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thing ought to be done. Means, sure but gradual, system. These several points, in their order, are illustrated and atic but discreet, ought to be adopted for reducing the enforced at length. Then follow confutations of the mass of evil which is pressing upon the South, and will various arguments of the defenders of the system. still more press upon her the longer it is put off. We Then-ought not to shut our eyes nor avert faces. And though "As the conclusion of all that has been advanced, we we speak almost without a hope that the committee or assert it to be the unquestionable duty of every Christian the Legislature will do any thing at the present session to to use vigorous and immediate measures for the destruc. meet this question, yet we say now, in the utmost sin tion of this whole system, and for the removal of all its cerity of our hearts, that our wisest men cannot give too unhappy effects. Both these objects should be conmuch of their attention to this subject, nor cap they give templated in his efforts.it too soon."

Mr. Speaker, is it regarded by good and intelligent The honorable gentleman from Virginia will suffer men in Kentucky as safe openly to recommend a "ideme to commend this expression of sentiment to the de struction of the whole system of slavery?” and shall we liberate attention which the high standing and responsi. be quailing before the dangers of doing it in the District ble position of its author, and the peculiar circumstances of Columbia ? under which he wrote, eminently entitle it. Especially But, sir, I have another authority on this subject. I would I commend to the honorable gentleman from return from the valley of the Mississippi to this District, South Carolina the declaration of the " eloquent South and looking into the United States Telegraph of the 4th Carolinian," imbodied in the article I have just read, I of September last, I find the following: Speaking in The able editor of the Richmond Enquirer, and bis the name of the southern people, the editor says: eloquent correspondent, hoth had a near view of the “We hold that our sole reliance is on ourselves: that evils of slavery, and describe them in a language which we have most to fear from the gradual operation on at once attests their sincerity, and commands assent to public opinion among ourselves, and that those are the the correctness of their views upon this “momentous most insidious and dangerous invaders of our rights and and appalling subject."

interests, who, coming to us in the guise of friendship, I will add, that the other leading paper at the capital endeavor to persuade us that slavery is a sin, a curse, an of Virginia, the Richmond Whig, made about the same evil. It is not true that the South sleepes on a volcano time the following declaration:

that we are afraid to go to bed at night--that we are “We affirm that the great mass of Virginia lierself fearful of murder and pillage. Our greatest cause of triumphs that the slavery question has been agitated, apprehension is from the operation of the morbid sen. and reckons it glorious ihat the spirit of her sons did sibility which appeals to the consciences of our own not sbrink from grappling with the monster. We people, and would make them the voluntary instruments affirm that, in the heaviest slave districts of the State, 1 of their own ruin." thousands bave bailed the discussion with delight, and ! So, then, the fears are not of insurrection, but of concontemplate the distant but ardently desired result, as science; not of the physical force of the slaves, but of the supreme good which a benevolent Providence the power of public opinion!" could vouchsafe to their country."

Need I, Mr. Speaker, repeat the expression of my Mr. Speaker, if it was “glorious" and safe for Vir. sincere conviction that the fears expressed by gentlemen ginia tograpple with the monster" in 1832, is it in. on this floor are groundless! And is it not apparent that glorious and unsafe for the Congress of the United States the true ground of fear on this subject is to be found in to grapple with the same monster now!

a continuance of the “dark and growing evil," so well Suffer me, Mr. Speaker, to present one more expres described by the "eloquent South Carolinian," to which sion of opinion on this subject. I leave Virginia, and our attention has been directed? Permit me to add, go over the mountains into the valley of the Mississippi; in the language of the Richmond Enquirer, in the arand I there find the following recent resolution of the ticle I have read, that “our wisest men cannot give too Synod of Kentucky upon the subject of emancipation: much attention to this subject, nor can they give it too

" Resolved, That a committee of ten be appointed, to soon." consist of an equal number of ministers and elders, But there is another objection sometimes urged against whose business it shall be to digest and prepare a plan legislating on the subject of slavery, which must not be for the moral and religious instruction of our slaves, overlooked in this discussion. Every attempt to disturb and for their future emancipation, and to report such the existing relation of master and slave, it is said, tends plan to the several Presbyteries within our bounds, for to disturb the balance of the constitution, inasmuch as it their consideration and approval.”

