committed, and the matter fully within its appropriate sphere of inquiry.

We know, sir, that "in union there is strength;" and I should be very sorry that a virtue which is so essential to the duration of all our institutions should be urged against us as impairing our rights. But I most fondly cherish the hope, Mr. Speaker, that this motion to reconsider will receive the kind indulgence of the House.

Mr. ADAMS rose and said: I have very little to say against the reconsideration of this question; for, if it is the opinion of the House that it ought to reconsidered and referred to another committee, it will certainly relieve me and my colleagues from an exceedingly laborious and painful duty. But, sir, the objection which has been made by the member from Ohio, [Mr. BOND,] against the confidance of this duty into the hands of this committee, is one which seems to require of me some reply.

It is, indeed, very true that at the last session of Congress, entirely without any foreknowledge of mine, either of the proposition or of the merits of this question, a bill from the Senate, establishing the boundary line of the State of Ohio, and, I believe also, of the States of Indiana and Illinois, came to this House, and was referred to a seleet committee, of which it was the pleasure of the Speaker to appoint me chairman. It is also true that the committee consisted then of seven members; six of whom concurred that the State of Ohio had no right whatsoever to the boundaries contested for by her; that six out of the seven were of opinion that the Territory of Michigan was entitled, by every law, human and divine, to the boundary which she claimed. Six out of seven!

Sir, since that time, transactions of great moment to the peace and welfare of this Union have occurred. The State of Ohio, by her legislative and executive authorities, has gone on to settle this question by main force. Armies have been arrayed by the State of Ohio, to settle this question by force; and that those armies have not been met by the adverse and hostile armies of the other party, had been more owing, probably, to the discretion of the President of the United States, than to the discre. tion of either of the parties to this controversy. Under these circumstances, the peace having been preserved between the two parties, (if my friend from Ohio will permit me to consider the Territory of Michigan as a party to this matter, however the State of Ohio may deny that she is so,) peace, I say, having been preserved, at the commencement of this session the President of the United States transmitted to Congress two messages; the one containing the constitution of the State of Michigan, formed by the people of that State, as they conceived, conformably to the rights secured to them as citizens of the United States by the constitution of the United States; and upon that constitution, formed with a boundary line given to that Territory by an act of Congress of the year 1805, under the irrepealable ordinance of 1787, constituting the same identical boundaries, the President of the United States had sent a message. The Representative of that State had presented himself here, and, under the claim of rights secured to him by the constitution, as a citizen of the United States, he claimed a seat here. In the other branch of the Legislature, two Senators, elected upon the same principles, and under the same claim of right, have presented themselves for admission to that body. Sir, to my regret, (and I speak only of what occurred in this body,) the Representative of the State of Michigan has not yet been admitted upon your floor, not even as a common spectator.

Sir, it becomes my duty to be perfectly explicit upon this subject. I pretend to no such thing as impartiality between the two parties; and if the sentiment of parti

[H. OF R.

ality, or the sentiment of justice, which I believe belongs to one of them, is to disqualify me as a member of this committee, ask the House how they will qualify the twenty-nine members of this House, several of whom have shown such deep feeling in this controversy? Theirs is not a question of partiality, but of the highest and deepest interest; a matter upon which, while on all other subjects they differ as widely as the poles, they have told you that they are all united as one man. Yes, sir, nineteen members from Ohio, seven from Indiana, and three from Illinois, are all united as one man. And why? Sir, I wish to say that I consider them all as men with a sense of justice at their hearts as full and entire as my own; but upon this question they are interested. This is not a question of partiality or impartiality with them; they cannot but have an opinion different from that which others entertain. With them, it is a question of interest, not of right, upon which they and their fellow-citizens held their arms in their hands to shed the blood of their fellow-citizens, and to sustain their rights, with the same unanimity with which they come here to speak, and sustain, and vote, for that interest. And, sir, because a member of the House, having no interest under heaven in this issue, not considering it as a measure of interest, but as a question of right and wrong, had heretofore, in the discharge of his duty to the House and the country, expressed an opinion that they have nothing but power, and no right on their sidewhen the subject comes here to go to a committee, not to decide, but merely to give counsel and advice-they get up and tell you that the member is disqualified. Sir, I cannot help admiring the sense of justice which enables these gentlemen to disqualify a member because he had an opinion not suited to their interests; and then to vote, twenty-nine of them, one after another, upon every question connected with this case.

