existence of these memorials. They would be sent to members there; and, judging from what he felt to be his own duty, he apprehended that other gentlemen would also feel it to be their duty to present them. He asked, then, that they would show the South fairly the principles they maintained, by referring this and all similar petitions and memorials, either to the Committee on the District of Columbia, or to some special committee, with instructions to report. They did not doubt what would be the nature of the report, and he apprehended he ran no risk in pledging himself that there was not a man in that House but would give his sanction to a report that should put this question forever at rest; silence the fanatics on the one hand, and satisfy our brethren of the South on the other. He would again assure gentlemen that the feeling of the North was entirely sound and healthy on this subject. This was not the first public occasion on which Mr. H. had avowed the feelings he entertained on this question. He had avowed them on other occasions; and in the great meeting at Utica, to which allusion had been made, he had done all he could, although he took not such a prominent part as his honorable colleague over the way, [Mr. BEARDSLEY.] But to ask him to vote for the rejection of this petition, was to ask him to do what seemed to him not a proper and respectful course, if he might be permitted to use that term. With a view of enabling other gentlemen who might have similar memorials to present, to pursue the course their own sense of duty directed, and with a view of carrying out the action of the House in a way which might speak to the nation unanimously on this question, through the report of some proper committee, Mr. H. said he should be constrained to vote against the motion then under consideration. Late as it was, an enfeebled as he was, yet he would not permit his vote to be recorded on the question without briefly explaining his views.

Mr. GLASCOCK said it must be gratifying to every individual to have listened to the remarks made by the honorable gentleman from New York, [Mr. HUNT,] who had just taken his seat; and he believed it must be equally gratifying to every portion of the House to have been placed in possession of his views upon this question, though a large portion of them must differ with the gentleman in regard to the policy he thinks ought to be adopted in relation to it. The discussion that had taken place to-day, Mr. G. had no hesitation in saying, would be bailed in the South as the greatest omen that the permanency of this great and glorious Union was about to be secured; and, for one coming from that section of the country, he hesitated not to believe that the honest difference of opinion that did exist, was an honest difference of opinion only as to the manner and mode in which this question should be settled. For one, he believed the motion of the gentleman from South Carolina to be one that would be approved, at least the best approved, by that portion of the people from whom he came. He admitted it was the constitutional right of every citizen of the country to petition this and the other branch of the Legislature. It was a feature in the constitution itself, and it was an inseparable privilege, which he believed no individual who advocated this motion had pretended to deny. But he contended that, whenever the petition was brought forward, that very moment the constitutional requisite had been complied with, and it then became the duty of the House to treat it as its merits deserved. Now, he would appeal to the gentleman himself, and ask him whether there be not in that petition language which calls upon the House to frown upon it with indignation? He would ask if there be not charges in it that called for the unanimous voice of reprobation of those opposed to it? He would to God that he could act on this occasion with the gentle.

[H. of R.

man; but the proper course to be pursued in relation to the petition was to reject it; and in rejecting it, he could not for himself believe that a similar petition would again be presented for the consideration of that body. With due deference to the opinions of those who represent States, some few of whom might be favorable to the principles contained in the petition, it would, in his humble conception, be virtually a disrespect to the majority, either way, who might vote to reject or to receive, afterwards to vote to lay it on the table; and he wished, therefore, to avoid this by bringing the question at once and directly to bear upon the motion to reject it.

But there was another reason, which he would suggest to the consideration of the House. They would not be deprived of meeting the question fully, freely, and deliberately, hereafter. What did the President recommend in his annual message? He recommended to the consideration of that House the prohibition of, or some law to prevent, the circulation of these incendiary publications through the Post Office Department. Then they would have an opportunity of expressing fully their views in relation to this matter. It was then he expected again to hear the voice of that gentleman in vindication of the views he had now taken. Then he trusted they would have but one voice throughout that House; and when that vote should be received, the South would be secure in their lives, their property, and their rights. It would be then they might say this republic is safe; then every thing like disunion would be quieted, and, he trusted, forever.