was among the compromises which entered into the for The committee appointed under this resolution, of mation of that instrument, that three fifths of the slaves wbom John Brown, Esq. was chairman, and the Rev. should be represented in this body. John C. Young, President of Danville College, secre. Now, sir, in the first place, let it be observed that we tary, made a repori, in which, among other things, are not asked to legislate on the abolition of slavery in they say:

Virginia or South Carolina, but in the District of Colum. "1. A part of our system of slavery consists in de bia; and that our legislation disturbs the balance of the priving human beings of the right to acquire properly. constitution only by the influence of its example upon 2. The deprivation of personal liberty forms another the slaveholding States. part of our system of slavery. 3. The deprivation of In the second place, I contend that a just exercise of personal security is the remaining constituent of our all the powers granted in the constitution can never dissystem of slavery.” Its effects are said to be: “1. To turb its true balance, but is itself the preservation of that deprave and degrade its subjects, by removing from balance. them the strongest natural checks to human corruption. If the constitution authorizes Congress to abolish sla%. It dooms thousands of human beings to bopeless very in the District of Columbia, and the tendency of ignorance. 3. It deprives its subjects, in a great meas. the exercise of that power should be to abolish slavery ure, of the privileges of the gospel. 4. This system in the slave States, and thus reduce their representation licenses and produces great cruelty. 5. It produces in this body, it is a constitutional result, of which no general licentiousness among the slaves. 6. This system State has a right to complain. As well might we comdeinoralizes the whites as well as the blacks. 7. This plain of the abolition of slavery in the West India islands system draws down upon us the vengeance of Heaven." I by Great Britain, because its tendency is to produce the

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same result in the United States. Neither Congress, in onward, and onward, and onward, until every kindred, the one case, nor Great Britain, in the other, is under and tongue, and people under heaven shall acknowlany responsibility for the consequences of a rightful ex- edge and glory in the great truth that "all men are creercise of power-I mean a responsibility to the consti ated equal." tution in the one case, and the law of nations in the When Mr. Slade had concluded other.

Mr. J.GARLAND said he rose under deep and painful But, sir, the balance of the constitution is already dis feelings. I had hoped, said he, that the violent and turbed in the other direction. When the constitution pernicious designs of a few disaffected fanatics of the was adopted, the Mississippi on the west, and Florida on North would have been long since silenced, and the rethe south, formed the limits of the confederated repub. cent votes of this House had inspired me with the fond lic. For any thing contemplated in the constitution, hope that, upon this floor at least, I never should have these boundaries formed impassable limits, beyond which been called upon to vindicate my fellow.citizens of the a slave population could not bring into Congress a rep- South against the false and foul charges of piracy and resentation upon that basis. The purchases of Louisiana man stealing, so repeatedly and lavishly made against and Florida have added two additional slave States, and them. But, sir, this question has assumed an aspect will probably, ere long, add two more. And do gentle that forbids me to be silent; and I should be recreant to men reflect how much this has disturbed the balance of the feelings and interests of the people who have confithe constitution?

ded to me the duty of representing their feelings and But this is not all. The balance, in point of fact, has interests iipon this floor, if I could stand by patiently, been disturbed, and must be more so, by the great rela- quietly, and submissively, and not repel the strong in. tive increase of the slave population of the South, and sinuations, unfounded aspersions, and foul calumnies, the diminution, almost the extinction, of it at the North. cast upon them, and roll back the waves of calumny And although this is not, of course, an unconstitutional | upon those who have attempted to cast them upon us. increase, yet it is obvious that the enormous and alarm- Sir, the honorable gentleman who last addressed the ing relative increase of the slave population, compared | House Mr. SLADE] has, in effect, by giving a direct with that of the whites, was not within the contempla contradiction to the representations of other gentlemen tion of the men who formed the constitution.

in relation to the number and feelings of the abolitionists Thus, in the four Atlantic States south of the Poto of the North, done much to unbinge and loosen every mac, the increase of the whites from 1790 to 1830 was feeling of confidence which I heretofore felt on this sub. 84 per cent.; while that of the slaves was, during the ject, in consequence of the action of the northern peosame period, 136 per cent. In South Carolina the dis- ple during the last summer and fall, and the declaration proportion was still greater; the increase of the whites, of other of their representatives on this floor, in relation during the same period, having been 94 per cent., while to this agitating, this dangerous subject. Honorable that of the slaves was 194 per cent.

