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the resolution had been made, it was now too late to he contemplated asking the House to consider the fortipress his right to the floor.
fication bill to-morrow. He hoped the motion to postMr. MANN, of New York, inquired whether the mo- pone until Tuesday would prevail, or that the gentletion to lay the subject on the table was in order, a simi-man from Maine would withdraw his motion. lar one having been made on a former occasion.
Mr. PARKS said he would be glad to comply with The CHAIR stated that the motion was in order. | the request of the gentleman from Kentucky, (Mr. JohnSince the vote referred to, other matters had been in son;] but he must be excused. The peace and quiet troduced.
of the country required that this question should be The question on the motion to lay the subject on the speedily settled. table was decided by yeas and nays, as follows: Yeas 58, Mr. CAMBRELENG was in favor of the postponenays 156.
ment until Tuesday, with a view that the appropriation YEAS-Messrs. J. Q. Adams, Chilton Allan, Heman bills should be in the mean time taken up and acted on. Allen, Ash, Bailey, Barton, Beaumont, Bond, Borden, The further consideration of the subject was then Briggs, Buchanan, Carr, George Chambers, Clark, Cor postponed until Teusday next, made the special orwin, Crane, Cushing, Darlington, Evans, Fowler, Graves, der for that day, and the propositions directed to be Grennell, Hannegan, Hard, Harlan, Hazeltine, Hen- printed. derson, Hiester, Hoar, Howell, Hunt, Ingersoll, Janes, Laporte, Lawrence, Lincoln, S. Mason, McCarty, Mc
AMENDMENT OF RULES. Kennan, Milligan, Montgomery, Morris, Parker, Dutee Mr. BELL, of Tennessee, called the attention of the J. Pearce, Phillips, Potts, Reed, Russell, Slade, Span-House to a business which was of the first importance to gler, Sprague, Sutherland, Underwood, Vinton, Web be considered. We are now in the fifth or sixth week ster, Whittlesey, Lewis Williams, Sherrod Williams-58. of the session, and the rules, the defects in which were
Nays-Messrs. Anthony, Beale, Bean, Beardsley, Bell, so seriously felt, had not yet been amended, though, Bockee, Bouldin, Bovee, Boyd, Brown, Bunch, Burns, according to the general sense of the House, they reBynum, William B. Calhoun, Cambreleng, Campbell, I quired amendment. They had been referred to a select Carter, Casey, John Chambers, Chaney, Chapman, Cha
| committee, and several very important amendments had pin, Childs, N. H. Claiborne, J. F.H. Claiborne, Cleve been reported for the consideration of the House. land, Coffee, Coles, Connor, Craig, Cramer, Cushman, Gentlemen had given notice that they would to-day and Davis, Deberry, Denny, Dickson, Doubleday, Drom-to-morrow call for the consideration of the most imgoole, Efner, Everett, Fairfield, Farlin, French, Fry, portant appropriation bills, which would create as much Pbilo C. Fuller, William K. Fuller, James Garland, Rice debate and excitement as any subject which would come Garland, Gillet, Glascock, Granger, Grantland, Grayson, / before the House at this session. He thought it necesGriffin, Haley, Joseph Hall, Hiland Vall, Hamer, ilam- sary that the House should appropriate this day to the mond, Hardin, Harper, Samuel S. Harrison, Albert G. amendment of the rules. He knew the Chair, under Harrison, Hawes, Hawkins, Haynes, Holsey, Hopkins, the existing rules, must find much difficulty and embarHoward, Hubley, Huntington, Hunstman, Ingham, Ja rassment in directing the business of the House, and also bez Jackson, Jarvis, Joseph Johnson, R. M. Johnson, had it in his power to exert an important influence on Cave Johnson, Henry Johnson, John W. Jones, Benja. the proceedings of the House, though he did not impute min Jones, Judson, Kennon, Kilgore, Kinnard, Klingen- to the present occupant of the chair the exercise of any smith, Lane, Lansing, Lawler, Gideon Lee, Luke Lea, undue influence. The defects of the rules and orders Leonard, Logan, Loyal), Lucas, Lyon, Abijab Mann, ought to be supplied before the House proceeded Job Mann, Manning, Martin, J. Y. Mason, William Ma further in the business of the session. son, Moses Mason, Maury, May, McComas, McKay, Mr. MANN said it was the intention of the CommilMcKeon, McKim, McLene, Mercer, Miller, Moore, tee on the Rules and Orders to ask the House to conMorgan, Muhlenberg, Owens, Page, Parks, Patterson, sider the report at an early day. There could be now Patton, F. Pierce, James A. Pearce, Pettigrew, Peyton, no more inconvenience felt for the want of rules than Phelps, Pickens, Pinckney, Rencher, John Reynolds, there bad been for the last two years. The existing Joseph Reynolds, Roane, Rogers, Seymour, William B. rules, until others were adopted, were the same which Shepard, Augustine H. Shepperd, Shields, Shinn, Steele, I had been in force for the last four or five years. Storer, Taliaferro, Taylor, John Thomson, Waddy On motion of Mr. CAMBRELENG, the House proThompson, Toucey, Towns, Turner, Turrill, Vander.
| ceeded to take up the orders of the day. poel, 'Wagener, Ward, Wardwell, Weeks, White, Wise-155.
