other subjects than abolition, which took up much time to debate, and motions were made to reject them. He concluded by expressing a wish that the House might decide on the appeal, and he would acquiesce in the motion to postpone the consideration of the memorial. Mr. WARD said he would be glad to withdraw his motion, if he thought this memorial would have preference over all others; but he thought it would not, and there would be much time spent in the discussion of them, and he was very anxious that the House should proceed to the consideration of the bill for the relief of the sufferers by fire in New York.

Mr. GLASCOCK said he was willing the question should be postponed; and his reasons were, that resolutions were in possession of the House, which, if passed, as he hoped they would be, would put this question to rest. He thought the House had the right to say that it would not receive these petitions. The right was recognised by Mr. Jefferson; and certainly he would not have recognised it if it was unconstitutional. It would be for the House to say whether it would receive them.

Mr. PATTON said he regretted very much that the gentleman from Georgia [Mr. GLASCOCK] had expressed a readiness to acquiesce in the motion to postpone. It was very evident that the effect would be to give the matter the go-by. The gentleman is mistaken, if he thinks he is to get a speedy and direct vote. Our time is to be taken up by discussing this matter every morning on which an opportunity offers. There was no way of getting a vote, unless we make it the special order until it is decided. One gentleman will ask it to be postponed for one purpose-another for another purpose; and by this means the question would be evaded. Mr. BOULDIN. I do not wish to say much, Mr. Speaker, on this subject, but wish to say a word or two, particularly as to the manner in which this matter has come before the House, and how I have been compelled to vote upon it. It comes up upon various points of order, blended in some degree with the merits of the question: whether the petition should be rejected be fore it is read, and you know what is in it; whether the language in which it is couched is such as ought to be received by the House. I have been compelled to give votes seemingly contradictory in relation to the merits, owing to this blending and entwining of questions of order with the most momentous matter that can come before the House or the nation.

Mr. Speaker, the North and East are not acquainted with the effects of what they are doing. They do not know what is the feeling of the South. Sir, if they did, their conduct would be different. Far be it from me to do or say any thing, or give any vote, that will endanger this Union. Sir, I love the Union as I love my life, and this makes me anxious that this matter should be understood.

[The SPEAKER said the point was, Shall the subject be postponed?]

I know that, sir; I am endeavoring to show the propriety of coming to an understanding on this subject now, in preference to then. Sir, the question I wish to come to is this: do you mean to take measures to endanger our property or our lives-liberate our slaves, directly or indirectly, now or hereafter? Sir, I have no doubt the liberation of the slaves of this District by Congress is unconstitutional, and will, on any vote, say so. But this is not what I care for. He that is willing, professing to be friendly, to use means, directly or indirectly, to endanger my life or rob me of my property, has little regard to constitutional scruples or difficulties.

Sir, I am not disposed to weaken the tie of love that exists, or did exist, between all the members of this Union; but, sir, I wish as soon as possible to inform the

[H. OF R.

North and East with what a tender hand they ought to touch this subject. There are individuals in this Union who I know love their country, and this Union is dear to them as the heart's blood of the dearest, tenderest, object of their affections, in whose bosom a thorn has been planted by another project from the same quarter—I mean the tribute of protecting duties. Sir, this thorn pained and wounded at the time, and has rankled and festered, and the wound is now in a festering state; and this is not the time to open it and plant another more fatal still, and more galling.

It is this, sir, which causes me to urge that we come to a full understanding of this matter between North and South, East and West; for, sir, I know that northern and eastern gentlemen do not know that there are feelings existing in the South upon this subject that cannot be further agitated or pressed upon. Sir, let me not be misunderstood; I do not charge the whole fault of the agitation on this subject on the North, nor would I wish to say any thing unkind or intemperate, calculated to wound the feeling of any member of this House or this Union. Far from it. I think I know that, if they were apprized of what they were doing, or likely to produce, they would act differently. They love the Union. And did I intimate that the South did not equally? Sir, they love the Union equally; but insulted, injured love, is the mother of the purest hate; and I wish all the members of the Union to be apprized of what is likely to be the effect of pressing this matter on us. Sir, they are not advised; I know they cannot be. Sir, I know our own conduct ought to be revised by us at home on this subject; let us inquire whether our societies and fourth of July speeches on emancipation and other things in relation to negroes and negro slavery have not invited strangers to meddle, and have not led to a misunderstanding on this subject.

