any time vote for a bill, any part of the object of which was the expenditure of money alone, without regard to national utility; and that this was a bill of this character seemed partially acknowledged by some of its friends. There was no fitness, he said, in establishing arsenals in every State, without regard to location or utility. And one half at least of the arsenals proposed would be as useless as would be a horse stable in the city of Venice. And as to the armory in the West, it was about as much called for as an additional Capitol, or a navy yard in the western prairies. Where was the necessity for it? We had now on hand upwards of 8,000,000 stand of arms, which he himself thought enough, as it was about as many as France or England had, with their large military establishments, and three times our population. The utmost that any one required was one million, and we now proposed to expend $555,000 for an armory, only required to expedite the supply of two hundred thousand stand of arms, not needed immediately, and he believed not needed at all; when the number required would be supplied from existing establishments before the work would be completed. In answer to all this, however, it was said that justice required an expenditure of money in the West. He could not subscribe to such a principle. The work was a national work, and if it were not necessary any where, it was not necessary in the West. If the Senator from Mississippi wished another depot in his State, let him have it; if another were needed in Missouri, let it be built; and if more were shown to be necessary any where in the West or elsewhere, he was ready to vote for them, but could not vote for works of enormous cost in the construction, and which would have to be kept up at a very heavy additional annual expenditure, merely for the purpose - of expending money in any particular section of country. JOSEPH GRANT. [SENATE. A bill granting a patent to Joseph Grant was read a third time, and passed by the following vote: dricks, King of Alabama, Knight, Leigh, Linn, Mangum, YEAS--Messrs. Cuthbert, Davis, Goldsborough, HenNicholas, Porter, Preston, Rives, Robbins, Ruggles, Swift, Tallmadge, Tipton, White--19. NAYS--Messrs. Benton, Black, Brown, Ewing of Illinois, Ewing of Ohio, Grundy, Hubbard, King of Georgia, Moore, Morris, Robinson, Southard, Tipton, Walker, Wall, Wright-16. FORTIFICATION BILL. Mr. WRIGHT, from the Committee on Finance, to which had been referred the bill making appropriations for certain fortifications of the United States for the year 1836, reported that the committee had had this bill under consideration; but it having been referred to them without instructions, and believing that no reductions could be made consistently with the public service, and in the absence of all information to show the propriety of such a reduction, they had come to the determination to report back the bill in the same state in which it had been referred to them. Mr. W. moved to strike out the appropriations for arsenals in Missouri, Arkansas, and at Memphis, Tennessee, the same being included in the arsenal bill just passed; which was agreed to. Mr. SOUTHARD moved to strike out the appropriation of $150,000 for Fort Delaware, and asked the yeas and nays; which were ordered. The question was then taken, and decided as follows: YEAS-Messrs. Brown, Clay, Crittenden, Ewing of Illinois, Hendricks, Leigh, Mangum, Moore, Porter, Preston, Robinson, Ruggles, Southard, Swift, Tipton, Wall--16. NAYS--Messrs. Bayard, Benton, Buchanan, Cuthbert, Davis, Ewing of Ohio, Goldsborough, Grundy, Hubbard, King of Alabama, King of Georgia, Knight, Linn, Nicholas, Page, Rives, Robbins, Tallmadge, Walker, Webster, White, Wright-22. Mr. CRITTENDEN moved to recommit the bill, with instructions to reduce the appropriations to such sum as may be judiciously expended by the 4th of March next. Mr. CLAY made some remarks on the singularity of the committee having reported the bill back without reduction, after the sense of the Senate had been expressed in favor of reduction. In truth, Mr. K. said, the importance of these expenditures was greatly overrated by gentlemen. Wealth was never created in any community by a mere expenditure of money. Jobbers might be enriched by Government expenditures, but communities were only enriched by a steady increase of capital, and permanent investments increasing the quantity of valuable products. He could refer his friend from Missouri to an example, upon a small scale, of a community depending upon Government expenditure alone. He referred to the District of Columbia, whose financial condition the Senator himself had truly stated to be worse than that of ten miles square in any part of the globe, not excepting the deserts of Arabia. He thought uncertain expenditures in this country, where all the population were already well employed, was