gentlemen from that section of the Union tell us there is a To what results, Mr. Speaker, are the principles which strong feeling of sympathy in the North for the people of produce such a disproportionate increase of population the South. Ay, while some of them tell us, and assure to lead us? What will, in the progress of fifty years, us, too, that not one in five hundred among the people become of the balance of the constitution? These are there favor the abolitionists or their schemes, another questions which deeply concern the free States.

gentleman (the honorable member from Vermont) from But there is another question which comes home to that section of country tells us that those gentlemen the slave States with tremendous and appalling interest. bave grossly mistaken the feelings of their own people. What will be their condition half a century hence in ref This gentleman (Mr. SLADE] tells us he speaks not only erence to this subject? That period will roll away; and the sentiments and feelings of the people of his own disa the principles which govern the advance of the slave trict, but of the whole people of the North; and that population will continue to operate! And yet gentlemen | they are strongly in favor of the schemes of these megay, “ hands off”--let us alone. "We will leave it to morialists. Is it so, Mr. Speaker? Is it true, then, sir, our children, and our grandchildren, and our great that those honorable gentlemen have disguised and grandchildren, to take care of themselves, and to brave misrepresented the true sense and feelings of the people the storm!”

of the North, and that the gentleman from Vermont is But, sir, I will pursue this train of thought no farther. better acquainted with their true character and true I leave it, and with it the subject which the House has feelings upon this question than their own representaso kindly indulged me in discussing

tives, and has fairly developed them? If he is, sir, and Deeply convinced, sir, that the petitioners have a if he does speak truly, and if the people of the North do right to ask us to abolish slavery and the slave trade maintain these opinions, 1, sir, thank the gentleman, in within this District, and that we have not only the right, the name of the southern people, that he has frankly but that it is our bounden duty forth with to commence disclosed to us the fact, and has disclosed it in the one, and to begin and finish the other, I must ask, time. I thank him that he has prepared us for the aswhen the proper time shall come, that the petitions shall sault that awaits is, by warning us of its approach. I be referred to a select committee, to the end that they thank him that he has undeceived our confidence, and may have the speedy and decisive action of this body aroused our jealousy. But, Mr. Speaker, I do venture It seems to me to be due to the great importance of the to hope, however, and believe, that the gentleman has subject that they should be thus disposed of. Sir, we deceived himself, (although I do not doubt his sincerity,) must not bury these petitions. And let me say to gen. and has mistaken the true feelings of the northern peotlemen, that such a policy will certainly defeat itself.ple. I still confide in the declarations of the gentleman You cannot smother investigation of this subject. Sir, from New Hampshire, (Mr. PIERCE,) and others who the spirit of free inquiry is the master spirit of the age. I agree with him, and shall not abandon my hopes till It bows to the authority of truth and reason and revela further developments satisfy me that my confidence is tion, but it bows to nothing else. It must have free misplaced. I cannot but express my admiration of the course, and it will have it ; giving life and soul and en- peculiar adroitness and skill with which the gentleman ergy to the march of liberal principles, and destined to from Vermont approached this subject. But while I shake every institution on earth which does not recog. give the gentleman full credit for the skill and adroitness nise the "inalienable rights" of man, and bow to the su- he used in contriving to bring this whole question before premacy of just and equal lawe. And, sir, it shall move I us, I must confess, and I mean it in no offensive sense, I

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dislike the disingenuous avowal of sympathy under which discuss here. I deny your right to interfere with them he commenced his attack, and the attempted conceal- in any form, without a faithless violation of the federal ment of the real views of these petitioners. The hon-compact, and utter disregard of the duties which you orable gentleman professes great kindness for us-his owe to it. benevolence for us is very expanded! He means no Mr. Speaker, the question before the House bas asoffence! He does not mean to call us land pirates and sumed a variety of aspects. But, until I heard the re. man stealers! Oh, no! But then, says the gentleman, marks of the gentleman from Vermont this morning, I that system among you is a system of land piracy-a had thought, as doubtless many others did, that the only merchandise in human flesh! The gentleman does not difference of opinion that existed in the House was as to mean to hurt us; oh, no; but he means to assail our the form and manner in which its sense should be ex. rights, and destroy our property, out of mere benevo-pressed, or in which a very large majority of its mem. lence, mere kindness to us! While he smiles in our bers should indicate their sentiments, which I understand faces, he drives the Jagger to our hearts! You, he says, to be almost unanimously opposed to any legislation are not pirates and man stealers; but your system of whatever upon the subject of these memorials; some are slavery is, in every mien and every form, a system of pic for rejecting all petitions and memorials of this characracy and man stealing-accompanying the charge with ter: some are for laying them on the table; some proevery opprobrious epithet which the honorable memter pose one form and some another; but until we were facould string together. This, sir, is kindness with a vored with the views of the member from Vermont, vengeance, for which we have no thanks to return to who has, to his credit, marched boldly up to the battery's the honorable member from Vermont.