Mr. SUTHERLAND believed, he said, that no man in that House, who had known him for any length of time, could doubt his feelings upon this question. He came from a section of country that was exceedingly anxious to allay, as far as possible, all kinds of excite ment upon a question so agitating to the South. He came there prepared, as far as he could, to vote upon that question; and he trusted that, when the time came to meet it, it would be met in a manner the great interests connected with it demanded. But he would say, in advance, that he was not quite satisfied with some of the feelings expressed from certain quarters of this country to-day in that House. They were bound by all the ties that kept the Union together to meet this question freely and boldly, to throw aside every prejudice, and sacrifice it upon the altar, for their country's good; and it did not become them to excite each other by any kind of language.

Mr. S. lived in a State, he said, once a slaveholding State, and which had been one of the first to abolish slavery, having found it expedient to start early in this question. He lived in a State, too, where they as sincerely and honestly regarded the rights of the South as any other State in the Union. And he came especially from a district that he knew-and if he could use stronger language he would-that he knew utterly despised and detested the whole question of a prompt and speedy abolition of slavery in the South. He knew that he spoke their voice when he said he was prepared to go all the lengths that honor and justice should require at his hands. While he admitted so much, he also looked at this: that the constitution guarantied to us all the right to send our petitions to that House. But he went further, and took the other side of the question: that if that petition be not draughted in the style in which it ought to be, or if it be even inflammatory in its nature, and calculated to excite the feelings, why, then, he would throw it out, because they were assembled there fairly and dispassionately to meet this question. He would neither allow the high feelings of the South to disturb him in his judgment, nor the high feelings of the North, who were some of them anxious to run all

lengths, and some of them to cast the firebrand of slavery and abolition into that House. Now, on the question under consideration, he went with the gentleman from Georgia, [Mr. GLASCOCK,] that if there was any thing in that paper that did not comport with the dignity and respect of the House, vote for its rejection, come from where it might. But, at the same time, Mr. S. always held himself bound to vote for every petition sent there in a proper style and language, on any and every question, be it what it might, from any quarter of the nation. Mr. S. did not rise, he said, so much with a view of making these remarks, but to state a fact of which the House was probably not aware before the last vote was taken on this question. He would state to the House that it had already, that day, that very morning, referred a memorial upon this very question to the Committee on the District of Columbia; and the Chair would state whether he was correct or not.

The SPEAKER stated the fact to be so, and that he had conferred with the gentleman from Massachusetts [Mr. BRIGGS] who presented the petition, informing him that it was the intention of the Chair to call the attention of the House to it. It was doubtless through inadvertence that the members of the House did not generally hear it; but the Chair intended to have made a statement of the fact to the House, and he so informed the

mover.

Mr. HAMMOND said the presentation of the petition had escaped him, or he should have made the same motion with regard to that, which he did with reference to the other.

Mr. PATTON then moved to reconsider the vote by which the memorial presented by Mr. BRIGGS was referred.

Mr. BRIGGS suggested it would be better to postpone the consideration of it till the one before the House to-day was disposed of; which was agreed to.

Mr. EVERETT moved that the House adjourn. Mr. HAWKINS called for the yeas and nays, but the House refused to order them; and tellers being appointed, the ayes were 120, noes not counted. So the House adjourned till Monday.

MONDAY, DECEMBER 21.

SUFFERERS BY FIRE IN NEW YORK. Mr. CAMBRELENG rose, he said, to throw himself on the indulgence of the House, for the purpose of asking what he was sure would be granted—the unanimous consent of the House to report a bill from the Committee of Ways and Means, for the relief of the sufferers by the late fire in the city of New York.

Mr. JARVIS moved a suspension of the rule, so as to permit any of the committees to make reports; and it was agreed to.

Mr. CAMBRELENG, from the Committee of Ways and Means, then presented the following correspondence, report, and bill:

TREASURY Department,

December 19, 1835. SIR: I enclose, herewith, a copy of a communication received this morning from the collector of the customs at New York, and of my reply to it; and I venture to express a hope that all due indulgence will be extended by Congress to the sufferers who are indebted to the United States.

I remain, very respectfully,
Your obedient servant,

LEVI WOODBURY,
Secretary of the Treasury.

The Hon. C. C. CAMBRELENG,
Ch. Com. of Ways and Means.