attended often with injurious rather than beneficial consequences, as the people are too apt to depend on expenditures alone. After referring to the Mr. CLAY asked for what purpose the bill was comsubject of a national foundry, which, he said, he was mitted. Was it to be permitted that a majority of a disposed to vote for, that we might have a national es- committee should overrule the decision of a majority of tablishment of this kind, although we were pressed by the Senate? After the Senator had made the same no necessity on this head, as we could be abundantly statement yesterday, the Senate ordered the recommitsupplied with cannon from the existing private estab-ment, and here, after a few hours, the bill is brought lishments, he concluded by regretting that he could not vote for the bill, in consequence of the objectionable items it contained. The bill was then passed: Yeas 24, nays 15, as follows. YEAS--Messrs. Benton, Black, Brown, Buchanan, Cuthbert, Ewing of Illinois, Grundy, Hendricks, Hubbard, Kent, King of Alabama, Linn, Morris, Nicholas, Page, Rives, Robinson, Ruggles, Tallmadge, Tipton, Walker, Wall, White, Wright--24. NAYS--Messrs. Calhoun, Clay, Crittenden, Davis, Ewing of Ohio, Goldsborough, King of Georgia, Leigh, Mangum, Moore, Preston, Robbins, Southard, Swift, Tomlinson--15. Mr. WRIGHT replied as to the impossibility of the committee having any further information since yesterday, which had not been before the committee for months. back in the same form. After some few remarks from Mr. PRESTON and Mr. WRIGHT, Mr. CLAY said that it had been stated that two thou. sand guns were all that would be required to arm the fortifications, and that we had one thousand eight hundred and eighteen; and, as liberal appropriations had been made in another bill, he could not see the propriety of voting the large sums in this bill. He stated that $200,000 was wanted for the transportation of arms; and a gentleman of responsibility had stated, in the other House, that all the arms in the country could be transported for $25,000. Mr. CALHOUN adverted to the necessity for some SENATE.] Death of James Madison. point at which the accumulation of arms must stop, and when there would be a tremendous reaction, when the losses in consequence of risk, ensurance, impediment, &c., would be infinitely greater than the value of the arms. Mr. CUTHBERT stated his understanding of the feelings and views which influenced the Senate to recommit the bill, and alleged that there was a change of ground, and, of course, in the action of the gentlemen on the other side. He warned them not to incur the suspicion of acting only for the purpose of winning pop ular favor, and to recollect that the verdict of the country had been repeatedly given in favor of the system of defence on which this bill was founded. Mr. PRESTON said that he was in entire ignorance of the matters on which he was now called to vote. He stated what had been for many years the amouut of the annual appropriations for fortifications, and protested against doubling now, when six months of the year had expired. After some further debate, the question was taken on the motion, and decided in the negative: Yeas 18, nays 21. The question was then taken on engrossing the amendment, and ordering the bill to be read a third time, by the following vote: YEAS-Messrs. Bayard, Benton, Black, Brown, Buchanan, Cuthbert, Ewing of Illinois, Grundy, Hendricks, Hubbard, Kent, King of Alabama, Linn, Morris, Nicholas, Niles, Page, Porter, Rives, Robbins, Robinson, Ruggles, Tallmadge, Tipton, Tomlinson, Walker, Webster, White, Wright--28. NAYS--Messrs. Calhoun, Clay, Crittenden, Ewing of Ohio, Leigh, Mangum, Moore, Preston, Southard--9. DEATH OF JAMES MADISON. The following message was received from the Presi dent of the United States, by Mr. DONELSON, his secretary: WASHINGTON, June 30, 1836. To the Senate and House of Representatives: It becomes my painful duty to announce to you the melancholy intelligence of the death of JAMES MADISON, Ex-President of the United States. He departed this life at half past six o'clock, on the morning of the 28th instant, full of years and full of honors. [JUNE 30, 1836. rich blessings which have resulted from its establishment. He was the last surviving signer of that sacred instru ment. Amid the general grief which pervades the nation, may we not indulge one consolation at least, in the hope that his death, whilst adding the last seal to his own fame and glory, will, in some sort, canonize the work of his hands, and surround with a new veneration that precious relic of the wisdom of our departed patriots and sages. But, sir, I will not speak of the public life of Mr. Madison; it is known to us all; it is appreciated by us all. It was my privilege to see and to know him in the scenes of that classic retirement in which he passed the evening