I am sure that, on reflection, our northern brethren will admit of repentance on seeing error. I am equally satisfied that the attention of the South having been drawn to what they have themselves done, they will retrace some of their steps, and all will be willing to leave this subject, too mysterious, deep, and dangerous for man's management, (or that of woman either,) to the operation of time, and the providence of God, in whose hands alone this subject must at last be left. Sir, it is impossible that gentlemen should be sensible of what they are doing, or I do know, by looking into my own bosom, (a place I find the safest of all to look when I know that passion is absent,) to find what others with do on any given point-I know, sir, by what I find in my own bosom, that if gentlemen knew what was, or would be, the effect of pushing this thing upon us, they would, with all courtesy and humility to their constitu ents, return their numberless petitions, and tell them that dangers, of which they were not advised, awaited the passing of this matter, and that, if it was still insisted on, they would at last offer them. I know this would be their course as certainly as I can know any thing depending on observation and familiar acquaintance with the common practice of man, and their ordinary actions and motives in the common business of life. Sir, they cannot be fully sensible of what effects they are likely to produce. Look to the sources of their information. They rely in a great measure on the representations of the ladies, who appear to be the principal petitioners. Sir, let me cast no slur over any portion of the fair sex; I wish them every good wish, if they be single, which I believe is generally their condition; if they had husbands and children, they would find something else to do; I wish them all good husbands, and something better to do, and that they may spend their days and their nights in some employment more like to give them pleasure, and do the world a benefit

Mr. HARDIN entered into a statement to show the expenses for printing, &c., for 1833, 34, and '35, and read a table which he had himself made out.

Mr. CAMBRELENG moved that the bill be recommitted to a Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union. Mr. C. intimated his intention shortly to propose a bill to make the appropriation year, in regard to all the officers of the Government, commence on March 31, if no other gentleman did so.

Mr. WILLIAMS, of North Carolina, then withdrew his motion to refer to the Committee of Ways and Means.

Mr. UNDERWOOD renewed the motion, for the reason, he said, of instructing the Committee of Ways and Means on the subject of mileage. Mr. U. said this matter ought to be settled. Some of his own predecessors, coming from his own immediate neighborhood, had charged 1,100, 1,200, 1,300 miles, and others 600, 700, and 800; and it was time this matter was looked into.

Mr. CAMBRELENG would suggest that the Committee on the Post Office and Post Roads would be the proper committee to refer this subject to, and not the Committee of Ways and Means.

Mr. WHITTLESEY said, to send the subject to the Committee of Ways and Means would greatly embarrass it. He thought it should go either to the committee indicated by the gentleman from New York, or to a select committee.

Mr. W. went on to show that the contingent expenses for printing were easily accounted for, by the fact of the extra number of copies ordered by the House, for which many members had voted, who expressed themselves in favor of reform and economy. The former practice of the House was to print no more than 5,000 copies of the President's message and accompanying documents; now, 10, 15, and 20,000 were printed. Mr. CRAIG preferred referring the bill to another committee than the Committee on the state of the Union. The great inequality in the mileage of the members, though it might seem a small matter, involved an important principle.

Mr. WISE said: Sir, it was far from me to say a word on this subject, but I am called up, against my will, by the gentleman from Ohio, [Mr. WHITTLESEY.] His remarks are so true, and so just, and so just a rebuke to me, that I am compelled to make confession of the error of my ways. He is right, and I was wrong. It was I, sir, it was I who made, inadvertently made, the motion to print the twenty thousand copies of the President's message. God forgive me! and, if the country will forgive me for this one time, I promise never to be caught so offending again.