[DEC. 21, 1835.

COLLECTOR'S OFFICE, half past 2 o'clock,

New York, December 17, 1835.

DEAR SIR: Last night, between eight and nine o'clock, a fire broke out near the merchants' exchange, and is still raging most violently, although the firemen have got it under control. By this disastrous visitation, between four and five hundred buildings have been destroyed, and goods and other effects to the amount of from fifteen to twenty millions of dollars. This calamity falls principally upon the heavy importing merchants; and they must unquestionably become greatly embar rassed, and many of them ruined.

The bonds of these individuals must be dishonored; all business is suspended, and our city, from being the seat of prosperity and wealth, within twenty-four hours, is now the abode of sorrow and despondency. It was thought, at first, that the bonds which should not be paid, owing to the consternation and confusion which prevail at present, might be held subject to your de cision upon the matter; but, upon more mature reflection, I have determined that I cannot, in any way, or under any circumstances, deviate from the course laid down by the law. Consequently I shall hand them over to the district attorney, as usual, trusting and believing that Congress will forthwith take some action on the subject of this heavy calamity.

The merchants' exchange and post office being destroyed, I have caused temporary accommodations to be erected in the inspector's rooms, attached to this office, for the accommodation of the latter, until better can be procured elsewhere. The effects of the post office were all saved from injury.

This office was in the greatest danger for a long time, as was one half of the city. But I did not remove an article, but was prepared to save every thing had it

been necessary.

I am, dear sir, with the greatest respect, Your obedient servant, SAMUEL SWARTWOUT, Collector. Hon. LEVI WOODBURY,

Secretary of the Treasury, Washington, D. C.

From the Secretary of the Treasury to the Collector at New York.

TREASURY DEPARTMENT,

December 19, 1835.

DEAR SIR: Your letter of the 17th instant, communicating the disastrous intelligence concerning the late fire in the city of New York, has been received.

I hardly need assure you that, under this great calamity, your citizens shall have extended to them, from this Department, every indulgence which their misfortunes require, and which the laws and official duty will permit me to render.

I therefore approve of your course in furnishing temporary accommodations for the post office, and have sanctioned the proposal of the marshal to tender also for the same purpose the use of the rooms in the City Hall now occupied by the United States courts.

In respect to delay in the collection of bonds, or to remissions or reductions of duties in certain cases, they both deserve very favorable consideration. But as you remark concerning your own power about the former, it may be added as to my power about both, that the acts of Congress now give me no control over the subject. I do not doubt, however, that the subject will be taken up by Congress on Monday, and some expression of its views soon given, and, in the mean time, I do not hesitate to believe that you and the district attorney would be sustained and justified if, in the exercise of a sound discretion under this afflicting emergency, you

P. S. The Solicitor of the Treasury will be requested to write to a similar effect to-day to the district attorney, in regard to the bonds.

The Secretary of the Treasury having transmitted to the Committee of Ways and Means a letter from the collector of the port of New York, giving an account of the late disastrous conflagration at that place, and representing the entire suspension of credit and prostration of trade, the committee respectfully submit the following report:

Deeply sympathizing with the immediate and several sufferers by a great national calamity, the Committee of Ways and Means lost no time in considering the communication of the Secretary of the Treasury. The disaster is of an unparalleled character, and its consequences must be felt by every interest and every quarter of the Union. An exercise of all the constitutional powers of the Federal Government is in this instance demanded, not only by the highest considerations of national policy and justice, but prompt measures are essentially necessary to the collection of the revenue in every part of the Union to the public interest in every branch of the national expenditure, and to arrest, or at least to diminish, the calamitous effects of the late conflagration on all interests, and in every section of the country.

In considering what measures were best calculated to moderate the shock upon the trade, revenue, and industry of the country, three propositions were suggested, viz: the extension of the credit on bonds due from those who have suffered by the late fire, three, four, and five years-placing the vast surplus revenues of the country where they may be more actively and extensively employed, in our cities, in extending relief to the embarrassed and impoverished debtors of Government, and remitting the duty on all merchandise destroyed in original packages. The committee submit a bill embracing the first two propositions. The first provision is in accordance with the practice of Government heretofore; the second, while it will most extensively relieve the immediate wants of trade, and aid in reviving the energies of the commercial capital of the Union, cannot diminish in any manner the security of Government, or embarrass the operations of the Treasury. The question of remitting duties on property destroyed was also considered by the committee, but appearing to require previous examination and more deliberation, and not wishing to delay the proposed measures of relief, it was not finally acted on.

