is hoped will be discussed, in the spirit which ought to characterize members of the same political family, and alike imbued with the patriotic purpose of rendering permanent this great and glorious Union. Let the vote referring this petition be reconsidered, a reference made by inadvertence, and then the petition will be open again for consideration; and, in connexion with it, let the principles involved in the petition be presented for the consideration and decision of the House in some form, which will show distinctly and unequivocally that a majority of the representatives of the people of the North, as well as of the South, are opposed to the schemes of the abolitionists, and also to the efforts which are making to interfere with the subject of slavery in the District of Columbia. Let it be shown, if it be so, that there is such a majority opposed to an interference with slavery in this District, not upon considerations merely temporary, and influenced by existing political circumstances, but upon those high and paramount considerations which belong to the great rights of property, as well as individual and political safety, which are connected with it. My own strong, abiding, and confiding opinion is, that this Government has no right to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia. But, sir, I am aware of the difficulties which exist in the minds of many gentlemen from the North on this question. It is, perhaps, rational that they should, from their position, their habits of thinking, and their prejudices, entertain more difficulty on this subject than we do. I feel every disposition to respect their opinions, and to make great allowance even for their prejudices. Give us, then, a distinct, unequivocal, and unevasive vote upon the propriety of interfering with the subject of slavery in the District of Columbia. Satisfy us that the House is opposed to such interference upon the grounds of principle,. permanent, abiding, which reach above, and go beyond, the transient and fleeting circumstances of the hour, and uninfluenced by the existing political contests of the day. Do this, and I care nothing about discussing or deciding the constitutional question. I will not quarrel about what will then be a mere abstraction. A declaration of the conviction of the House, that they will not, and that Congress ought not, to interfere in this matter, now or hereafter, will satisfy the people of the South, and especially the States of Virginia and Maryland, who are more especially interested in the question. It should be known, it is not disguised--it would be mere affectation to attempt to conceal the fact-that there does exist in many parts of the southern country a strong appre hension, I will not say suspicion, that there are some, here and elsewhere, who are indisposed to meet this question fairly and directly; "That palter with us in a double sense." [The CHAIR here remarked that the gentleman from Virginia would be pleased to remember that it was not proper to discuss the merits of the petition upon the motion to reconsider.] Mr. P. resumed. I was not, Mr. Speaker, discussing the merits of the question; and I am sure that the Chair, on reflection, as well as the House, will do me the jus tice to remember that I have not said one word, in the way of argument, on the merits of the question involved in the petition. I am urging the propriety of reconsideration, so that we may have a direct vote upon these principles, and, if need be, discuss them. I repeat, then, and I say it for no purpose or wish to arouse the feelings, to influence the pride, or rouse the resentment of any gentleman here, that there docs exist an apprehension that there are some who wish to evade this question, and who seem to be with us, while they are in truth [DEC. 21, 1835. against us; "that keep the word of promise to the ear, and break it to the hope." It is necessary, in every point of view, to have a direct vote on this question. Let such a decision be made, as I trust and am willing to believe there will be, from the votes heretofore taken, and the present excitement of the country will be allayed. So far as this subject is concerned, the South will repose again in the confidence that this most essential and vital interest of theirs will not be disturbed and made the subject of perpetual and angry conflict. Let it be sure that the efforts made by these petitions will not be entertained by Congress, now nor hereafter, and you will at once calm the troubled waters of agitation. Refuse to do it, and you incur the risk of aggravating that excitement into a storm which may shake the pillars of the confederacy to their deepest foundation. Mr. ADAMS rose and said he hoped the motion to reconsider this vote would not prevail; and he expressed this hope for the very reason which the gentleman from Virginia [Mr. PATTON] had assigned for voting in favor of the motion. It appears to me (said Mr. A.) that the only way of getting this question from the view of the House and of the nation, is to dispose of all petitions on the subject in the same way. This is not a new opinion; I assumed this position in my very first act as a member of this House, from the very time when