Sir, I will say one word more. There are twentynine members on the one side, exercising the right to speak and to vote, and all of whom represent States which are directly interested in the question. On the other side, I look around, and I see only a single individual representing the Territory of Michigan. I have no doubt he is fully qualified to sustain the rights of his Territory upon this floor by all the power of speech which has been displayed by the adversaries of Michigan, but he has no vote; and I believe, in the general estimation of us all, a vote here is worth more than a speech, be the speech from whom it will.

Sir, one word more. I am afraid that, besides the twenty-nine votes depending here upon the issue of these questions, there are thirty-five votes of another description, which may unfortunately have more influence than they ought to have in the final decision of this subject in another place. But, sir, I have said it is my duty to be fair and explicit. I offered the resolution, referring these papers to a select committee, not on my own inclination, for no public duty that I ever discharged could come more ungraciously to me, but at the request of these gentlemen who are here knocking at your door, claiming to be Representatives like yourselves, and whom you have not yet admitted. I was well aware of the objection that could be taken to my having any concern with this matter, other than that of voting upon it when the yeas and nays were called upon any question in relation to it, on the ground that I had formed an opinion. But, really, when I considered the alternative part of the proposition, the number of votes upon the one side, with the solitary voice on the other, I thought I was not justified in refusing the request.

For what was it? I have said the subject was not to be decided by, but merely referred to, a committee, the duty of whose chairman would be to present a report to this House for its consideration, which should present

the whole merits of this question before the House; which has not yet been done.

The report of the committee of the Senate simply declares that the committee had no doubt of the right of Congress to settle the disputed boundary conformably to the claim of Ohio. That report I think I have seen qualified in one of the official documents from the State of Ohio, as a very able report--yes, sir, and this great ability consisted in a simple declaration that the committee had no doubt of the power of Congress, to settle the boundary; but not one iota of argument, nor one single allusion to any question of right between the par ties, did it contain. Upon that report the Senate did pass a bill, which, when it came to us, was referred to a select committee of this House, of which I was appointed chairman. After hearing the parties on both sides, day after day, for a week; after hearing an able argument from one of the most intelligent members of the Ohio delegation on the one side, and from the delegate of the Territory of Michigan on the other, the committee came to the conclusion, which it then stated to the House, that the bill ought not to pass. They made no report, because there was no time to draw it up. Upon that expression of opinion a discussion arose in the House, towards the close of the session, when I gave my views upon the question generally. Now, sir, when those gentlemen came to me, and asked me to move the reference of the two messages to a select committee, I told them that I would move the reference of one subject (that of the boundary) to a select committee, and said that, for the full establishment of justice between the parties, I thought it was proper that the two messages should be referred to two distinct committees. If they concurred, the decision would be more harmonious; and if they differed, every thing then would be said on both sides of the question. I therefore moved to refer the one to a select committee, leaving the other to take such direction as the House should think proper.

Sir, I have stated to the House the course of my proceedings, and the character of my motives. I have been explicit--there is no doubt upon my opinion. I have nothing more to say. The House will decide as they shall think fit and consistent with justice. I shall feel myself relieved from one of the most painful public duties I have ever performed, if they should transfer the duties to be performed by the chairman of the select committee to the chairman of some other committee of the House.

Mr. STORER, of Ohio, said: It is with great pain, Mr. Speaker, that I feel compelled to object to the reference of the question under debate to the select committee, and of which the honorable and venerable gentleman from Massachusetts is the chairman. If, sir, in the course of my remarks, he should regard any sentiment I might utter as severe, I beg him to impute the necessity under which I am placed as a sufficient apology. Between that gentleman and myself there ought to be but the kindest feelings. In days that have gone by I have sustained him, sir, when few cried "God bless him!" and since that period, in every vicissitude of his eventful life, I have marked with intense interest his career. It is not when I object to his supervision over the interest of Ohio that I would, in the most remote degree, question his high qualifications to discharge his duties, wherever and whenever he may be called on to exert his great mind; but, sir, I wish that the sun of his fame should set in splendor: that, in the decline of his memorable life, no clouds or darkness should rest upon it.