A BILL for the relief of the sufferers by fire in the city

of New York.

Whereas various persons are indebted to the United States for duties on merchandise, for which bonds have been given, with one or more sureties, payable to the collector for the district of New York, and the said persons have suffered a loss of property by the late conflagration at that place,

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the collector of the port of New York be, and he is hereby, authorized, as he may deem best calculated to secure the interests of the United States, to cause to be extended (with the assent of the sureties

thereon) the time of the payment of all bonds heretofore given for duties as aforesaid, to periods not exceeding an average of three, four, and five years; or to allow the said bonds to be cancelled upon giving to the said collector new bonds, with one or more sureties, to the satisfaction of the said collector, for the sums of the former bonds, respectively payable in average periods of three, four, and five years, from and after the day of payment specified in the bonds to be taken up or cancelled as aforesaid. And the said collector is hereby authorized and directed to give up or cancel all such bonds upon the receipt of others described in this act; which last-mentioned bonds shall be proceeded with, in all respects, like other bonds which are taken by collectors for duties due to the United States: Provided, however, That nothing in this act contained shall extend to bonds which had fallen due before the 17th day of the present month.

SEC. 2. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That the Secretary of the Treasury be, and he is hereby, authorized and directed to transfer to such banks as he may select any surplus moneys of the Government, or any part thereof, which may not be required for the public service, and to permit the same to remain in such banks for twelve months from the passage of this act.

After the reading of this bill, Mr. CAMBRELENG said there was another subject before the committee which was not definitively acted on, viz: the remission of duties on goods destroyed, which required more examination and deliberation. This subject was brought before the committee by the letter from the Secretary of the Treasury, transmitting letters from the collector of the port of New York. He would not detain the House by any remarks on the subject now, and merely remarking that it was with infinite regret, for the cause of it, that he found himself called upon, as the first act in his new situation, to bring in a bill of this description, he would ask the indulgence of the House to take up the subject to-morrow.

The bill was read twice, and committed to the Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union.

Mr. McKEON hoped, he said, that the bill would be acted on speedily, and the committee would soon report on the proposition to remit the duties.

Mr. CAMBRELENG stated, as the bill was in the Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union, it could be taken up at any time after the papers were printed.

SLAVERY IN THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA.

The House resumed the consideration of the petition from sundry inhabitants of the town of Wrentham, in Massachusetts, praying the abolition of slavery and the slave trade in the District of Columbia.

The motion to reject the petition still pending, Mr. OWENS rose to address the House; but Mr. PINCKNEY expressed a hope that the subject would be suspended, in order to present petitions and

memorials.

Mr. OWENS said he would with great pleasure accede to the wish of the gentleman from South Carolina, if the matter itself was not a matter of very great import. He rose for the purpose of endeavoring to reconcile the conflicting opinions of gentlemen on all sides, and to submit certain propositions, which, he trusted, if the House would accept, would put to rest this agitating, delicate, and dangerous question. It was useless for him to regret that this question had been brought be fore the House. It was useless to regret that this question had been the subject of discussion. The apple of discord had been thrown into the House. It had not been done by the South. But it was there, and the House