I first took my seat as a member of the 22d Congress. At that time fifteen petitions were transmitted to me, not from my own constituents, but from citizens of the Society of Friends in the State of Pennsylvania, with a request that I would present them to the House. Sir, I did so in homage to the sacred right of petition-a right which, in whatever manner it may be treated by other members of this House, shall never be treated by me other than with respect. But, sir, not being in favor of the object of the petitions, I then gave notice to the House and to the country, that upon the supposition that these petitions had been transmitted to me under the expectation that I should present them, I felt it my duty to say I should not support them. And, sir, the reason which I gave at that time for declining to support them was precisely the same reason which the gentleman from Virginia now gives for reconsidering this motion--namely, to keep the discussion of the subject out of the House. I said, sir, that I believed this discussion would be altogether unprofitable to the House and to the country; but, in def erence to the sacred right of petition, I moved that these fifteen petitions, all of which were numerously signed, should be referred to the Committee on the District of Columbia, at the head of which was, at that time, a distinguished citizen of Virginia, now, I regret to say--and the whole country has occasion to regret-no more. These petitions were thus referred, and, after a short period of time, the chairman of the Committee on the District of Columbia made a report to this House, which report was read, and unanimously accepted; and nothing more has been heard of these petitions from that day to this. In taking the course I then took, I was not sustained by the unanimous voice of my own constituents; there were many among them, persons as respectable and as entitled to consideration as any others, who disapproved of the course I pursued on that occasion. Attempts were made within the district I then represented to get up meetings of the people to instruct me to pursue a different course, or to multiply petitions of the same character. These efforts were continued during the whole of that long session of Congress; but, I am gratified to add, without any other result than that, from one single town of the district which I had the honor to represent, a solitary petition was forwarded before the close of the session, with a request that I would present it to the House. Sir, I did present it, and it was referred to the same Committee on the District of Columbia, and I believe nothing more has been heard of it since. From the experience of this session, I was perfectly satisfied that the true and only method of keeping this subject out of discussion was, to take that course; to refer all petitions of this kind to the Committee on the District of Columbia, or some other Committee of the House, to receive their report, and to accept it unanimously. This does equal justice to all parties in the country; it avoids the discussion of this agitating question on the one hand, and, on the other, it pays a due respect to the right of the constituent to petition. Two years afterwards, similar petitions were presented, and at that time an effort made, without success, to do that which has now been done successfully in one instance. An effort was made to lay these petitions on the table; the House did not accede to the proposition: they referred the petitions as they had been before referred, and with the same result. For, from the moment that these petitions are referred to the Committee on the District of Columbia, they go to the family vault "of all the Capulets," and you will never hear of them afterwards. [H. of R. has been challenged. And what will the discussion amount to? A discussion upon the merits of slavery. Sir, on such a discussion every speech made by a Representative from the north of Mason and Dixon's line, in this House, will be an incendiary pamphlet, and what will you do with them? The speeches of my colleagues, probably of myself, will be incendiary; because, if discussion is thrust upon us, I doubt not I might make a speech as incendiary as any pamphlet upon which such torrents of denunciation have been poured upon us. If were capable of the craven and recreant spirit of shrinking from expressing, not probably so much my own sentiments as those of my constituents, I should go home to their scorn, and they would send here a man who would represent them more faithfully. Well, sir, what becomes of these incendiary pamphlets, the speeches in this House, if they go to the public? What will be done with them by the public press? The newspapers report these speeches; every speech is circulated through your whole country; and how can you arrest it? Will you introduce a resolution that members of this House shall not speak a word in derogation of the sublime merits of slavery? You must have a resolution of this kind, to follow the one laid upon your table this morning-a resolution that no member of this House shall dare to utter an incendiary sentiment! And what is that incendiary sentiment? Why, it is, in substance, the contents of these