But I have been paid as I deserved for assisting the Globe to this lucrative job. The "glove" was thrown down to me the other day in that print, and I hope the House will permit me to take it up now. Like as a Kentuckian or Old Virginian brags of his "double-barrel gun, his pointer dog, and his sweetheart," so did Blair & Rives meet my charge of gross negligence and delay in the public printing. I charged "gross negligence and delay in the execution of the order of this House;" and they brag that they have "the best-arranged office, the best-provided office, the most unremittingly laborious office, in the city." That plea, sir, did not tender an issue, and did not respond to the charge. The Globe office may have "executed more work since the commencement of the present session of Congress than was ever performed in the same length of time;" but, sir, it has not done that work for us; it did not execute our order in due time; and I repeat the charge of gross delay in the printing of the President's message. The President's message was stale, had been printed in every

[H. or R.

village newspaper, and read by every body; had gone to our remotest boundaries, and nearly come back again, before a half dozen copies of it had been put on our tables; a month had nearly elapsed before my call on the Clerk piled up any considerable number on our tables. Why was this delay? No sufficient reason has been or can be assigned for it. No want of materials can be pleaded; for this well-provided office had plenty of materials to furnish thousands of copies to members who purchased them. Would not the same materials have done to execute the order of the House? Or were the ordered copies kept back until the whole number of those for sale was exhausted?

Sir, I shall vote for the motion of the gentleman from Kentucky, to recommit this bill, with instructions; not so much with a view to the mileage of members, as to reduce the printing bill of the House down from its present enormous sum to the old standard. I wish, above all things, to see the amount of "the Govern ment" patronage to the public press reduced--to see "the Government" patronage divorced from the public press. The patronage which the Globe alone received from the executive Departments, in less time than the last two years, amounts to more than forty thousand dollars! The cost of the printing of the House alone, in the last Congress, was more than one hundred and fifty thousand dollars! Judging of the future by the past--and the probability of an increase, in fact, being greater than that of a diminution of printing--the printing of the House for this Congress will not be short of that for the last, and Blair & Rives will, for the next two years, enjoy an undivided patronage from "the Government" of little short of two hundred thousand dollars! A hundred thousand a year! How can the public press be pure? Is it a wonder that it is degraded and corrupt? That it is no longer a faithful sentinel, and must not be, cannot be, relied on? Is there no remedy? Yes, sir, a plain one. Give me a committee, with power to send for persons and papers, and I will show you that the public printing can be done thirty per cent. cheaper than it now is. Purchase your own press, sir, and employ a superintendent, with a regular and liberal salary; give employment to the working men to do job work alone; and remove this corruption, this stinking bribery, from the fountain of political informa. tion. Let the political press depend upon the patron. age of the people alone for its support, and it will be more faithful to them and to truth. If it costs you double what corruption does, buy purity in the press at any price. The entire amount of Executive, Senate, and House printing in this District alone is little short of half a million of dollars, according to the new edition of the Blue Book; and from this place go forth the "winged messengers" of information, to enlighten or deceive the public mind. The bribe is too great, too strong, for poor human nature and for our safety. With the power of appointment to and removal from office, with the power of appointment of members of Congress to office, with the Post Office and custom-houses, with the public money and the pet banks, and with this enormous power of patronage to the public press, "the Government" can do any thing! We are a consolidated unit!

Sir, the gentleman from Massachusetts [Mr. ADAMS] asks if we will take up this bill to pay ourselves first? I say yes, by all means. I, for one, will never consent to postpone the Commons, the immediate Representa tives of the people, the House of Representatives, to pay the President, much less his menials, first. I will wait on this House first, and attend to them afterwards. I will do this from no selfish motive, but from a jealous and high-toned sense of independence and dignity, as a Representative of the people.

Mr. GILLET made a brief explanation of the causes

of the delay that had taken place. It was in no way assignable to the present printers, for the delay had not arisen from them.