My colleague, to whom the gentleman from Massachusetts has just replied, very properly excepted to the propriety of the reference, as the chairman of the select committee had already expressed his opinions in strong

[DEC. 28, 1835.

and decided terms. The reasons he has urged I do not consider have been answered, and I regard them as unanswerable.

It is said, sir, that there is no delicacy on our part to act as triers of this question, though we object to the chairman of the special committee, as having already decided against us. Suppose for a moment that the analogy between the cases was perfect, what does it prove? Why, sir, that the gentleman from Massachusetts excuses one act of indelicacy by the exhibition of another. This, sir, is not a sound mode of reasoning, as it admits the weakness of the one position, while it would expose that of the other. But there is a most palpable distinction between the two cases. Although the delegation of Ohio will pass upon the question by their votes, they have not asked to prepare the case, to find the indictment upon which the whole matter must be tried. If any one of my colleagues should have sought the reference of the President's message to a committee of which he was, or would by courtesy be, the chairman, then the cases alluded to would have been apposite. As we now stand, sir, the parallel does not hold, and the attempted display of wit is gratuitous. We wish, sir, that the committee who are to act as the grand inquest in this whole matter, who are to prepare the issue we are to try, and in which such important interests are involved, should be without bias, uncommitted, impartial. Their report, for good or for ill, must have an influence upon the question. It will be published and read long before the ultimate principles it involves are decided, and long before its effects can be counteracted; for, sir, I assume it as true that ours is, in a most interesting sense, a Government of opinion; and, whatever may be our decisions here, they will be judged by the people upon their own view of the case. Now, the report of a committee furnishing all the facts upon which that opinion is to operate, it is the only criterion by which our acts are to be tested. How desira ble, then, is it, sir, that those who make the presentment should come to the subject untrammelled by prejudice and uncontrolled by feeling.

If such is the result in ordinary cases, how strongly does the argument now apply? The whole force of a powerful, clear, and cultivated mind, the whole force of great political and moral character, are to be concentrated upon a subject which it is admitted has been already prejudged. Sir, I protest against the occurrence of such a contingency. I know full well the ability with which the honorable gentleman will prepare his report, and I know, also, the avidity with which every thing that comes from his pen is perused. I cannot, therefore, consent that he shall write us down, in the threshold of the question, as he has generally done all his antagonists. We wish to be heard, before the blow that decides our fate is struck, and courteously, yet firmly, would insist that it is our right, as we know it is our duty, to challenge for favor, if necessary, any one of the panel who has prejudged the cause. I would appeal, then, to the honorable gentleman, and entreat him, when there is so much at stake, to decline his opposition to the reference, and reserve his strength for the final struggle.

The honorable gentleman has said that there are twenty-nine members on this floor, who moved in solid column, while the Government of Michigan has no advocate here. Sir, the gentleman does himself great injustice; for I am satisfied, without any disparagement to any representative that might be selected to protect the rights of Michigan, they could not be more ably, zealously, and untiringly sustained than they have been, and I have no doubt will be, by that honorable gentleman. There is no fear, then, that the Territory will not have the most paternal care exerted in her behalf, and the most commanding eloquence invoked in her defence.

It was said by the gentleman from Massachusetts, that Ohio had resorted to force, and that even blood would have been shed had it not been for the mediation of the President of the United States. Sir, the picture is exaggerated: whatever of war, or rumors of war, may have been heard this side the mountains, our peaceful valley has not yet been disturbed by such fanciful conflicts. In all the marchings and countermarchings of an armed force, we hold that Michigan has had the honor of the melee to herself. The battle ground has been hers only; and if there has been a conflict, she has sought it. Sir, if the chronicles of the times have exhibited the same facts to the gentleman that they have to me, he will find that the acting Governor of Michigan has been on the disputed territory, in the presence of his troops; and I am authorized to assert, also, that, in March last, on his requisition, the officer commanding the arsenal at Detroit issued one thousand stand of muskets, with seventy-five thousand ball cartridges, to maintain, as was said, the "integrity and laws of Michigan." Yes, sir, the arms of the United States were placed in the hands of the Executive of Michigan, by a federal officer, to be used against the people of Ohio. Sir, when the President was advised of this startling fact, he instructed the Secretary of War to direct that the arms and ammunition should be returned immediately, and intimated, at the same time, that the requisition could not be approved.