pamphlets. Well, sir, you begin with suppressing the right of petition; you must next suppress the right of speech in this House; for you must offer a resolution that every member who dares to express a sentiment of this kind shall be expelled, or that the speeches shall not go forth to the public-shall not be circulated. What will be the consequence then? You suppress the right of petition; you suppress the freedom of speech; the freedom of the press, and the freedom of religion; for, in the minds of many worthy, honest, and honorable men, fanatics, if you please so to call them, this is a religious question, in which they act under what they believe to be a sense of duty to their God; and, however erroneous may be their conclusions, it is not for me, nor for this House, to judge them. Therefore, sir, in deference to what has been heretofore the usage of this House, in deference to the respect which is due to the right of petition, and the respect which is due to the right of freedom of speech, freedom of the press, and freedom of religion, I hope that this petition will be left where it has been placed by the House, in the possession of the Committee on the District of Columbia, and that we shall hear no more about it. At the first session of the last Congress, a gentleman from the State of New York, a distinguished member of this House, now no longer here, which I regret to say, although I do not doubt that his place is well supplied, presented one or more petitions to this effect, and delivered a long and eloquent speech of two hours in support of them. And what was the result? He was not answered: not a word was said, but the vote of the House was taken; the petitions were referred to the Committee on the District, and we have heard nothing more of them since. At the same session, or probably at the very last session, a distinguished member of this House, from the State of Connecticut, presented one or more petitions to the same effect, and declared in his place that he himself concurred in all the opinions expressed. Did this declaration light up the flame of discord in this House? Sir, he was heard with patience and complacency. He moved the reference of the pe titions to the Committee on the District of Columbia, and there they went to sleep the sleep of death. Mr. ADAMS, speaking from recollection, was [the Reporter is requested by him to state] mistaken with respect to the reference of the petitions presented at the last session of Congress to the committee. They were then for the first time laid on the table, as was the motion to print one of them. At the preceding session of the last Congress, as at all former times, all such petitions had been referred to committees and printed when so desired. Why not adopt the same course now? Here is a peti-sachusetts,] and for no one thing more than for what he tion which has been already referred to the Committee on the District of Columbia. Leave it there, and, my word for it, sir, you will have just such a result as has taken place time after time before. Your Committee on the District certainly is not an abolition committee. You will have a fit, proper, and able report from them; the House, sub silentio, will adopt it, and you will hear no more about it. But if you are to reconsider the vote, and to lay these petitions on the table; if you come to the resolution that this House will not receive any more petitions, what will be the consequence? In a large portion of this country every individual member who votes with you will be left at home at the next election, and some one will be sent who is not prepared to lay these petitions on the table. What will be the next consequence? Sir, you will have discussion; and, to my regret I say it, discussion has been called for and challenged upon this floor. It VOL. XII.-126 Mr. BOULDIN said he had for many sufficient reasons for a long time entertained the most profound respect for the gentleman last up, [Mr. ADAMS, of Mas had always been informed and believed in relation to this same subject, now before the House. He had been informed by his predecessor, [Mr. Randolph], of whom the world knew far more than he could tell them, that the gentleman had at all times paid the most delicate and tender regard to our rights and our interest, as well as our feelings, upon this subject. He had ever remarked the same sacred and inviolate regard paid to it by him since he (Mr. B.) had the honor of a seat on this floor. He would be obliged to depart from him a little on this occassion, not so much that he had an objection of himself to referring the subject-matter to the committee, were there nothing in the petition but a naked request that we should abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, as on account of certain other matter that is in it. He had on another day expressed his willingness to meet the question flatly, and that his constituents should know all he knew in relation to it; but in deference to his brethren from the South-a deference he had always felt, and would feel, and would act under, in some good degree, he had not insisted, both sessions he had had the honor of a seat in that House, on coming directly to the question, and putting the