of his days. It was there that the mild lustre of his private virtues, which formed the crowning grace of his character, and is the indispensable complement of a true public glory, was seen and felt. But who can paint him there? Who can adequately describe that fascinating suavity of temper and manners, that spirit and grace of conversation so happily blended with the ora cles of philosophy and experience, that amiable and cultivated benevolence, ever watchful of the feelings and comfort of others, even in the minutest trifles, which, together, formed, around the hearth of Montpelier, a group of social virtues and attractions which, however incompetent the powers of language to portray, none who have felt their influence can ever forget? In speaking of these things, Mr. President, I am but too forcibly reminded of my own personal loss in the general and national calamity which we all bewail. I was the neighbor of Mr. Madison, sir, and enjoyed his kindness and friendship; and if, in speaking of a great national bereavement, my mind recurs too fondly to the chasm his death has left in the immediate circle of his friends, something, I trust, will be pardoned to the feelings of the heart. ter. It is my melancholy satisfaction to have received, in all probability, the last letter ever signed by his hand. It bears date only six days before his death, and furnishes, in its contents, a striking illustration of that amiable benevolence, and sensibility to the kindness of others, which formed so prominent a trait in his characIn that letter, which is now before me, he spoke of his enfeebled health; and his trembling and unsteady signature, so much in contrast with the usual firmness I hasten this communication, in order that Congress choly intimation of his approaching end. Still I trusted and regularity of his writing, bore a graphic and melanmay adopt such measures as may be proper to testify that his light might hold out to the 4th of July, that he their sense of the respect which is due to the memory of might be restored on that glorious anniversary to an one whose life has contributed so essentially to the hap-immortal companionship with those great men and papiness and glory of his country, and to the good of man kind. ANDREW JACKSON. Mr. RIVES addressed the Senate as follows: Mr. President, I feel that it would be an act of sacrilegious temerity, were I to attempt to add to the intrinsic pathos of the melancholy intelligence just announced to us by the President of the United States, by any thing in the way of eulogy on the character of the great man whose decease he has communicated to us. The eulogy of Mr. Madison is written in every page of the history of his country, to whose service his whole life was devoted, and with every great event in whose annals his name stands conspicuously and enduringly identified. Filled, however, as his life was, from its dawn to its close, with labors of patriotism and superior wisdom, there is one great work of his which must ever recur prominently to the grateful memory of his country. He was, in an especial manner, the founder and author of that glorious constitution which is the bond of our Union and the charter of our liberties; and it was graciously vouchsafed to him, in the order of providence, to witness, for a longer period than any of his illustrious colleagues, the triots with whom he had been intimately connected in life, and whose coincident deaths, on the birthday of the nation's freedom, had imparted to that day, if possible, an additional and mysterious illustration. But it has been ordered otherwise. His career has been closed at an epoch which, forty-nine years ago, witnessed his most efficient labors in the illustrious assembly which laid the foundations of our present system of Government, and will thus, by the remembrance of his death, as well as by the services of his life, more closely associate him with that great work which is at once the source and the guarantee of his country's happiness and glory. What honors, Mr. President, are there, by which we can do justice to a character which history will hold up to future ages as a model of public and private virtue, not surpassed by the brightest examples in ancient or modern times? Sir, there are none. Still it is proper that, as representatives of the American people, we should show, by some suitable manifestations, how sincerely and deeply we participate in the universal feeling of grief on this mournful occasion; and I move you, therefore, the following resolution: JULY 1, 1836.] Supplementary Deposite Bill-President of the Senate pro tem. Resolved, That a committee be appointed on the part of the Senate, to join such committee as may be appointed on the part of the House, to consider and report by what token of respect and affection it may be proper for the Congress of the United States to express