jaw, and made an open attack, none, no, not one, gave I beg leave, Mr. Speaker, before entering further an unqualified approbation to the object of these peti. upon the subject before me, to make a single remark in tions. Permit me, sir, to make one further remark on relation to what fell from the venerable member from this subject, before I approach the question itself; and Massachusetts, [Mr. ADAMS.] That gentleman said he that is, who are these petitioners! The honorable memhad no wish to be forced into a discussion on the " sub. ber from New York who addressed the House this mornIme merits of slavery." Let me ask the gentleman, ing, (Mr. GRANGER,] of whose acquaintance I have not when he speaks of the “ sublime merits of slavery" in the honor or the pleasure, but hope to have before we the ironical sense he intended the remark, to cast his part from the discharge of our duties here, has endorsed eyes upon that picture [pointing to the portrait of Gen (and he is a very good endorser) the character of one eral Washington] of the Father of his Country, and portion of these petitioners--the females; I beg pardonstand rebuked by the recollection of his virtues and his the ladies. Now, sir, there is no man on this floor who deeds. When the people of the North were weak, and has a higher admiration of the female character than I assailed by a cruel and unrelenting enemy, and strug have; but I must confess I do not like to see them madly gling for their rights and their liberties, that man, at the shooting out of their proper sphere, and undertaking to head of a determined and resolute band of slaveholders, control national politics. I do not like to see them be. rushed to their rescue. He and his companions in arms come politicians. Sir, I was very much interested and left their wives, their children, their domestic firesides,

amused at the sublime and beautiful description of the their farms, their all, risked every thing they possessed, character and virtues of these ladies, with which the hazarded all they held dear, and periled their lives and gentleman entertained the House. They are all gentlefortunes, to espouse the cause of the North, and in de ness, all kindness, all benevolence. oh, yes, sir; and fence of northern liberty. Sir, that man was a slave their objects are all designed for good; and so absorbed holder, and his southern companions were slaveholders. are they in their benevolent designs, that they have not I ask the gentleman to cast bis retrospection back to the brought themselves to contemplate the awful conseeventful period of 76, when that man, with some quences of their rash proceedings. Now, sir, I have seventeen hundred or two thousand patriots, were retreat- one single recommendation for the gentleman. It would ing before a large and victorious army through New seem, from his remarks, that one of the peculiar virtues Jersey, their very footsteps imprinted in the snow with of these females is, to disturb his slumbers; and, as I un. their blood; and to look back again at the conduct of derstand the gentleman is a bachelor, and these female pethat little band at Trenton and Princeton, immediately titioners are, I do not doubt, old maids, not exceeding after. Sir, a few of these slaveholders were there; many twenty-five-for they never get beyond that age-1 of these slaveholders were the compatriots and compan- | would recommend him to take one of these interesting, ions of the honorable gentleman's patriotic sire, in the charming ladies for his wife, and, in so doing, I have no cabinet and in the field, and were not deemed unwor-doubt he would lessen the ranks of the abolitionists one, thy. I ask that gentleman, then, to take back the at least, and secure himself against any further disturbcalumny. I ask him to recall it. It was wrong, it was ance of his midnight slumbers; for, be assured, Mr. unjust, it was unkind, it was illiberal. I do venture to Speaker, it is a most powerful soporific, and a very express a sincere hope that the venerable gentleman's pleasant one into the bargain, as you and I can testify. feelings upon this occasion have been treacherous to the Mr. Speaker, as a representative from a portion of true feelings of his heart. I hope he has not meant the the people of the South, I would, sir, have been perfull import which this term of reproach expresses. With fectly satisfied with the disposition made of the memo. these few remarks in relation to the imputation of the rials of this character, when they were first presented in honorable gentleman, I will approach the subject before the beginning of the present session, of laying them on ug. In doing so, I will assure the House that it is not the table, not again to be taken up or considered; but my intention to follow the honorable gentleman from the result of that vote has not had the desired effect of Vermont through all his mazes, and turnings, and wind- putting to rest this question. By an overwhelming vote, ings; nor shall I attempt to repel all his calumnies and this House determined to lay these memorials on the tainsinuations, nor endeavor to satisfy his religious scru ble, there to sleep, in the language of the gentleman ples, nor criticise his moral lecturing, nor to notice every from Massachusetts, (Mr. ADAMS,] the sleep of death." thing he has said on this occasion in a vein and a manner More than this: the House, by a decided vote, refused better suited to the pulpit than the floor of a legislative even to honor these memorials with the customary re. assembly. The merits of slavery, and the constitutional spect of ordering them to be printed. And what has power of Congress to interfere with it in the States, are been the result? Why, sir, the very next moment questions which I will not and cannot condescend to I comes another memorial, and then another, till at length