South in possession of all that was contained in those petitions. Mr. B. said he did not know how the House could get at the contents of a petition without reading it, and if all the South would accord with him, and could see as he did, were one of the petitions presented with nothing but the petition--nothing insulting to the South-he would be willing to refer it to the Committee on the District of Columbia, of which he had the honor to be a member. But, while the preamble contained slurs on the South, he never could again, he trusted, sit patiently and hear abuse of his constituents, direct or indirect, referred to a committee of that House for consideration. He would ask the gentleman from Massachusetts if there was any thing abusive in the petitions referred to the committee and reported on? If he heard the petition read rightly, there were many disrespectful slurs thrown over the people of the South. Mr. BRIGGS said he thought it likely the gentleman from Virginia labored under a mistake; and if he would yield the floor for a few moments, for the petition was very short, Mr. B. would ask the House to have it read, which had not been done at the time of its presentation. Mr. BOULDIN had understood, he said, that they were all from one printed copy, and took it for granted it was word for word with the one that had, in some sort, been under debate. He would, then, rather hear it read. The petition was then read by the Clerk. Mr. B. continued. He was pleased to find it not as bad by any means as the other. Yet it contained nearly the same in substance. All that was contained in this petition in relation to trading in human flesh, applied to this District, applied also with equal force to Virginia. All these petitions took a swaggering stand over the South, and proposed a kind of guardianship over their morals, and were dreadfully afraid that holding negroes had made us vastly corrupt, and would make us more 80. Let him that is without fault cast the first stone. "We thank God that we are not as other men, whoremongers and adulterers." This was the language of these petitions, all of them. They might and did have a little thin gauze over them, such as this: They did not presume to dictate to the South-they did not mean to disparage their sister States, or dictate to them. But the acts they do are such as to call down the vengeance of Heaven upon them. Comparisons were drawn, express or implied. He had no idea of imitating these petitioners, and swaggering over the North; but who first made traffic of human flesh, and made profit by bringing the negroes here? and who expects to be paid for carrying them back? Now, both have a name over the Atlantic, where we are known only by character. Did these petitioners ever hear of a man's suffering merely by its being made known that he came from a State in this Union south of Mason and Dixon's line? Did any man ever hear or know of a nation of people on any side of Mason and Dixon's line that stood higher for any of the cardinal virtues-honor, truth, justice, and charity, gentleness of heart, and honesty? Was it thought that we would suffer by a comparison with the petitioners? The ladies, too, had petitioned. God forbid that a word of disrespect should escape him in relation to the ladies in any quarter of the world. Let him at all times be sensible of the deference and devotion that was at all times under all circumstances due to them. But let no one from any quarter think it necessary to petition Congress to preserve the ladies of the South from cor [DEC. 21, 1835. ruption. He would draw no comparisons between ladies, neither was there any thing to compare to them; but he would beseech these fair petitioners to give themselves no further trouble about the ladies of the South. They were in no danger of contamination. Could they suffer by comparison with the fair in any part of the world, in any quality that could adorn or ornament the sex, or render it lovely? It was a mere hypothesis that negro slavery had corrupted the people; the fact was not so. It was true, as the gentleman from Massachusetts had said, that a gentleman, last session, had made a long and eloquent speech, and when he concluded, nothing was said, and the petition was laid on the table, where it has slept the sleep of death. It is true, as the gentleman says, that the petitions of last session upon the same subject, have all met the same fate. But since that time there had been a great change in things. Shall we stand here, (said Mr. B.,) after all that has passed during the summer, and hear and receive abusive petitions on abolition-patiently, too? He was surprised to hear the gentleman from Massachusetts [Mr. ADAMS] say, that the speeches of himself and those of his colleagues might, and probably would be, if pushed much further on this subject, as incendiary as any of those pamphlets, and he had not thought it; and if such were their feelings, he would prefer they should come out. But he was sure the gentleman did not entertain feelings and objects as incendiary as many expressed in those pamphlets. He was sure the gentleman had not taken the trouble to read some that he (Mr. B.) had seen. Did he know that they contained