H. OF R.] Amendment of Rules-Naval Appropriations. the resolution had been made, it was now too late to press his right to the floor. Mr. MANN, of New York, inquired whether the motion to lay the subject on the table was in order, a similar one having been made on a former occasion. The CHAIR stated that the motion was in order. Since the vote referred to, other matters had been introduced. The question on the motion to lay the subject on the table was decided by yeas and nays, as follows: Yeas 58, nays 156. [JAN. 13, 1836. he contemplated asking the House to consider the forti- Mr. PARKS said he would be glad to comply with of the country required that this question should be Mr. CAMBRELENG was in favor of the postponement until Tuesday, with a view that the appropriation bills should be in the mean time taken up and acted on. postponed until Teusday next, made the special or The further consideration of the subject was then der for that day, and the propositions directed to be AMENDMENT OF RULES. Mr. BELL, of Tennessee, called the attention of the House to a business which was of the first importance to be considered. We are now in the fifth or sixth week of the session, and the rules, the defects in which were according to the general sense of the House, they reso seriously felt, had not yet been amended, though, quired amendment. They had been referred to a select committee, and several very important amendments had been reported for the consideration of the House. Gentlemen had given notice that they would to-day and portant appropriation bills, which would create as much to-morrow call for the consideration of the most im. debate and excitement as any subject which would come before the House at this session. He thought it necessary that the House should appropriate this day to the amendment of the rules. He knew the Chair, under the existing rules, must find much difficulty and embarhad it in his power to exert an important influence on rassment in directing the business of the House, and also the proceedings of the House, though he did not impute to the present occupant of the chair the exercise of any undue influence. ought to be supplied before the House proceeded The defects of the rules and orders further in the business of the session. YEAS-Messrs. J. Q. Adams, Chilton Allan, Heman So the House refused to lay the subject on the table. Mr. CAMBRELENG suggested to the gentleman to postpone his remarks, inasmuch as the morning hour was about to expire. Mr. HOLSEY said it was evident that it would be almost impossible to arrive at a decision on this subject, if they were to be restricted to a small portion of the morning hour. Under these circumstances, he would move to postone the further consideration of the subject until Tuesday next, and that it be made the special order for that day. Mr. PINCKNEY moved to print the resolution and amendment. Mr. PARKS moved to postpone the subject, and make it the special order for to-morrow. Mr. OWENS hoped his colleague [Mr. HOLSEY] would accept the latter proposition as a modification of his motion. Mr. R. M. JOHNSON reminded the gentleman that Mr. MANN said it was the intention of the Commit- ceeded to take up the orders of the day. SEMINOLE HOSTILITIES. The bill making appropriations for the repression of the hostilities, of the Seminole Indians in Florida, returned with an amendment from the Senate, was taken up, and, on motion of Mr. CAMBRELENG, committed Union. to the Committee of the Whole on the state of the On motion of Mr. CAMBRELENG, the House went into Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union, (Mr. CONNOR in the chair.) The amendment of the Senate to the bill making appropriations for the repression of Indian hostilities was agreed to. The consideration of the bill making partial appropriations for the support of the Government for the year 1836 was taken up, and, on motion of Mr. CAMBRELENG, postponed. NAVAL APPROPRIATIONS. The House then went into Committee of the Whole upon the naval appropriation bill. Mr. CAMBRELENG moved to insert an item of $15,000, to defray the extra services for surveying the coasts and harbors of the United States from 1830, &c. Agreed to. Mr. C. also moved to strike out the proposed appropriation of $200,000, for the purchase of sites, and erection of marine barracks, near Charlestown, Massachusetts, New York, Norfolk, and Pensacola. Mr. C. briefly advocated the propriety of striking out the item, on the ground of its being, in itself, an innovation, and probably unnecessary. It was thought by many distinguished officers, that the corps itself was an unnecessary appendage to the navy, and only requisite to keep up subordination, where the system of impressment prevailed. The money was also required for the repair of fortifications, &c. Mr. WISE and Mr. SUTHERLAND briefly defended the character and utility of the marine corps. Mr. VANDERPOEL said, if a vote in favor of striking out was to be considered as the expression of an opinion, on his part, that the marine corps was unnecessary and ought to be dispensed with, he would vote against the motion to strike out the item in the bill, for the building of marine barracks. He was not prepared, unless blessed with more lights than he now possessed, to give a vote from which it might be inferred that he consid. ered the marine corps useless. His honorable colleague had represented these marines as being a sort of amphibious creatures, belonging not strictly to the land or the water. Still he was not aware that the Navy Department had recommended a dispensation with this corps, or that the navy commissioners or the Committee on Naval Affairs in this House had expressed any opinion against the utility of this corps. He was informed by a member of that committee near him [Mr. WISE] that the