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they came so thick that the attention of the House could race? Did he not openly avow himself an abolitionist to not keep pace with them; and the very memorial now a greater extent than asked for in this mentorial? Did before us was presented, and got a reference to one of he not declare slavery a sin against Heaven, the effect the standing committees, without attracting the attention of which would be, although not avowed, to send every of the House--an honor which, I am quite sure, the slaveholder to perdition, your Washington among the House never designed. Nor is this all. Why, sir, the rest? I listened to the gentleman, and I cannot think I gentleman from Vermont (Mr. Slade] tells us he is mistook the purport of his language. Sir, these abolicharged with numerous petitions of the same character. tionists (I class them all together) have excited a feeling Sir, when are we to have an end of them? This House of alarm in the South which cannot easily be quieted. has decided they will not print them; it has decided it The safety of our wives and our children is endangered will not consider them further than to lay them on the by their mischievous and incendiary attempts to produce table; and yet they come and are to come in shoals upon a servile insurrection among our slaves. But oh, says us. Sir, it is time that this House should take a more the gentleman from Vermont, you are in no danger: all decisive stand, should adopt a more definitive course, will be effected peaceably and quietly! Sir, will the should decisively rebuke these intermeddlers with the gentleman permit us to judge for ourselves. We are in property of others, and disturbers of the tranquillity of the very midst of the slave population, while he is the nation. What now will be the utility of laying these securely sheltered behind the ramparts of the Green papers on the table, when we may be met by a motion Mountains of the North. He can neither see nor hear to-morrow, or the next week, to take them up and re- | nor feel the danger with which we are beset, because consider them. Sir, the laying a paper on the table is | he knows and feels he is secure from the effects of it, not a final disposition of it, although a majority of the come how and when it may. The gentleman, therefore, Tlousc may again and again make this disposition; for on / will excuse us when we express our own apprehensions the very question to take up and consider, or on a ques- and feelings on this subject, bec

and feelings on this subject, because we best know our tion to reconsider, as well as on the original presenta

own situation; we cannot requite his kindness, and admit tion, we may have debates that will be interminable, and him to be our guide in such a matter. all the mischief desired by the fanatics effected.

But, sir, these beautiful prints, and these devilish Sir, there is another reason why the action of Con-pamphlets, are not the only firebrands attempted to be gress should be more decisive now than at any former circulated among us. These very memorials themselves, period, and why the people of the South should call for coming here in the midst of all this excitement and a more direct expression of the sentiments of this House alarm, hypocritically canting about the piracy and tyranthan heretofore. On former occasions there was no ex- ny of slave-owners have the very same tendency. Gentraordinary feeling of alarm, no excitement, no appre.

tlemen may conceal it from themselves, but I tell them hension of danger, spread throughout that section of the the tendency is the same--ay, and the design is the country. The spirit of insurrection and insubordination same. Why, sir, the abolitionists, from whom gentlemen was not then abroad. It was reserved for the last sum. seem so anxious to separate these petitioners, are now mer's campaign of a few fanatics; my colleague called laughing in their sleeves, and openly, too, that they have them bloodl-hounds, but the term is too mild. I call them allies who, by a different route, are indirectly laboring fiends of hell, associating themselves into societies, re.) to achieve the same object with themselves, and who ceiving subscriptions of more than $20,000 or $30,000 give respectability to their designs. Yes, the aid they for the purpose of printing and circulating among us in receive in this way stimulates them to exertion, and anicendiary pamphlets and such beautiful hieroglyphical mates them to hasten the approach of the final catastrocaluinies as the one I now hold in my hand, pictures and phe they are themselves seeking to bring about. Every culs representing the southern men and southern women movement made in this House for the abolition of slavery in the most odious and disgusting form which it is possi- within the District is a stepping-stone to the abolitionble for human ingenuity and devilish purpose to invent. ists to mount up to their work, and encourages them to [The paper Mr. G. held in his hand was a large sheet, seek the accomplishment of their purposes; they who printed on one side, and illustrated with cuts represent tell us that these memorials only look to the District of ing the pre!ended cruelties inflicted on the negroes of Columbia, tell us what cannot be credited. If their ob. the South.] The authors of such papers are cold. ject was to be limited to the District alone, to the few hearted, base, and malignant libellers and calumniators, slaves here, the success would not be worth the trouble, and deserve the bitterest execrations of every good and and we should hear nothing about it. patriotic heart--they should be scouted from society. There is another reason, Mr. Speaker, why the House