the deep sensibility of the nation to the event of the decease of Mr. Madison, just announced by the President of the United States. The resolution was unanimously adopted; and, On motion of Mr. RIVES, the committee was appointed by the Chair, consisting of the following gentlemen: Messrs. RIVES, CLAY, CALHOUN, GRUNDY, BUCHANAN, LEIGH, and TALLMADGE. SUPPLEMENTARY DEPOSITE BILL. On motion of Mr. WEBSTER, the bill supplementary to an act to regulate the deposites of the public money was taken up for consideration. [This bill goes to authorize the Secretary of the Treasury to transfer money from the deposite banks in any State or Territory to any other deposite bank, when it is necessary to prevent the accumulation of too much of the public money in any one bank.] Mr. MANGUM moved to lay the bill on the table, but withdrew the motion. Mr. WALKER renewed the motion, and it was negatived. The amendment of the committee was concurred in, and the bill was ordered to be engrossed. Mr. MANGUM moved that the Senate take a recess till seven o'clock; which was agreed to. EVENING SESSION. The bill supplemental to the act to regulate the public deposites was read the third time and passed, by yeas and nays, as follows: YEAS-Messrs. Bayard, Buchanan, Clayton, Cuthbert, Davis, Ewing of Ohio, Goldsborough, Hendricks, Kent, King of Alabama, King of Georgia, Linn, Nicholas, Niles, Page, Porter, Preston, Robbins, Robinson, Southard, Swift, Tomlinson, Wall, Wright-24. NAYS-Messrs. Benton, Brown, Mangum, Moore, Walker, White-6. [SENATE. and affection it may be proper for the Congress of the United States to express the deep sensibility of the nation in the event of the decease of Mr. Madison, reported the following resolutions, which were unanimously adopted: "The President of the United States having communicated to the two Houses of Congress the melancholy intelligence of the death of their illustrious fellow-citizen, James Madison, of Virginia, late President of the United States, and the two Houses sharing in the general grief which this distressing event must produce Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the chairs of the President of the Senate and of the Speaker of the House of Representatives be shrouded in black during the residue of the session, and that the President of the Senate, the Speaker of the House of Representatives, and the members and officers of both Houses, wear the usual badge of mourning for thirty days. Resolved, That it be recommended to the people of the United States to wear crape on the left arm, as mourning, for thirty days. Resolved, That the President of the United States be requested to transmit a copy of these resolutions to Mrs. Madison, and to assure her of the profound respect of the two Houses of Congress for her person and character, and of their sincere condolence on the late afflicting dispensation of Providence. After transacting a large amount of other business, principally in relation to bills, The Senate adjourned at about half past 12 o'clock. This flattering manifestation of the confidence and respect of my brother Senators fills my heart with the liveliest sensibility. To be called to preside over the deliberations of the Senate of the United States, distinguished as it is for intelligence, moral worth, and a patriotic devotion to the principles of liberty, is an honor of which the first in this land might be justly proud. I shall enter, gentlemen, upon the discharge of the duties which your kindness has devolved upon me, with the determination to discharge them zealously, faithfully, and impartially. I am, however, fully aware that, unless I am sustained by the Senate, all my efforts correctly and usefully to discharge them must prove vain and fruitless; but the order, the decorum, which has heretofore so eminently distinguished the Senate of the United States; the courtesy and good feeling which has uniformly marked the official and social intercourse of its members, gives to me the strongest assurance that I may confidently rely on their kindness and support. I earnestly request honorable Senators to make proper allowances for the errors into which I may occasionally fall, and to aid me in correctthem. Mr. RIVES, from the select committee appointed to meet such committee as might be appointed by the other House to consider and report by what token of respecting Mr. PRESTON moved the Senate to take up the resolution of the Committee on Foreign Relations on the subject of Texas. [JULY 1, 1836. ment, carried even to the point of timidity in reference Mexico had never exercised the power of government Mr. PRESTON made some remarks, in the course of which he stated that he had with difficulty restrained himself from offering an amendment to recognise the independence of Texas immediately. He gave a brief narrative of the events of the revolution in Texas, and pressed