Committee on Naval Affairs were decidedly in favor of the retention of this marine corps. For his own part, he had always understood that they were extremely useful and efficient in time of engagement. He knew very little about the details of their duty, but he believed that they carried small arms, and when two hostile ships came within musket shot of each other, a faithful and well-disciplined marine corps must be very efficient. He had always understood that one of the most gallant officers, whose loss this country had ever mourned, had been killed by a shot from one of the enemy's marine corps; and he could not vote to strike out the section under consideration, if he was to be considered as thereby indicating his conviction that the marine corps was unnecessary, and ought therefore to be dispensed with. Mr. BELL drew the attention of the committee to the items for making additions and improvements to the various navy yards, amounting, in the aggregate, to upwards of $600,000. He thought not a dollar beyond the absolute necessary repairs should be expended; for, in case of an exigency, such as rumored, men and ships, and not navy yards, were wanted. He thought at least this $200,000 ought to be stricken out, and the $600,000, too, unless the exigencies of the naval service required it, with which Mr. B. confessed himself not to be sufficiently versed to be able to say himself. Mr. PARKER thought, in case of war, nothing required more attention than our navy yards, and he maintained that this was one of the most necessary and indispensable appropriations of the whole bill. He hoped at least the $600,000 would not be stricken out. Mr. MASON, of Virginia, said the question was not to dispense with the marine corps at all, but whether they should postpone, to some future period, the proposition to accommodate the two different branches of the naval service with distinct barracks. He hoped the amendment of the gentleman from New York would be [H. OF R. adopted, and the item stricken out. He also drew the attention of the committee to the necessity of passing this bill as speedily as was consistent with its full deliberation. Mr. MILLER said a few words in favor of the amendment. Mr. CAMBRELENG stated that the item had not undergone the full examination of the Committee of Ways and Means, for if it had, they never would have inserted it at all. It did not belong to that committee, but to the Committee on Naval Affairs. It was a new matter, not belonging to an appropriation bill. Mr. HARPER, of Pennsylvania, would vote for the amendment, because he did not desire to see the marine corps too much separated from the navy, nor made a distinct branch of the service. Besides, he thought the proposition in other respects unnecessary, because there was plenty of accommodation for them already provided. Mr. WISE should vote for the amendment, not because the marine corps were not desired, but because they were more efficient where they were. Mr. VANDERPOEL said he should support the amendment for the same reason. The amendment was then agreed to, and the item stricken out. Mr. CAMBRELENG then moved to strike out the sum of $950,000 for the repairs of vessels in ordinary, and the repairs and wear and tear of vessels in commission," and insert, in lieu thereof, the sum of $2,000,000 for the same objects. Mr. C. said he was instructed to move this amendment by the Committee of Ways and Means, with one single exception; but, in saying this, he begged also to observe, without reference to the question of war, that he feared not to assume the responsibility of the measure. Mr. C. referred to the state of our relations with Mexico and with France, as a reason for requiring this additional appropriation for the navy. Mr. THOMPSON, of South Carolina, said that the honorable chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means need not have been so superfluous as to have declared that he was willing to assume the responsibility of this recommendation. These are times (said Mr. T.) when it is the fashion to assume responsibility, and in no case certainly more striking than this. The gentleman from Massachusetts [Mr. ADAMS] said the other day that these were times of change. It is true. Not only the powers of one department of the Government are assumed by another, but the appropriate duties of one committee are assumed by another. As to all matters of finance, it is my duty to look to the Committee of Ways and Means; but I have yet to learn to what authority reports from that committee are entitled upon subjects appropriate to the Committee on Naval Affairs, and the still more important Committee on Foreign Relations. I repeat, sir, that the Committee of Ways and Means, on matters properly belonging to it, is entitled to our confidence, and the more so because the chairman of that committee is a practical and successful merchant. But, sir, as to other matters, we have had to-day a practical illustration in the subject last considered by the House, where all the lights which we had were from that committee-lights which only made "darkness visible." If these appropriations are necessary, without reference to our present foreign relations, let us have information upon the subject from the Secretary of the Navy, with the usual and proper estimates, and coming to us through our Naval Committee, and I shall not oppose them. If necessary with reference to those foreign relations, let us wait for information from the Executive; if as an ordinary appropriation, as at present advised, they seem too large; if with reference to our relations with France, they are too small; give us but light, and we will be able to act understandingly, and in a way that becomes this Congress, the guardians of the interests and the honor of the American people. Why, sir, have we not