But, Mr. Speaker, we are called upon to distinguish should adopt a more direct and decisive course now than between these petitioners for the abolition of slavery heretofore, growing out of the reasons I have just offered; within the District of Columbia, and the abolitionists who and it is this: The continuance of debate on this sub. are members of the societies. Sir, I cannot distinguishject is calculated to encourage, if not to excite, the between them; I wish I could honestly, I know not one slaves themselves to insubordination and insurrection. of these abolitionists. I know nothing about them, and Do what you will to prevent it, these things find their cannot, therefore, say any thing against their personal way, through some channel or other, into the midst of

But in relation to the schemes of the abo. | the slave population. They know every thing that litionists, and the designs of these petitioners, I have this transpires here. They are aware of every thing going remark to make, that I cannot distinguish between the

on in the North; and there is a spirit of insubordination devil and those who do his works. They are all equally in some places almost amounting to insurrection among seeking abolition; they are all seeking to subvert the them already. They believe the whole North to be farights of the southern people. They have the same

vorable to their emancipation, and they are thus en. common object, and, mark me, if these petitioners should couraged to exertion; they but little doubt, if they can receive countenance by this House, we shall find many once organize and commence the attack, the northern of them-ay, sir, I fear, all of them-soon ranking in the people will fly to their succor, and second their efforts. same association and pursuing the same reckless schemes Then I say, sir, these memorials and their presentation together. They have a common object and common are improperly timed; and however I might be disposed purpose to effect. Did not the gentleman from Vermont at other times to discuss the merits of these petitions, I bimself preach to us about the evils of slavery, and the will not do it now. I appeal, then, to our friends in universal rights of man, and our duties to the African the North, and to the people of the North, to rescue us,

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by decisive action upon their part, from these influences, pressing these fanatical, exciting, and dangerous associ. which are thus mischievously operating upon our slave ations against that property which you stand pledged to population and our own safety. We do not ask our protect. We love you as brethren, we love the Union; friends of the North to come personally to our aid in we ask you, as citizens having the power by force of law, the conflict with which we are threatened. No, sir; wbich we have not, to put down these abolition schemes, come when it may, victory is ours; but we appeal to our and their aiders and abettors in your midst, and to probrethren of the North in behalf of our wives and our tect us against these incendiary attempts to bring war children, and for their protection and security against and desolation into our very domicils. This, sir, is a the instigators of midnight murder and assassination. national consideration, deeply affecting the southern Our northern friends cannot truly sympathize with our country, and the Union itself; and I should despise my. feelings; they cannot realize our true situation; they are self if I could allow any otlier feelings to enter into my distantly removed from our slave population, and know consideration, where the property, the lives, or the lib. but little of their character and disposition; we are inerties of my fellow-citizens are at stake. the midst, and can therefore know and feel the extent Mr. Speaker, I hope I need scarcely remark that I do and true character of the danger which the efforts of not include all the people of the North with the aboli. the fanatics are bringing upon us; hence, knowing our tionists. God forbid! 'I believe betier of them. Sir, I danger, and feeling it, too, we appeal (we do not sup. I know them to be incapable of the designs of these mid. plicate--supplication is a plant that does not flourish in night murderers; for so I call the abolitionists. They the South) to the North io do their duty to the South, are not open and manly murderers; for they do not dare and to the Union, by discharging their obligations to the to show their faces in the South and propagate their constitution, and that speedily.