It gives me pleasure, sir, to believe that the President has always discountenanced the conduct of the Execu tive of Michigan, and that he has exerted himself to quiet the difficulties on our border. He has appointed a commission of intelligent gentlemen, who repaired to the frontier, and, as they supposed, in good faith, had arranged, for a time at least, the cause of contention. He has expressed himself, in decided terms, that our boundary should be settled before the admission of Michigan into the Union, as I am assured by the letter of my honorable predecessor to the Governor of Ohio, heretofore communicated by him to the Legislature of that State. I agree with the gentleman, that the President has exerted himself to bring about an amicable settlement of the question; and, so far as Ohio is concerned, I feel constrained to say she has acted in strict accordance with every stipulation she has made.

Sir, it is unjust and ungenerous to assail Ohio in the manner and language we have witnessed upon this floor; and he is her recreant son who will not cast back the reproach, and stand forth as her champion.

[H. OF R.

prove, still I trust that the honorable gentleman will listen to my appeal, and withdraw his opposition to the reference. He cannot forget his speech in February last, on this floor, when he covered the whole ground of the present controversy, and where he has unalterably committed himself against Ohio-a speech that has been this morning recognised as his proper offspring, and all its leading arguments again reiterated.

Sir, I thank the House for their indulgence, and close with a confident hope that the motion to reconsider will prevail.

Mr. LANE next addressed the House, in reply to the gentleman from Massachusetts, and in opposition to the reference to a select committee. He was in favor of sending the subject to the Committee on the Judiciary— a committee which would do entire justice to all parties concerned.

Mr. VINTON said it was not his intention to enter into the debate on this motion; but the remarks which had fallen from the gentleman from Massachusetts [Mr. ADAMS] impelled him, from a sense of duty, to throw himself upon the attention of the House. Deeply as he felt on this subject, he would endeavor to avoid the indulgence of feeling which the gentleman from Massachusetts, in the course of his remarks, had manifested. The open avowal of that gentleman, that he did not pretend to be impartial, and that he had consented, at the instance of the agents of the Territory of Michigan, to take this question of disputed boundary into his hands, not for the purpose of deciding upon it according to its merits, but with the view of opposing and defeating the claim of the State of Ohio, brought the House directly up to the decision of the question, whether it would tolerate and sustain the gentleman in that attempt. If it would, he, as one of the Representatives of the State of Ohio, desired to know it; and the sooner that information went to the people and Legislature of the State, now in session, the better, as they would then know what sort of justice to expect here. The people of the State of Ohio, of all classes, are as thoroughly satisfied of the justice of their claim as the gentleman from Massachusetts is of its injustice. And a majority of the people of that State were firmly persuaded they were called upon to sustain the dignity and honor of the State against the repeated and unprovoked aggressions of the authorities of the Territory of Michi gan, during the past season, upon the jurisdiction of the State, and to repel by force their lawless acts of mil

Sir, I make a final appeal to the gentleman from Massachusetts. The people of Ohio have, on more than one occasion, given him the strongest proofs of their regard, and they still cherish for the memory of his distinguished ancestor all the consideration that his eminent services in their behalf so justly have claimed. Sir, it cannot be unknown to this House, that, during the negotiation of the treaty of 1783, at Versailles, the British minister insisted that the river Ohio should be the boundary of the United States; and it was while thus narrowed down in her territory that her borders were not only extended, but finally carried to the lakes and the Mississippi, by the uncompromising firmness and unconquered vigilance of John Adams.

Congress. He was one of those who had taken that course; and he stood pledged that, whatever might be the decision here, reliance might be placed on the justice and impartiality of this body. If, when the inflammatory speech of the gentleman from Massachusetts, with his undisguised avowal of his intentions, shall go forth to the people of Ohio, already excited and smarting under a deep sense of outrage and injustice, the vote of this House, sustaining him in his attempt, shall accompany that avowal, there can be no mistaking its effect among them. They are not in a temper, sir, quietly to submit to a disregard here of even the appearance of justice and impartiality.

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