Mr. LANE said the only remedy that could be applied was to pass a law that the mileage of each member should be published to the world, in a manner to be seen and read by the people, by the constituents of each member.

Mr. L. voted for the motion of the gentleman. from Virginia [Mr. WISE] to print an extra number of the President's message, and he neither regretted nor felt it his duty to confess his error for giving that vote. The extra numbers were not printed for the benefit of the members of the House, but for the people, their constituents. The gentleman from Virginia [Mr. WISE] complained of the extra printing and the Government patronage to the public printer. When, said Mr. L., did we ever hear of this complaint? Now that an American born citizen, one of the free born sons of Columbia, has the printing--otherwise when the same favors were showered upon a foreigner.

Mr. PARKER drew the attention of the gentleman from Ohio [Mr. WHITTLESEY] to the Post Office minority report, twenty-five thousand copies of which were ordered, at his instance, to be printed last session, which cost a vast deal more than printing the President's message; and which contained a large body of undigested evidence, that few ever read, and no one could understand. Mr. P. then referred to the mass of memorials, petitions, speeches, &c., of members of Congress, during the "panic" session, which fairly blocked up the avenues in the Capitol, employed some score or two of persons to fold, and the very folding paper to one speech, he was credibly informed, cost the country upwards of four hundred dollars. Mr. P. said it would be found that, for years past, the balance of public printing had been in favor of the House.

Не

Mr. WARDWELL was surprised that the gentleman from Ohio could put his hand on no other document than the President's message, the very one, of all others, that ought to be distributed. Mr. W. had always stren uously opposed the extra printing by that House. would ask, who ever read the gentleman's report, of which twenty-five thousand copies were printed? It was strange that nothing had been said by gentleman, of the expense of printing, before the present session, when, for the first time, a printer had been elected favorable to the administration. He hoped this bill would not be encumbered with the subject of mileage, but if the gentleman wished an alteration in the law, let him move the customary resolution.

Mr. WISE again rose and said: Sir, I am compelled to say that the explanations given by the gentleman from New York [Mr. GILLET] of the delay of the public printing is not satisfactory; not at all. The gentleman says the delay was owing to the fact that the printer was not elected by the last Congress, and that necessarily the public printer had to procure his materials after he was elected this session. Now, this is too bad-too disingen

uous.

I put it to the candor of the honorable gentleman, did not Blair, did not "the party" know-know as well as they now know-know beyond a moral certainty, that he was to be elected public printer before this House met? Ay, months ago, did he not know it too well not to begin preparation for his work? Let him, let the Globe answer me. It is too bad, I confess, thus to be forced on all occasions to acknowledge our humiliation; but facts, stubborn facts, must stubbornly be told! I repeat the question--if the materials were not ready for our order, how came they to be ready for Blair & Rives's own sales to members? 1 bought one hundred; a colleague tells me he bought twelve hundred; you, and you, here, there, every where, (pointing to seats around

[JAN. 12, 1836.

him,) bought of Blair & Rives, whilst you were waiting for the same work at public expense. If the "engravings," too, were not ready for the copies with the accompanying documents, why were the small messages, without the accompanying documents, not furnished? Blair & Rives had to sell out their own private stock on hand before they executed the order of the House. The printing we are told was done, but the copies not furnished. So much the worse.

The gentleman from New Jersey [Mr. PARKER] Says, that in the last Congress the balance of patronage to the press was against the administration; that Gales & Seaton had the printing. Sir, I am making no small, petty issue. I said "the Government" patronage; whether in the hands of one party or another, it is still patronage, and Government patronage. But now, looking prospectively for the next two years, the whole of the executive printing, and of the printing of this House, falling little short of two hundred thousand dollars, is to be heaped on one pet office of "the Government." Here. tofore, the printing has been more divided among the different presses. But I am not for the one or the other printer, or for any, to enjoy this immense patronage-l am for taking it from all. Gentlemen need not throw up Gales & Seaton to me. I never voted for Gales & Seaton; and I will not debate with them the poor, pitiful, contemptible issue between Gales & Seaton and Blair & Rives, or any other party printers. If their interests, or their parties' interests, were all which are involved in this question, I should not care enough about it to break silence; but there are most paramount and momentous and vital interests of the country and its future welfare involved-interests which we cannot long overlook, without forgetting our country in the low and grovelling strifes of party-the interests of independent legislation, and of independence in the public mind.