that information? Some gentlemen seem to have it-all are entitled to it. Who are we, sir, that are thus called upon to take a step that may have a most impor tant bearing upon the highest interest of any people-a bearing, sir, upon the great question of peace or war? war. The Representatives of the people are a part of the Government, without whose concurrence no measure connected with this deeply interesting question can be adopted. It is our right to have, to demand, sir, all the information which may be in the possession of the Executive. Unless fully advised, and under the most inexorable necessity, I will take no step which may weigh a feather in the now nicely adjusted balance of peace or I do fear, sir, that we may yet be involved in a war with France; I am determined, for one, (and if only one, that determination shall not be shaken,) that I will have no share in bringing it on. No, sir, when it does come, I am resolved that I will be able to say to my constituents and the country, my hands are clear of it; you shall not say that I did it. Let it not be said that, whilst I admit the possibility of such a war, I will not vote to prepare for it. Not so, sir. When that war is inevita ble, when the interest or the honor of the nation (its honor is its interest) shall demand it, and when I am put in possession of all the information on the subject, then, sir, and not until then, will I take any such responsibility; and not, sir, until I am so advised by that department of the Government whose duty it is to advise me on the subject. I will not make war in this indirect manner, on the discussion of a clause in the appropriation bill; nor will I do any thing that may have the remotest tendency to that end. War with France, sir! The very idea would be ridiculous, if it did not involve consequences and issues so infinitely important and momentous. Although I repeat I have serious apprehensions that we may be involved in war, I will do nothing that may lead to it. As matters now stand, there is no cause of war; nor do I believe there is the slightest reason to anticipate that France will strike the first blow. It is with us to choose both whether we are to have that war, and the time for it. Let us wait for intelligence of the reception of the President's message in France; let us not add to the existing difficulties of an adjustment. The controversy with France is narrowed down to a mere point of etiquette and punctilio; so narrowed down, sir, that, in such a controversy between two gentlemen, if I, as the friend of one of them, were to allow them to go on the field of single combat, and either were to fall, I should regard myself guilty of murder. When I use this strong language, sir, it is due that I should glance-and the time and occasion only admit of a glance--at the origin, progress, and present position of the controversy. By a treaty concluded with the French ministry, indemnity is secured for certain spoliations upon our commerce; and, what is more, an important stipulation, and of great advantage to France, of the treaty of 1803, is surrendered; a stipulation so important that the most distinguished member of the French Chambers opposed to the treaty declared that he regarded the indemnity of twenty-five millions as nothing to it. Two separate commissions, appointed by the French Government to investigate these claims, had, after laborious investigation, reported the amount due us to be about thirteen millions. A sum is agreed to be paid nearly double that amount. Was this not enough to create distrust on the part of the French Chambers; enough to make them doubt about the treaty, and require them to look fully into it; when there is added to all this that our minister first demanded seventy millions, gradually came down to twenty-five millions; like a Jew [JAN. 13, 1836. selling a yard of calico, after the demand of seventy, accepted twenty-five millions, and boasted (with how much of dignity and justice I do not say) that even this sum would pay every cent due American citizens, (thereby acknowledging that his demand of the higher sum was not just;) and, further, that not more than one fifth of the French claims were conceded? I have known a horse jockey to boast that he had cheated a gentleman; but a boast like this I rather think occurs for the first time in the history of diplomacy. What, sir, a boast of an advantage obtained in the settlement of a pecuniary claim; and that advantage, too, obtained by us from France, above all nations on the earth from which we should have desired it! No such advantage was obtained; and the President says, "that the settlement involved a sacrifice, was known at the time." Not surely known by Mr. Rives, because he could not then have made the boast; but it surely ought to have been known by him. Was it not enough to excite the suspicions of the French Government, that our negotiator had thus boasted of the advantage he had gained-whether with or without cause is not material? In this state of things, late in the discussion, the difficulty is suddenly sprung, that eight millions had already been paid by the Spanish Government in the Florida treaty. The Duc de Broglie was unable satisfactorily to answer it, and said that "he had but a confused recollection of that treaty." He who had made the treaty of indemnity, whose duty it was to have known all about the Florida treaty, was unable to explain satisfactorily the difficulty. Under these circumstances, was it to be wondered at that the treaty was rejected, and only by six votes, in a body of more than three hundred and fifty? What then, sir? Was the treaty abandoned? No, far from it. A national vessel is fitted out. The King of France would not trust to the ordinary conveyance, but sent a national vessel to convey to our Government the assurance