in the report of the committee, and congratu Mr. BUCHANAN concurred in every sentiment exstated that he had this morning received authentic infor-lated the Senate on the spectacle exhibited by the peomation, in the form of a letter from Mr. Austin, which ple of the United States, who, although operated upon confirms the statement that General Filasola had carried by the strongest feelings of indignation at the outrageous into effect the armistice agreed on between the Texian Government and Santa Anna. conduct of the Mexicans, had confined themselves within This treaty Mr. P. regarded as amounting to a recognition on the part of that any disadvantage could result to Texas from a little the limits of our established policy. He did not perceive Mexico of the independence of Texas. The Vice Presi- delay, now that she is in the full tide of her prosperity. dent of Texas was about to proceed to Vera Cruz, to enforce from the mouths of the Texian guns the conclusion of a definitive treaty of peace between the two countries. Mr. P. continued, at some length, to expatiate on the situation and achievements and claims of Texas, and adverted to certain treaty stipulations with Mexico concerning the Indians west of the Sabine, which stipulations it would only be in the power of Texas now to carry into effect. He concluded with offering to amend the resolution by adding an expression of the gratification which the Senate felt on hearing of the course taken by the President of the United States to obtain information of the situation of Texas. of the discussion; stated that he had hoped we shoud be Mr. CALHOUN congratulated the Senate on the tone ready to recognise Texas before now; but under existing circumstances, he thought we should only go at present so far as the report and resolution contemplate. Mr. NILES said that he did not wish to prolong the subject, he felt it a duty to express his approbation of debate; yet, from the relation in which he stood to the the resolution which had been reported by the Commitviews of the committee. He thought they had gone tee on Foreign Affairs. He fully concurred in the far enough, and had stopped at the proper point. He had on a former occasion expressed the opinion that it dependence of Texas at this time, and he had seen nothwould be premature unqualifiedly to recognise the in of Texas, there are two points of investigation: the first, of the propriety of the recognition of the independence whether the people of that portion of the country are in fact an independent and distinct community, exercising ther there are reasonable grounds to believe that they the powers of self-government; and, the second, wheare in a condition to maintain their independence. Mr. CLAY said he had no objection to the amendment, as it is in consonance with the tone of the report.ing to change this opinion. In determining the question He did not agree that the fact of a new State having expelled her enemy, or having even captured the head of the hostile force, was, of itself, sufficient to warrant a recognition of her independence as one of the family of nations. In reference to the remark of the Senator that Texas only could carry into effect the treaty we have negotiated with Mexico, (Mr. C. said,) no principle in the law of nations was more settled than that the branches of a nation were bound to fulfil the stipulations of a treaty made by the head; and Texas was now as much bound by the treaty with Mexico, as was Mexico herself. We are bound to have some sympathy with the people of Mexico, while we heap indignities upon the vainglorious and cruel tyrant Santa Anna; and he hoped that this would be a cherished feeling towards the eight millions of the people of Mexico, and that we would wait so long as to give them an opportunity, in the first place, to recognise the independence of Texas, by the treaty which the Senator had said the Vice President of Texas was on his way to Vera Cruz to conclude. This would be the course most glorious and most advantageous to Texas. If he were to yield to his own feelings merely, he might be inclined not only to recognise Texas, but to go still farther to promote the interests of those who are struggling for their freedom. As soon as the information desired by the President should be obtained, (and the sooner the better,) he hoped the President would take that course which would be most in conformity with the feelings of the American people. Mr. WEBSTER added a few words to express his entire acquiescence in the resolution of the committee and the amendment. He was willing to go so far as to vote funds to enable the President to send out a proper minister. But against a direct recognition he thought there existed strong objections. It was the proper function of the President to take the lead in this matter. He was of the opinion that the recency of the revolution