

Mr. BENTON hoped the Senate would see that this was merely a temporary provision. If any of the deposite banks should refuse to continue to receive the public deposites, as some did during the panic season, the mints would be then found valuable auxiliaries to the Treasury. He thought that the mints would be anywhere as safe depositories as the banks; and as to the District of Columbia, he wished all moneys paid out by the Government here, to be paid from the Treasurer's office.

On taking the question, Mr. BENTON's second proposition was rejected: Yeas 13, nays, 28, as follows:

YEAS--Messrs. Benton, Brown, Ewing of Illinois, Grundy, McKean, Morris, Nicholas, Niles, Page, Robinson, Ruggles, Walker, White-13.

NAYS-Messrs. Black, Buchanan, Calhoun, Clay, Crittenden, Cuthbert, Davis, Ewing of Ohio, Goldsborough, Hendricks, King of Alabama, King of Georgia, Knight, Leigh, Mangum, Moore, Naudain, Porter, Prentiss, Preston, Rives, Robbins, Shepley, Swift, Tallmadge, Tomlinson, Webster, Wright--28.

Mr. BENTON offered an amendment, providing that, in selecting and continuing banks for depositories of the public moneys, a preference should be given to such banks in good credit as shall agree to relinquish the cir culation of all notes below twenty dollars, and promote the circulation of gold coins.

This amendment was rejected: Yeas 15, nays 23, as follows:

YEAS-Messrs. Benton, Black, Brown, Grundy, King of Georgia, McKean, Morris, Niles, Page, Rives, Robinson, Ruggles, Tallmadge, Walker, White--15.

NAYS--Messrs. Buchanan, Calhoun, Clay, Crittenden, Davis, Ewing of Illinois, Ewing of Ohio, Goldsborough, Hendricks, King of Alabama, Knight, Leigh, Moore, Naudain, Nicholas, Porter, Prentiss, Preston, Robbins, Shepley, Swift, Tomlinson, Webster--23.

Mr. BENTON then offered an amendment to the 13th section, which provides for the deposite of the surplus with the States, by excepting from the operations of this section the amount received from the sales of the public lands, and subject to distribution under the bill for appropriating the proceeds of the sales of the public lands.

Mr. B. said that they had passed a bill to distribute all the money received from the land sales for this year, and the next year, and, therefore, there was nothing left for this bill to operate on but the money received from customs. It was hardly to be supposed that, in the nineteenth century, a grave legislative body, like the Senate of the United States, would pass two bills for dividing the same money; and it was to save the Senate from the censures which they would fall under, for dividing the same money twice, that he offer. ed this amendment.

Mr. CALHOUN said, that in order to effect the ob. ject of the Senator from Missouri, and remove any ambiguity that might exist, he would move to amend the