of his continued and faithful efforts to procure the ratification, and of his hopes of being able still to accomplish it, and entreating that nothing might be done to add to the difficulties already existing. In this stage of the matter, the Presi dent, in his annual message, very distinctly intimates his opinion in favor of reprisals on the property of French citizens, to avenge a national wrong by the seizure of the property of private citizens; and this, too, shortly followed by the recommendation of our minister in France, that our Government should assume a high tone, and use strong language-very distinctly intimating that threats would extort from the French people that which their sense of justice had refused. Sir, I was astonished, when I read that communication. I was surprised that such an idea ever could have occurred to any one, still more, sir, to a gentleman whose judgment ought to have been matured, and who had the reputation of wisdom and experience, and with a thorough knowledge of the French character-a people, brave, proud, and warlike, to a proverb. I feel, sir, an extreme difficulty in speak. ing of this matter, without subjecting myself to a charge of a want of American feeling. But, sir, whilst I am an American citizen-an American Representative, I cannot disregard the claims of truth and candor. I am not the apologist of France. I am, sir, the vindicator of jus tice and right. And I am constrained to say that all the difficulties in which we are placed have, in my judg ment, arisen from the indiscreet warmth of our own Government, and a course of measures which I will not say may not have been prompted by the high temper, strong and often high impulse of our own Executive-a course nothing the less to be regretted. Why, sir, let me ask, this most unwise haste in the recall of Mr. Barton at this particular time? Why remove the only possible medium of communication between the two Gov. ernments before the arrival in France of the President's message, which, but for that recall, would in all probability have been regarded as a sufficient explanation, as most surely it ought to be regarded? France took exception to a supposed threat in the communication of the President to Congress. In a similar communication such a threat is disavowed; and France is bound to notice the disclaimer, conveyed in the same manner as was the insult, and puts herself in the wrong if she does not. But, sir, this matter has at last reached a most nice and narrow point of etiquette. The President scouts the idea of making any explanations of his message; and yet such an explanation is made by our diplomatic agent, with the President's approval, which approval he authorizes to be communicated to the French Government; in other words, I will not make the explanation myself, but the explanation made by my agent I adopt. Now, sir, is not this a quibbling unworthy of both parties? I think it is going far enough, and ought to have been accepted. But is it upon such a point, that two great and powerful nations are to plunge their people into all the horrors of an interminable war--interminable, because it will be a war upon a point of honor, which neither can yield? Are human happiness and human life nothing? Is war a mere pastime, that it is thus, and for such causes, to be brought on? [H. OF R. Mr. SUTHERLAND said he had listened to the remarks of the gentleman from South Carolina, [Mr. THOMPSON,] and was astonished to learn that we had been the aggressors. The argument of the Duke de Broglie was one of great ability, and fully sustained the justice of our claims, and was an ample answer to the suggestion in relation to our having obtained an advantage in our diplomatic transactions with France. At present, however, the fairness of our claims was no longer open for discussion. Every branch of the French Government had passed upon them. The King, the Peers, and the Chamber of Deputies, had all given their sanction to their validity. The papers containing the debate in the French Chambers, laid on our tables last year, had been circulated throughout the whole nation, and the merits of the controversy were distinctly understood by our countrymen every where. And although there might be a reluctance on the part of all to go to war with our ancient ally, still he felt satisfied that, to sustain our honor in this dispute, there would be but one sentiment in the event of such an issue. It certainly was a subject of gratulation to know that this matter was so well comprehended by the people at large. With the President's message at the opening of the session before them, which they had received with great unanimity, they were willing to intrust the most delicate question of peace or war to the Congress of the nation. The chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means had, under an impression that the condition of the country required it now, moved to enlarge one of the items in the appropriation bill, with the view of increasing the naval force of the country. A short time since, the House passed a resolution directing an inquiry into the propriety of this measure. To this enlargement of the appropriation the gentleman from South Carolina obproposition with great cheerfulness. We must look to the organs of the House, in a great measure, for information; and we find in this instance the committee, through their chairman, ask for the increase. This is not the time for very precise calculations as to the amount we may be willing to put at the command of the Government, for the defence of the republic. As to the French fleet which is said to have been sent upon our coast, it does not in the slightest degree move me from "my propriety." If that fleet were sent to overawe and intimidate us, it would be a very different affair: then, sir, I would