H. OF R.]

must meet it-the House must handle it. But he did regret-he deeply deplored-the manner in which the debate on it had been conducted. It was not calculated to do any good, but was well calculated to produce antisocial as well as hostile feelings. Nor did he agree with some gentlemen in their remarks that the South asked no aid from the North. On the contrary, he would say that the South did ask aid from the North, and the North wanted aid from the South. Their wants were reciprocal, and it was these wants that produced our confederacy. It was these wants that had cemented our Union; and it was the increase of these wants that would give perpetuity-nay, immortality-to it. The propositions he wished to submit to the House, he did trust, and confidently believed, the honorable mover of the original proposition would accept and support, and that the House itself would give a warm and cordial support. The propositions he intended to submit were couched in language as strong, if not stronger, than the original motion, and they were more extended in their operation. It was not to meet the question on this petition alone, but to meet the question, come in what shape it might. It was to operate upon all petitions that might come with the same tendency or object; nay, in one word, it was to grapple with the subject itself. He perfectly agreed with the advocates of the original motion, that this was a measure that required a bold, a prompt, and decisive expression of opinion from that House. The South required it; the country required it. It could not be blinked. It could not be evaded by legislative finesse. It ought not to be eluded by technical objections. He therefore reiterated that he confidently expected those gentlemen, as lovers of their country, and well-wishers of the peace and safety of the land, would support his resolution with warmth. He had, also, no doubt that those gentlemen whose sense of delicacy suggested constitutional objections to the rejection of petitions, would support the propositions he should have the honor to submit to the House, because they would find that these propositions were free from that objection. He admitted, in the fullest latitude, the constitutional right to petition, what was termed the sacred right of petitioning, but he hoped he might add, without offence, that, from the evidence he had of its abuse, a good man might doubt whether the good compensated for the evil, if the evil were not temporary, and the good permanent and lasting. There was another class of individuals to whom he would address himself. It was those who, in all probability, would be for the principles contained in the petition.

[DEC. 21, 1835.

harbinger of peace, the rainbow that would dissipate the clouds and darkness now resting on the land. With these views, and under the operations of these feelings, he would move the House to lay the original proposi tion of the gentleman from South Carolina [Mr. HAMMOND] on the table, together with every matter connected with it, so as to enable him to submit his propositions to the House.

Mr. OWENS then sent the following resolutions to the Chair, which were read.

Resolved, That, in the opinion of this House, the question of the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia ought not to be entertained by Congress.

And be it further resolved, That in case any petitions praying the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia be hereafter presented, it is the deliberate opinion of this House that the same ought to be laid on the table without reading.

Mr. OWENS expressed the hope that the resolutions would be accepted by the gentleman from South Carolina, in lieu of his motion to reject the petition.

Mr. HAMMOND was very sorry, he said, that he could not accept the proposition, and he hoped the gen. tleman from Georgia would withdraw his motion.

Mr. WISE proposed to amend the first resolution by adding, "because Congress has no power to legislate on it under the constitution of the United States;" and to amend the second by striking out all after the word "Resolved," and inserting, "that this House will not receive any future memorials on that subject," adding that with these modifications, he would vote for the resolutions.

Mr. OWENS declined the acceptance of the amendments as modifications of his resolutions.

Mr. PATTON asked what would be the consequence of laying the motion on the table? Would the resolutions of the gentleman from Georgia then be in order?

The CHAIR replied that they would not. It would be in order to move to suspend the rule, to allow him to move them, or, when the States were called for resolutions, they might be offered without suspension of the rule.

Mr. J. Q. ADAMS rose to inquire what was the state of this question; and he asked from confessed ignorance of what the question was. On the last day, when the subject was debated, such a variety of motions was following each other in rapid succession, and apparently without object or order, that he had entirely lost the train of them. A memorial for the abolition of slavery and the slave trade, in the District of Columbia, was presented by an honorable colleague of his, [Mr. JACKSON,] who moved its reference to the Committee on the District of Columbia, or a select committee.

The SPEAKER here reminded the gentleman that the motion before the House allowed of no discussion, and said he would state the question.

Mr. ADAMS asked if a similar petition, presented by another of his colleagues, was not, on the same day, referred to the Committee on the District of Columbia, and whether the subject was not, therefore, actually before that committee.

The SPEAKER replied in the affirmative; but stated that a motion to reconsider the vote of reference was pend

tion of the House. A memorial was presented, and three motions made in regard to it: one to commit, another to lay on the table, and a third to reject. The motion now before the House was to lay the petition, and all the motions pending in reference to it, on the table.