I would ask the gentleman from New Jersey [Mr. PARKER] whether, when he was stumbling over the speeches lying about and obstructing the recesses and passages of this huge building, he fell upon specches on one side alone? Were there not piles upon piles of "the party" speeches as well as of "the panic" speeches? He says during the panic session-the panic session! Yes, sir, it was a panic session; "the party" was panic-struck for a while; but I am done with that. I do not mean to discuss old things. I mean to look ahead, and to endeavor to make all things become new. During the panic session, the gentleman says, when Gales & Seaton were public printers, we heard nothing of extravagance then in public printing. The gentleman is out, sir; he is mistaken: there was a committee on the subject of abuses expressly appointed, at the head of which was placed an honorable gentleman from Georgia, [Mr. CLAYTON,] but that committee could never, or did never, report. I have never known, though I could guess, perhaps, why that committee never did report. M honorable friend from North Carolina [Mr. McKAY] was a member of that committee, and he, no doubt, can tell us why, and can tell us, too, of some abuses which might have been reported.

The gentleman not only complains of the printing of panic speeches, but also of the Post Office report. I am not astonished, sir, at his complaining of the printing of 25,000 copies of the report of the Post Office Committee-that was a "panic report!" But the complaint only shows how far reform would go. He says that report was very voluminous, and was read by nobody. It is so much the better for "the party" if that report has been read by nobody. But let him not lay that flattering unction to his soul. Sir, that report, which was the result of the joint industry, ability, and acuteness, of the gentleman from Ohio [Mr. WHITTLESEY] and the gentleman from Vermont, [Mr. EVERETT,]

JAN. 13, 1836.]

than whom there are not, and never were, in Congress, two more useful and faithful representatives of the peo ple. That report broke up the nest, probed the old sore, and laid bare the corruption of that Department. I do not know that all the foul matter has run out yet, and that it may not yet become more corrupt than ever. There are some other departments which I should like to see probed. There are your land offices, and your Indian bureaux, which, if all I believe is true, are now, and have been for a long time, festering with as stinking corruption as ever ulcerated the Post Office. I should like to see about 25,000 copies of just such panic reports printed upon each of those departments. Well may gentlemen complain of the distribution of such information as that contained in the report of the Post Of fice Committee. Such information to the people is well calculated to strike "the party" with a panic! Sir, 25,000 copies of that report were not half enough for a population of twelve millions. It told a tale of corrup tion, where all should be as pure as the air of your mountains, in a republic. Would that I could believe it would produce a real bonafide reform--not a reform, such as party politicians hold up to the desire and expectation of the people--not a reform merely to turn out and put in, but a radical reform, a cure, a healing of the disease. It did all it could do: it informed us of the disease; it let out some fetid matter. But I fear it exposed a most fearful character of the disease. I fear it is the king's evil on the body politic! It is not always to cure, to become informed of a malady. You may stop up one rat-hole, sir, and they will gnaw another. You may cicatrize one old sore, and another will break out on some other part of the body. I desire the people to become acquainted with the case and its type; and I do desire, above all things, that they will doctor Such panic reports, I say, sir, are of vastly more importance than your President's messages, and all your Secretaries' reports, which never pretend to expose abuses. Expose abuses! which rather smooth over some things that must not be known for the administration's sake! Yes, sir, where I would print one President's message, I would print one thousand copies of any report which exposes the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, to the nation.

it.