not even treat with France, until the whole nation were clad in armor. Is such the fact? Has France in any one instance threatened us? No, sir. That fleet is not professedly sent to intimidate, but to secure the commerce of French citizens from reprisals-reprisals threatened by one whose power over the action of our Government is known every where-jected. For himself, Mr. S. said, he would vote for the one the least of all men living given to child's play-one very apt to do what he threatens. If that threat be of a bold and daring act, under such circumstances, every obligation of protection due by a Government to its people demanded some such measure of precaution. So far from threats, has not the whole course of France been marked by a forbearance that would have been proper in no people having a less unquestionable character for courage? Has not the French minister, over and over, replied to the charge of duplicity and bad faith, and exculpated his King from it, when he would have been justified in repelling it with scorn? (I disclaim all arguments drawn from a calculation of the comparative amount of the expenses of a hostile collision with France, and the amount secured by the treaty. I agree fully with gentlemen, that, if the national honor, and our ability or our willingness to protect our citizens in all their rights, are involved, considerations of the cost are unworthy and degrading.]* If such an issue is presented, I will not condescend to say, nor permit it to be doubted, what will be the course of the people of South Carolina, in a matter of duty, of patriotism, of honor. The whole world already knows what it will be. The history of the State in all time past renders it certain to all what that course will be. Sir, when this country engaged in the last war, the great cause of which was the impressment of American seamen, and but for which that war never would have been declared, South Carolina had scarcely a seaman on the ocean. But it was northern seamen who were impressed, the national honor assailed; and what was the consequence? War, sir, war— and so it will ever be, for a like or a sufficient cause. I see none such now. I will not contribute, by any vote which I may give, to create such a necessity. • The lines in brackets not in the speech as delivered. | The gentleman from South Carolina saw nothing improper in the course of the French, in relation to the recent orders of that Government concerning their fleet. Mr. S. said, whatever might be the design of the French vessels in sailing in this direction, he thought it would comport with sound policy for us to look to our navy, and in peace (perhaps he might say upon the verge of hostilities) to prepare for war. Under these impressions, he promised his humble aid to the committee in support of all the appropriation bills that went for a prompt and efficient defence of the Union. The Chief Magistrate ought to have ample means to meet any contingency; and he saw no danger in committing them to his discretion. We could not find safer hands. He had, during our last contest, given us a sure pledge of his patriotism and ability to carry on the military operations of the nation. His great skill, manifested in the darkest period of a war that he ended so gloriously, will, in the event of a contest with the French, do much to bring it to a speedy termination. The appropriation now asked is to be put at the command of General Jackson; and I am the more willing to commit it to his discretion, because, in my judgment, I believe he never will recommend war with the country of Lafayette, unless a just sense of national honor requires it. Mr. S. said he was convinced that every section of the republic would ardently support the war, if we should be forced into it by the French Government. France, it was true, was an | early friend; and to raise arms against her would require great provocation. But if her course leaves us no other alternative, why, we must and will enter the lists with her. We hear much about the strength and improvement of the French navy, of the science and skill of her officers. This is doubtless all true, but it argues the propriety of granting the appropriations before the Committee of the Whole House. Whatever may be the advanced condition of the French marine, and however gallantly they may sustain their cause, I have no fear that our "star-spangled banner" will not come out of every conflict beaming with renewed lustre. But I do not wish for war, and least of all a war with France, if it can be shunned with honor. At present, I think the question of war is not properly open for debate upon the amendment. When that time should arrive, if any gentleman from South Carolina or elsewhere should feel disposed to enter upon the discussion of its propriety, they will find themselves met on all quarters by gentlemen who are prepared to sustain the country in such a crisis. I quit this debate, under a firm conviction that, if we should be compelled to assume a warlike attitude, the sons of South Carolina will pour out their blood as freely as any other State in the Union, in defence of their much-wronged country. [JAN. 13, 1836. principle amongst themselves. Being foiled, however, in their attempts heretofore, they have agreed to try and get up another hobby, and have seized this occasion to vent their gall against one of the most patriotic individuals that has ever lived in this or any other country, and who had done more for the security of American liberty than any other man now breathing, the assertions of the gentleman notwithstanding; whose character the whole American people stood pledged to support, and which they had vouched for, by the overwhelming votes which he had received at their hands, more than once, for the first office in the gift of the nation. The