The question being taken on the motion to lay the petition, and all the motions relating to it, on the table, it was decided in the affirmative: Yeas 140, nays 76, as follows:

YEAS-Messrs. Chilton Allan, Anthony, Ashley, Barton, Beale, Bean, Beardsley, Beaumont, Bockee, Boon, Bovee, Boyd, Brown, Buchanan, Burns, Cambreleng, Carr, Carter, Casey, George Chambers, Chaney, Chapman, Chapin, Cleveland, Coffee, Coles, Craig, Cramer, Cushman, Davis, Deberry, Dickerson, Doubleday, Dromgoole, Efner, Fairfield, Farlin, Forester, French, Fry, William K. Fuller, Galbraith, James Garland, Gillet, Grantland, Graves, Haley, Hamer, Hannegan, Hardin, Harlan, Samuel S. Harrison, Albert G. Harrison, Hawkins, Haynes, Henderson, Holsey, Hopkins, Howard, Howell, Hubley, Huntington, Huntsman, Ingersoll, Ingham, Jabez Jackson, Jarvis, Joseph Johnson, Richard M. Johnson, Cave Johnson, John W. Jones, Benjamin Jones, Judson, Kilgore, Kinnard, Klingensmith, Lane, Lansing, Laporte, Gideon Lee, Joshua Lee, Thomas Lee, Leonard, Logan, Loyall, Lucas, Lyon, Abijah Mann, Job Mann, Martin, John Y. Mason, William Mason, Moses Mason, Samson Mason, May, McComas, McKeon, McKim, McLene, Mercer, Miller, Montgomery, Morgan, Muhlenberg, Owens, Page, Parks, Patterson, Franklin Pierce, Phelps, Pinckney, Rencher, John Reynolds, Joseph Reynolds, Ripley, Roane, Rogers, Schenck, Seymour, William B. Shepard, Augustine H. Shepperd, Shinn, Smith, Spangler, Sutherland, Taliaferro, Taylor, Thomas, John Thomson, Toucey, Turrill, Underwood, Vanderpoel, Wagener, Ward, Wardwell, Webster, Weeks, Lewis Williams, Sherrod Williams-140.

NAYS-Messrs. Adams, Heman Allen, Bailey, Bell, Bond, Borden, Bouldin, Briggs, Bunch, William B. Calhoun, Campbell, John Chambers, Childs, Claiborne, Clark, Connor, Crane, Cushing, Darlington, Denny, Dunlap, Evans, Everett, Fowler, Philo C. Fuller, Rice Garland, Glascock, Graham, Granger, Grayson, Grennell, Griffin, Joseph Hall, Hiland Hall, Hammond, Hard, Harper, Hazeltine, Hiester, Hoar, Hunt, William Jackson, Janes, Henry Johnson, Lawler, Lawrence, Lay, Luke Lea, Lincoln, Love, Maury, McCarty, McKay, McKennan, Milligan, Morris, Parker, Patton, Dutee J. Pearce, James A. Pearce, Pettigrew, Pickens, Potts, Reed, Robertson, Russell, Shields, Slade, Sloane, Sprague, Stande fer, Storer, Waddy Thompson, White, Whittlesey, Wise-76.

So the petition, and all the motions depending thereon, were ordered to lie upon the table.

Mr. OWENS moved that the rules of the House be suspended, in order to allow him to offer the resolutions he had already indicated to the House; on which he asked for the yeas and nays, and they were ordered. The question being taken, it was decided in the negative: Yeas 100, nays 115, as follows:

YEAS--Messrs. Barton, Bean, Beardsley, Boon, Boyd, Burns, Cambreleng, Campbell, Chaney, Claiborne, Cleveland, Coffee, Coles, Connor, Cramer, Cushman, Deberry, Dickerson, Doubleday, Dromgoole, Dunlap, Farlin, Forester, French, Fry, W. K. Fuller, James Garland, Rice Garland, Gillet, Glascock, Graham, Grantland, Graves, Grayson, Griffin, Joseph Hall, Hamer, Hammond, Hannegan, Albert G. Harrison, Hawkins, Haynes, Holsey, Hopkins, Howard, Huntington, Huntsman, Jabez Jackson, Jarvis, Cave Johnson, Henry Johnson, John W. Jones, Benjamin Jones, Lansing, Joshua Lee, Luke Lea, Loyall, Lucas, Lyon, Abijah Mann, Martin, John Y. Mason, William Mason, May, McKay, McKeon, McKim, McLene, Mercer, Montgome ry, Muhlenberg, Owens, Page, Parks, Patterson, Patton, Franklin Pierce, James A. Pearce, Pettigrew, Pickens, Pinckney, Joseph Reynolds, Ripley, Roane, Robertson, Rogers, Seymour, William B. Shepard, Shields, Storer, Taylor, Thomas, Waddy Thompson, Toucey, Towns, Turrill, Vanderpool, Ward, Weeks, Wise--100.