was an objection to immediate recognition. Time was expedient where the object was not of peculiar urgency. He adverted to the generally cautious policy of our Govern In relation to the first question, there was no difficul ty; the dominion of Mexico over Texas is completely and effectually overthrown, and the people have estabfounded on liberal principles, similar to those forming lished a constitution and Government for themselves, the basis of our own institutions. They are at this time selves, and managing their own affairs. This elevated de facto a free and independent State, governing themposition, and the rights pertaining to it, no people have stronger claims to; they have been achieved and won by their valor, sacrifices, and sufferings, almost unparalleled in so short a contest. liberty and independence, they have contended against Animated by a spirit of fearful odds, with courage and determination that could hardly fail of success, and which led to the glorious victory of Saint Jacinto--a victory not surpassed in the records of modern warfare. By this single victory, not only the power of the Mexican chief was overthrown, but that of the Mexican nation, which still acknowledges him as at the head of its Government. Texas is now free and independent; she has thrown off the dominion of Mexico, and stands forth to the world extend our arms to receive and embrace her as a memas a separate and sovereign State. But before we can isfied that she is capable of maintaining the high attitude ber of the family of nations, we must be reasonably satshe has assumed; we must look not only to her military power, but to the number and condition of her people. Has she a population, has she resources, sufficient to sustain the rank and character of an independent State? perhaps exceed sixty thousand; and in the whole terriHer population is limited; in Texas proper it does not tory, including the State of Cohuihui, less than two hun dred thousand. This, it must be confessed, is a small population for an independent State; but it is to be remembered that all power is relative; and, in judging of the capacity of the Texians to sustain themselves as an independent people, we must also look to the condition and strength of Mexico. It is well known that the republic of Mexico, if such it can be called, has for more than twenty years been agitated and distracted by successive revolutions; that the power has been transferred from one chief to another, according to the fortune of war, or the success of the intrigues and ambitious schemes of political aspirants. In these protracted struggles, and almost continuous civil broils, the nation has become enfeebled and exhausted, and the people impoverished and plundered by the rapacity of the chiefs and military rulers. Although possessed of a considerable population, Mexico is a weak and feeble State. She has no navy, and possesses none of the elements for constructing one. The physical position and advantages of a State form an important element in its means and capacity of defence. On the Rio del Norte there is a desert of sixty miles in breadth, which seems to be a natural barrier that separates the southern from the northern portion of the Mexican territory. Or it may become the barrier and natural boundary between two great nations on this continent; the one extending south to the isthmus of Darien, the other embracing the whole country north. If Texas is a small community for an independent State, it is to be borne in mind that there are many small independent States in Europe, surrounded by the most powerful nations; such are Portugal, Switzerland, and others. However small a State may be, yet if it have asserted and established its independence, and from physical or other causes, or the weakness of the Power claiming dominion over it, it is able to maintain it, the small amount of its population, and its weakness, as compared with the large Powers of the earth, form no objections to its being recognised and received into the family of nations. The same principles of justice and of national law apply to a small State as to a large one. In either case the question is, is it in fact independent? Is it in the possession of a Government and civil constitution, and in a condition to maintain them? In estimating the capacity of Texas to sustain the attitude she has assumed in relation to Mexico, we must not overlook the character of her population, a large portion of them having been emigrants from the United States, enterprising and enlightened. The intelligence, the physical and moral energies, of a people are of more importance than their numbers. How many Mexicans are equal to one Texian? Let the victory of Saint Jacinto answer. Mr. N. said he would not touch on the ulterior questions connected with this subject; and he regretted that the honorable Senator from South