propositions, with actions according with them, that would freeze the blood with horror to witness if put into execution, that could never be thought of without shuddering, by any man who felt for his wife, his children, his friends, his neighbors, or his country. He knew the gentleman entertained no such objects or feelings towards us, and harbored no such designs against us. In conclusion, Mr. B. said that he would vote for the reconsideration; and if a petition came on without any offensive language attached to it, and his brethren and colleagues from the South should agree with him, he would have no particular objection to have it referred, and a direct answer given. Mr. THOMPSON, of South Carolina, said the gentleman from Georgia [Mr. GLASCOCK] had congratulated the House and the country upon the tone and language of the gentlemen from the non-slaveholding States who had taken part in this debate, (said Mr. T.) very heartily concurred in that congratulation. I am not disposed to look for sinister and bad motives where those which are direct and honorable are avowed. I must, for the present at least, take it for granted that gentlemen mean what they say. I will not drive off those who may be our friends by prematurely suspecting or denouncing them. But I must say that the course of some gentlemen to-day has been well calculated to impair that confidence, and to justify suspicions then expressed by some of my friends. Of one thing I assure gentlemen, that, with all the manoeuvring of parliamentary, let me add of party, tactics, that they shall not elude a direct issue upon this question-an issue that will have to be met with masks off. And then, sir, either my confidence in gentlemen or the suspicions of my friends will be jus tified. But, sir, if I was satisfied with the language of the non-slaveholding gentlemen, I was rejoiced, in my heart was I glad, to listen to the manly and decided language of the gentleman from Georgia. It gave me assurance that, on this question, if no other, there will be a thorough union of the whole South, in council and in action, if need be, on this great and absorbing question. Yes, sir, this absorbing question, by whose salutary warmth, DEC. 21, 1835.] Slavery in the District of Columbia. ay, heat, if you please, the pestilent vapors of party [H. OF R. this most prolific source of discord, ay of hatred, or shall Mr. Speaker, there are very few things which my that, while they are indulging in very poor sarcasms "on The very distinguished member from Massachusetts [Mr. ADAMS] has stated some appalling facts in a speech, sir, to which I must apply, with some change of the order, a very pointed remark, as his remarks always H. OF R.] Slavery in the District of Columbia. [DEC. 22, 1835. are pointed, made by that gentleman on the message of same reasons which I understood to actuate the honorathe President at the last session, that, whatever the ble gentleman from Massachusetts, and the honorable world may think of its spirit, there can be but one opin- gentleman from Virginia, who sits near me, although their ion of its prudence. He says, sir, that, if this matter is views of the means to attain this object are different, to forced upon the House, the speeches of every member wit: to give quiet and repose to this agitating question, I north of Mason and Dickson's line, will be an incendiary shall vote against the reconsideration. I hold it to be pamphlet. I trust not, sir. I can but hope that gen-important, that we should meet this question in all its tleman is mistaken. That venerable gentleman has bearings; that a reference should be made of these mebeen so long, and, in some instances, so furtunate for morials to a committee, who would give it a calm, dishis country, in the public service, that much of the his- | passionate, and temperate consideration; present the tory of his life is known to us all; and, sir, we certainly facts of the case to this House and to the country; and have a very striking instance about the period of 1808 let it be finally acted upon as other petitions are, that of a very acute and very accurate perception of the we and the country may arrive at a safe and satisfactory state of public opinion, and to what point it was tending; conclusion upon it. Sir, it is to appease and assuage the but, sir, (and I would not for the world recall to that troubled waters that have been moving upon this ques distinguished gentleman an unpleasant reminiscence,)|tion, that I am in favor of a reference, in order that there we had about this time last year an equally signal instance of a mistake as to the sentiments of his own constituents upon the subject of the French war I will not say a mistake which he may have had occasion to regret, but it was certainly one which forced upon him the extremity of having to demonstrate that a spade was not a spade. I hope that the gentleman is again, as last year, mistaken as to the public sentiment of the North. But, sir, be he right or wrong, the South demands to know the truth, and if I had not been so resolved before that speech was made, to bring gentlemen to the experimentum crucis--the test of a vote-I am now. One word in conclusion; and, sir, it is from one