NAYS--Messrs. Adams, C. Allan, H. Allen, Anthony, Ashley, Bailey, Beale, Beaumont, Bell, Bockee,

|

[H. OF R.

Bond, Borden, Bouldin, Bovee, Briggs, Brown Buchanan, Bunch, W. B. Calhoun, Carr, Carter, Casey, George Chambers, John Chambers, Chapin, Childs, Clark, Craig, Crane, Cushing, Darlington, Davis, Denny, Evans, Everett, Fairfield, Fowler, Philo C. Fuller, Galbraith, Granger, Grennell, Haley, H. Hall, Hard, Hardin, Harlan, Harper, Samuel S. Harrison, Hazeltine, Henderson, Hiester, Hoar, Howell, Hubley, Hunt, Ingersoll, Ingham, W. Jackson, Janes, J. Johnson, R. M. Johnson, Judson, Kilgore, Kinnard, Klingensmith, Lane, Laporte, Lawler, Lawrence, Lay, Thomas Lee, Leonard, Lincoln, Logan, Love, Job Mann, M. Mason, S. Mason, Maury, McCarty, McComas, McKennan, Miller, Milligan, Morgan, Morris, Parker D. J. Pearce, Phelps, Potts, Reed, Rencher, John Reynolds, Russell, Schenck, A. H. Shepperd, Shinn, Slade, Sloane, Smith, Spangler, Sprague, Standefer, Sutherland, Taliaferro, J. Thomson, Underwood, Wagener, Wardwell, Washington, Webster, White, Whittlesey, L. Williams, S. Williams-115.

So the House refused to suspend the rule. [Two thirds of the members present would have been necessary to carry that question.]

Mr. PATTON called up the motion made by him on Friday last, to reconsider the vote of the House by which a petition for the abolition of slavery in the District, presented by a gentleman from Massachusetts, [Mr. BRIGGS,] was referred to the Committee on the District of Columbia.

The motion having been taken up

Mr. PATTON rose and addressed the House as follows:

He said that the vote which had been just taken against suspending the rules for the purpose of taking up the resolution offered by the gentleman from Georgia, [Mr. OWENS,] must have convinced the House, and especially those gentlemen from the South who had voted for laying the former petition on the table, inconsistently with their vote on Friday last upon the same proposition, of the futility of any such scheme as had been proposed for procuring a direct vote of the House upon the principles involved in the petitions that had been offered, and would continue to be offered, praying the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia. Those with whom he felt and acted on this question gave this apparently inconsistent vote under the belief that there would be no difficulty in suspending the rules to take up the proposition of the gentleman from Georgia. They so calculated, and were deceived or mistaken. I, said Mr. P., had no confidence in such calculation, and was not mistaken. That vote, said Mr. P., I think, has further demonstrated that it is idle to attempt to avoid this subject by any parliamentary manoeuvre, and that the only way of obtaining a direct vote upon the great and interesting questions embraced by them, is by making a proposition presenting the question growing out of the petitions in connexion with the petitions themselves.

Mr. Speaker, it is necessary that this House should be apprized and fully impressed with the necessity of quieting the anxiety, the agitation, and the alarm for the institutions of the country, which are abroad in the land, and that as the means, perhaps the only means, of doing so, it should meet those questions directly, and dispose of them decisively and permanently. I am ready to meet these questions; and I believe I express the universal sentiment of the representation from the South, in saying they are ready to meet it; and while we do not desire discussion, and for one I will do nothing to provoke it, at the same time we will not, we cannot, we dare not, shrink from it, if it be forced upon us from other quarters. I prefer voting upon the questions at once, and without discussion, if possible. If this subject must be discussed, it ought to be discussed, and it