gentleman from South Carolina [Mr. THOMPSON] had said that, in every position taken in relation to France, the President had acted falsely. If Mr. B. was to infer from that that the President had acted falsely with France, he denied it. The American President had not nor could he act falsely with France or any other Power living. In behalf of the American people he denied it. [Mr. THOMPSON explained. He did not intend to say the President had acted falsely, but had taken false positions.] Mr. BYNUM resumed. He said he was glad the gentleman had qualified the assertion. Then it was a mere matter of opinion between the gentleman from South Carolina and the President of the United States, and it would be for the great body of the American people to say whether the President of the United States was right in the position he had taken, or whether the gentleman from South Carolina was right in that which he had taken. Mr. B. said he most cordially agreed in the remarks of the gentleman from Kentucky, a few days ago, [Mr. HAWES,] when he said he believed that much mischief had grown out of speeches made here and elsewhere, through a mere spirit of opposition to the Executive. He believed it candidly and honestly. France believed it, and for this reason she acted more obstinately, he had no doubt, than she otherwise would have done, in her refusal to pay our people the just debt that she had wrongfully withheld from them for more than twenty years. The gentleman from South Carolina had said, too, that, if we were to go to war with France, it would be a ridiculous war. As much as he was opposed to a war with France or any other Power, he could not believe it would be a ridiculous war. characters of the parties concerned forbid such an idea. It had been said elsewhere, and repeated here by the gentleman, shall we go to war with France for five millions of dollars? He would say, yes; and for five mil lions of cents, if it were necessary to maintain the honor and independence of the nation. He was astonished that such a position should be taken by the gentleman, coming from the quarter that he did; that it was the amount of money for which a nation should alone go to war. He hazarded nothing in saying that time would show that the course taken by the President, in relation to France, was not only right, but necessary for the honor and security of the rights and dignity of the American people. The American people had given, as far as public sentiment could be ascertained, their verdict already on this subject, in favor of the course of their Government; and still the opposition was catch The Mr. BYNUM said that he had not expected an attack on the measures of the administration generally, on the subject of the propriety of an appropriation of an infe rior magnitude; but it could not be unknown to the House that a simultaneous attack had been made elsewhere; and be could not allow the declamations of the honorable gentleman from South Carolina [Mr. THOMPSON] against the President, and the policy of an administration to which he in part had contributed his humble support, to pass unnoticed, when he believed the President had acted as became the Chief Magistrate of the American people. It was evident, both in this House and elsewhere, that in the contest with France we are to have here a French party and an American party, than which there was nothing that he more sincerely regretted. The game was up--it had been started in another part of the Capitol. It could not be forgotten by any gentleman in Congress, that during our last contest with Great Britain there was said to have been in this country an English party--a party which made bonfires and rejoiced at the defeat of the American arms. God forbid (said Mr. B.) that there should be a party now springing up among us, who would rejoice at our defeats in a contest with France, if we should be unfortunately involved in a war with that Power. But he asserted that, from what he had seen, the American people had a right to expect this. The symptoms indicating it he thought too manifest to be misunderstood. A few years ago, the distinguished sage who now occupies the white house was assailed on another occasion with equal acrimony and virulence by the same party, for the purpose of estranging, no doubt, the feelings of the people from him. That party then acted upon the presumption that the ignorance of the people would admit of their being led away from the President of their choice by mere clamor and unfounded declamation. Mr. B. then had said the people would not sustain them; they had not done it; and the great majority then in that House in favor of the measures of the Executive was the best living at this and other hobbies, to bolster up their prosing evidence of the fact; and he rejoiced that he had lived to read the testimony of the American people themselves on the subject, by the appearance of such an overwhelming majority of their Representatives in that House. If we had been carried off by the eloquent tact and abuse of the superior leaders of the opposition, and he confessed many were, we should have been led off after a set of men who were conspiring against the feelings and wishes of a great majority of the American people, without the least concurrence of sentiment or trate and exposed condtion. Mr. B. wished to make one remark here to an honorable gentleman of another body, and it became him to make it, coming from the State from which he did. He saw, in a public journal a few days since, some remarks, represented to have fallen from that honorable gentleman in another part of this building, which were (said Mr. B.) "that the House of Representatives was not the part of the Capitol where fair play was to be expected." He did not wish particularly to remark on the character of the author of the |