scoemes, but stand at a distance, safely moored behind Mr. Speaker, how ought this question, as it is now the laws and institutions of indeperdent States, artfully presented to us, to be settled? One mode has been at exciting, insinuating, and stimulating our slaves to the tempted, and it failed. Then the only way is to with work of destruction. Sir, they are murderers, in the draw from these deluded and misguided fanatics all in most obnoxious sense of the term. I could have some ducements, all hope of aid from the North. Let the respect for the man wbo boldly marches up and assaults northern people themselves tell them, your scheme shall me openly; but I abhor and detest the dastardly fiend not be carried out. Why is it necessary for us to an. who approaches me by stealth, or fires at me behind the peal to the gentlemen of the North? These fanatics bush. I repeat, sir, their object is murderous, and I are in the northern States, which are sovereign and can prove it out of their own mouths. Is it not rotoriindependent as to tbeir domestic relations, beyond the ous that, but a short time ago, one of them boldly reach of our laws, and we cannot reach them by any avowed that every southern slaveholder ought to be exlegislation of ours; but the northern people can and ecuted? And yet that very fellow walks in broad day, ought to do it. However, we have had some specimen unmolested by men and caressed by ladies, in the streets of the sincerity with which this scheme has been put of a northern city of this Union! Have they not decladown in one part of the North, which I will mention for red, in print, that they would pull down and destroy the the credit of ihe parties concerned. I understand there very arch of the Union, rather than they would fail to has been a celebrated Anglo-Scotch vagabond travelling l effect their purposes? Sir, is this language, in the midst through a certain section of the North, by the name of of our northern friends, to be tolerated? Is this the way Thompson, preaching abolition; and I hope I shall not the North intends to discharge its duty of protection to be regarded as uncourteous or ungallant in again referring the rights of the South, secured by compact! I hope, to the females of the North. Well, this felon, for he I trust not. Are these the pious actions of these beney. deserves no better name, and would disgrace that if it olent servants of God? Sir, they are actions, but they were possible, has been holding forth in the churches are not those of the holy and peaceful religion of the and public meeting-houses of the North, lecturing and Saviour of the world, whom they hypocritically profess propagating his incendiarism, to the great horror and in-1 to follow, and whose religion they profess to propagate. dignation of the people. But, what is most singular, the He did not effect, nor seek to effect, the grand object of charming influence of the females, those blessed, pious bis mission by violence. No, sir; the religion of the old maids, bas protected him from all the rage of the Saviour is of a different order; its object is peace, its indignant citizens! Ay, sir, even at the very moment works are peace, and its ends are peace. Not so these when the people surrounded him, breathing threatenings fanatics. Theirs is the religion u hich seeks the attain. and denunciations, determined to suppress his doings and I ment of its designs by fire and sword, and would drag chastise his insolence, bis charming female followers and l heretics to the stake, burn them with fagots, or torture admirers exercised so powerful a charm over him, that them with the rack and the inquisition, to compel obedi. they carried him away unseen, as in the midst of a cloud; ence to their fanatical notions of religion. The real whether in their pockets, or how, no one can tell; but Christian is never stimulated to, and never incites to, so it is, he was carried out unseen, and escaped un murder and midnight assassination; and I regret the touched, entirely through female intervention. How | name of Christian should ever have been connected with potent the charm, thus to paralyze indignant patriotism this unballowed, detestable association. It is a desecraand fraternal affection!

tion to the name. Sir, these people must be put down, Mr. SLADE said Thompson had never been in Ver. and that speedily, or dire consequences, which I dread mont.

to contemplate, will ensue. The time has arrived when Mr. GARLAND. Well, I am very glad to hear that the people of the South must insist upon it. Security, Vermont bas not been cursed with his presence, and I liberty, life, all are involved in this question; and they wish I could say that his principles had never been there; will never surrender their rights. They may be driven but, somehow or other, all bis doctrines have reached from them, but abandon or surrender them they never there, have apparently taken pretty deep root in some will. It may be matter of no serious concern to these of its soil, and are broached here in their very odious meddlers with our domestic rights, with those instigators and detestable form and shape. I will, therefore, say to the murder of our wives and children, to contemplate to the people of the North, give us your aid in this thing; l our plains drenched with blood in a servile war; they prove to us the sincerity of your attachment to the are absent and secure. Buz to us, who are husbands Union, and the fidelity with which you will discharge and fathers, who must be in the midst of it, it is with no your obligations to the constitutional compact, by sup. slight concern, no ordinary emotion, that we can con.

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