who, however obscure, was not the least ardent in the late happily ended struggle of the State of South Carolina. I assure this House, and proclaim from my place here to the country, that there is not now one remnant of unkind feeling on the part of the people of that State to any other section. "The winter of our discontent" is gone, and I bear the most willing testimony to the balmy influence of the popular meetings at the North upon our irritated community. It may be in God's good providence-a providence always good, often inscrutablethat, however vile may have been the instruments used in causing this excitement, it may end in the cordial, the affectionate union of all actions. Improve the opportunity. The action of this House may go forth into the South with healing on its wings, or, sir, it may, to use the eloquent language of the gentleman from Virginia, [Mr. WISE,] be the signal to rally the clan. The ties that bind us together, and I thank God for it, are many and powerful: the silver bond of interest; but that interest must be mutual; the silken cord of affection, the most powerful of all--or the iron chain of despotism--but let me tell you, sir, that every link of that chain will be blood stained. may be a report upon it by the committee. It has been stated that there are matters of deep and vital impor tance involved in the decision of this absorbing question; matters affecting the constitution and laws of the land: it has been stated, that there are vested rights of property, which rights are guarantied to the people of the Dis trict, of which we could not constitutionally deprive them. And upon this part of the inquiry, there was an attempt made by a gentleman, two or three days ago, to refer to and read the ordinance or act of cession of a part of this District; but in the then pending question, it was pronounced not to be in order to go into the merits of the inquiry. I hold it to be pertinent and important that the relative position in which the master and the slave stand towards each other in this District, upon legal and constitutional principles, should be made known to the community. But, sir, there is another view of this interesting subject, which merits the respect of a reference and the attention of a committee. The consideration of the expediency of agitating the subject at this time; the propriety of changing the laws of this District with reference to the inhabitants and the sur rounding States, are matters which are presented before us, and the sense and justice of Congress are appealed to on that ground. It is urged upon us, and yet without the opportunity of accompanying the appeal by the alleged reasons, that Congress should refrain from stirring this subject. Is it not important, sir, that the arguments on both sides, and on all sides, of this question, should be set forth, that the people may be informed, and that they may judge for themselves? It is, I take it, of the highest importance to the people, both of the North and the South, that this inquiry should be had, freely and dispassionately. It is with this view, and for these reasons, that I am opposed to a reconsideration of the subject, and wish it to abide the decision already made. Sir, upon this question, it is not Mr. MORRIS, of Pennsylvania, said, the question is competent for me to enter into the merits or demerits of upon the reconsideration of a vote which was taken by the principles, or of the abolition of slavery. I am adthe House on Saturday last, and then decided in the af-monished by the hour, that I ought not further to profirmative, to refer a petition for the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia to the Committee upon the District. It is with reluctance, Mr. Speaker, that I feel myself constrained to trespass for a moment upon the patience of the House, in offering my reasons for the vote which I shall give. I should not do it now, if I did not feel reminded of my duty, by a remark which incidentally fell from the honorable gentleman from Massachusetts [Mr. ADAMS] this morning, that some years ago it had devolved upon him to present a number of petitions upon this subject, from the Society of Friends in the State of Pensylvania, many members of which Society I have the honor of representing upon this floor; and I may be permitted to take the occasion to say, although this is not the time nor the place to pass a eulogium, that they are as respectable, as honorable, and as intelligent, as any other portion of the community. Sir, for the long this debate; but being placed in the position in which I am, and entertaining the opinions which I do, I could not, in duty to myself or my constituents, forbear to ask the indulgence of the House to submit these few reflections, before I record my vote upon the journals. Mr. M. having concluded, the House adjourned. TUESDAY, DECEMBER 22. SLAVERY IN THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA. The question being that depending from yesterday, on the motion of Mr. PATTON for a reconsideration of the vote by which a memorial praying Congress to abolish slavery within the District of Columbia, was referred to the Committee on the District Mr. GRANGER, of New York, rose and said: |