The gentleman from New York [Mr. WARDWELL] says it is the first time that the administration has had its printer. The administration its printer! Why, sir, here is the doctrine of the "spoils" distinctly avowed on this floor. The administration its printer! I repudiate, I despise, I scorn, I detest, I abhor, such a doctrine! It is servile, it is corrupting, it is mercenary. The administration its printer! This is the feeling; here it is; and what does it say to us and to the Ameri- | can people? I pray you, sir, and them to look at it, to mark it, and to reprobate it as I do. We are not safe, the Government is not safe, if such abominable sentiments shall obtain a footing amongst us. What, sir! is it avowed that the press, too, belongs to the victors? Yea, all!

Ay! and the gentleman from New York [Mr. WARDWELL] says, too, that these questions about mileagethese honest questions about corruption, and all thatcome from new members. Indeed! there is a confession for you. True, sir, though too true. We come here honest, at least professing to be honest, but we are not here long before we become "used to almost any thing!" [Here Mr. CAMBRELENG whispered to Mr. WISE, how is it with you, WISE?" to which Mr. W.❘ replied, looking at Mr. C.,] I am no better than I should be, but I am not yet, thank God, "a hardened sinner!" I do not know how long, a little "figuring," perhaps, might tell how long, I shall be disposed to act with the new members; but I am glad there are many new memVOL. XII.-137

[H. of R.

bers in this House, and I hope they will haste to do their duty whilst they are "fresh from the people!"

Mr. CRAIG moved that the House adjourn; but withdrew it to enable the Speaker to present sundry com. munications from the heads of Departments.

The SPEAKER also laid before the House the following message from the President of the United States; which was referred to the Committee on the Judiciary, and ordered to be printed:

To the House of Representatives of the United States:

Having laid before Congress, on the 9th ultimo, the correspondence which had previously taken place relative to the controversy between Ohio and Michigan, on the question of boundary between that State and Territory, I now transmit reports from the Secretaries of State and War on the subject, with the papers therein referred to. ANDREW JACKSON.

WASHINGTON, January 11, 1836.
The House then adjourned.

WEDNESDAY, JANUARY 13. SLAVERY IN THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA. The following resolution, heretofore offered by Mr. JARVIS, came up in order:

Resolved, That, in the opinion of this House, the sub. ject of the abolition of slavery in the District of Colum. bia ought not to be entertained by Congress. And be it further resolved, that in case any petition praying the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia be hereafter presented, it is the deliberate opinion of the House that the same ought to be laid upon the table without being referred or printed.

The question pending was the following amendment, offered by Mr. WISE:

"Resolved," That there is no power of legislation granted by the constitution to the Congress of the Uni ted States to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia; and that any attempt by Congress to legislate upon the subject of slavery, will be not only unauthorized but dangerous to the union of the States.

Mr. JARVIS modified his resolution as follows:

Whereas any attempt in this House to agitate the question of slavery is calculated to disturb the compro. mises of the constitution, to endanger the Union, and, if persisted in, to destroy the peace and prosperity of the country. Therefore,

Resolved, That, in the opinion of this House, the subject of the abolition of slavery in the District of Colum. bia ought not to be entertained by Congress. And it is further resolved, that in case any petition praying for the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia be hereafter presented, it is the deliberate opinion of the House that the same ought to be laid upon the table, without being referred or printed.

Mr. ALLAN, of Kentucky, moved to lay the resolution as modified, and the amendment, on the table. Mr. GARLAND, of Virginia, asked for the yeas and nays on the motion; which were ordered.

Mr. PARKER called for the reading of the resolution, as modified; which was done.

Mr. HOLSEY rose to a question of order. He was upon the floor when this subject was last before the House; and he supposed that he was entitled to the floor; and that the motion to lay the subject on the table could not be received under the circumstances.

The CHAIR said if the gentleman had claimed the floor when the subject was first announced, he would have been entitled to it. But as he had not done so before several gentlemen had risen, and a modification of