Carolina [Mr. CALHOUN] had alluded to the annexation of Texas to the United States. When considering the question of her independence, he thought it should be kept free from even any suggestions regarding the probable future destiny of that country. It might occasion suspicions injurious to the honor and purity of our conduct, to connect any views of ultimate aggrandizement or accession of territory with the question of doing justice to a brave people upon our borders struggling for their rights. Whatever may be the ultimate destiny of that country, or its influence on that of this republic, he was not disposed to inquire on this occasion, as no considerations of that character ought to influence us, either to grant or withhold a recognition. Whether it would be for the interest and safety of the United States to purchase Texas, was a question that he did not wish to see connected with the one before the Senate; that question, [SENATE. should it ever arise, would probably be found beset with many difficulties, and may excite a deep conflict of feelings. He would only say, that destiny, which no legislative foresight or human sagacity can control, had no doubt intimately connected Texas with the United States. Nothing can be more clear than this. She is upon our borders, and is and will be settled by citizens of this Union, speaking our own language, carrying with them the spirit of our free institutions, and the same love of liberty glowing in their hearts. Destiny had established intimate political connexion between the United States and Texas; but what that relation would be, whether that territory would be annexed to this Union, and form one or more States, or whether it would exist as an independent nation under the protection of the United States, time only could determine. Such political relations were not incompatible with the rights of sovereignty and independence, and have long existed between England and Portugal. That Texas would be able to sustain the attitude she had assumed, he had little doubt; yet the recency of events there required that we should not be precipitate; time alone could test the stability and true condition of affairs in that country. He did not, however, concur with the honorable Senator from Pennsylvania, [Mr. BuCHANAN] that a recognition on the part of this Government at this time would not benefit Texas. He thought such an act would have great influence on her affairs; it would give them an impetus, powerful and irresistible; it would be the signal for the bold and enterprising citizens of the United States to rush like a swelling flood into that country, to share in the toils, the glory, and the rewards, of the contest which is going on. But the very fact that an unqualified recognition of the independence of Texas would exert so potent an influence in her cause, is a strong reason against such a measure in the present unsettled state of the contest. It might throw a suspicion upon our neutrality, if an act of this Government should have a direct agency in effecting the independence of a country lying upon our borders, and which may hereafter be annexed to our territory. The resolutions now before us, containing a qualified recognition, will no doubt have a favorable and salutary influence on the cause of Texian independence and liberty. It will be a voice from a great, free, and kindred people, which cannot fail to cheer, animate, and encourage the brave men on our southern border, who have shown themselves so deserving of freedom and so capable of maintaining it. This voice will reverberate throughout the Union, and its influence will not be slow nor small on our own citizens. Aroused by a spirit of liberty and enterprise, a strong current is setting that way, and its course will be onward, strong, and irresistible. If the adoption of these resolutions shall contribute to give a favorable impulsation to the cause of Texas, he should rejoice at it; for so far as it is right for this Government to go, without being exposed to the slightest imputation of an improper interference or a disregard of the strictest obligations of neutrality, so far he was prepared to go. He would scrupulously guard the national honor and faith, and strictly adhere to those principles of action which have ever controlled the course of this Government in its connexions with other nations; but these resolutions will not conflict with those principles, whilst I think they may have a favorable and salutary influence on the cause of Texian independence and freedom. He hoped they would be adopted with perfect unanimity. Mr. SOUTHARD said: Mr. President, the opinion and wishes expressed by the Senator from South Carolina [Mr. CALHOUN] induce me to say a few words before the vote is taken. I am willing to give my assent to the resolution presented for our consideration by the Committee on Foreign Rela |