. SEMINOLE HOSTILITIES. So the House refused to lay the subject on the table. The bill making appropriations for the repression of Mr. HOLSEY obtained the floor.
the hostilities, of the Seminole Indians in Florida, re. Mr. CAMBRELENG suggested to the gentleman to turned with an amendment from the Senate, was taken postpone his remarks, inasmuch as the morning hour up, and, on motion of Mr. CAMBRELENG, committed was about to expire..
to the Committee of the Whole on the state of the Mr. HOLSEY said it was evident that it would be al- Union. most impossible to arrive at a decision on this subject, On motion of Mr. CAMBRELENG, the House went if they were to be restricted to a small portion of the into Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union, morning hour. Under these circumstances, he would (Mr. CunnoR in the chair.) move to postone the further consideration of the sub- The amendment of the Senate to the bill making apject until Tuesday next, and that it be made the special propriations for the repression of Indian hostilities was order for that day.
Mr. PINCKNEY moved to print the resolution and The consideration of the bill making partial approamendment.
priations for the support of the Government for the Mr. PARKS moved to postpone the subject, and year 1836 was taken up, and, on motion of Mr. CAMmake it the special order for to-morrow.
BRELENG, postponed. Mr. OWENS hoped his colleague [Mr. HOLSEY] would accept the latter proposition as a modification of
NAVAL APPROPRIATIONS. his motion.
The House then went into Committee of the Whole Mr. R. M. JOHNSON reminded the gentleman that l upon the naval appropriation bill.
Mr. CAMBRELENG moved to insert an item of adopted, and the item stricken out. He also drew the $15,000, to defray the extra services for surveying the attention of the committee to the necessity of passing coasts and harbors of the United States from 1830, &c. this bill as speedily as was consistent with its full deAgreed to.
liberation. Mr. C. also moved to strike out the proposed appro Mr. MILLER said a few words in favor of the amendpriation of $200,000, for the purchase of sites, and erec ment. tion of marine barracks, near Charlestown, Massachu Mr. CAMBRELENG stated that the item had not setts, New York, Norfolk, and Pensacola.
undergone the full examination of the Committee of Mr. C. briefly advocated the propriety of striking out Ways and Means, for if it had, they never would have the item, on the ground of its being, in itself, an inno- inserted it at all. It did not belong to that committee, vation, and probably unnecessary. It was thought by but to the Committee on Naval Affairs. It was a new many distinguished officers, that the corps itself was an matter, not belonging to an appropriation bill. unnecessary appendage to the navy, and only requisite Mr. HARPER, of Pennsylvania, would vote for the to keep up subordination, where the system of impress- amendment, because he did not desire to see the marine ment prevailed. The money was also required for the corps too much separated from the navy, nor made a repair of fortifications, &c.
distinct branch of the service. Besides, he thought the Mr. WISE and Mr. SUTHERLAND briefly defended proposition in other respects unnecessary, because there the character and utility of the marine corps.
was plenty of accommodation for them already provided. Mr. VANDERPOEL said, if a vote in favor of striking Mr. WISE should vote for the amendment, not beout was to be considered as the expression of an opinion, cause the marine corps were not desired, but because on his part, that the marine corps was unnecessary and they were more efficient where they were. ought to be dispensed with, he would vote against the Mr. VANDERPOEL said he should support the motion to strike out the item in the bill, for the building amendment for the same reason. of marine barracks. He was not prepared, unless The amendment was then agreed to, and the item blessed with more lights than he now possessed, to give | stricken out. a vote from which it might be inferred that he consid. Mr. CAMBRELENG then moved to strike out the ered the marine corps useless. His honorable col- ! sum of $950,000 “ for the repairs of vessels in ordinary, league had represented these marines as being a sort of and the repairs and wear and tear of vessels in commisamphibious creatures, belonging not strictly to the land sion," and insert, in lieu thereof, the sum of $2,000,000 or the water. Still he was not aware that the Navy for the same objects. Department had recommended a dispensation with this 1 Mr. C. said he was instructed to move this amendcorps, or that the navy commissioners or the Committeement by the Committee of Ways and Means, with one on Naval Affairs in this House had expressed any opinion single exception; but, in saying this, he begged also to against the utility of this corps. He was informed by a observe, without reference to the question of war, that member of that committee near him (Mr. WISE] that the he feared not to assume the responsibility of the measCommittee on Naval Affairs were decidedly in favor of ure. Mr. C. referred to the state of our relations with the retention of this marine corps. For his own part, Mexico and with France, as a reason for requiring this he had always understood that they were extremely additional appropriation for the navy. useful and efficient in time of engagement. He knew Mr. THOMPSON, of South Carolina, said that the very little about the details of their duty, but he believ honorable chairman of the Committee of Ways and ed that they carried small arms, and when two hostile Means need not have been so superfluous as to have deships came within musket shot of each other, a faithful clared that he was willing to assume the responsibility of and well-disciplined marine corps must be very efficient. this recommendation. These are times (said Mr. T.) He had always understood that one of the most gallant when it is the fashion to assume responsibility, and in no officers, whose loss this country had ever mourned, had case certainly more striking than this. The gentleman been killed by a shot from one of the enemy's marine from Massachusetts (Mr. ADAMS) said the other day that corps; and he could not vote to strike out the section these were times of change. It is true. Not only the under consideration, if he was to be considered as | powers of one department of the Government are thereby indicating his conviction that the marine corps assumed by another, but the appropriate duties of one was unnecessary, and ought therefore to be dispensed committee are assumed by another. As to all matters with.
of finance, it is my duty to look to the Committee of Mr. BELL drew the attention of the committee to the Ways and Means; but I have yet to learn to what auitems for making additions and improvements to the thority reports from that committee are entitled upon various navy yards, amounting, in the aggregate, to up- subjects appropriate to the Committee on Naval Affairs, wards of $600,000. He thought not a dollar beyond and the still more important Committee or Foreign Re. the absolute necessary repairs should be expended; for, lations. I repeat, sir, that the Committee of Ways and in case of an exigency, such as rumored, men and ships, Means, on matters properly belonging to it, is entitled and not navy yards, were wanted. He thought at least to our confidence, and the more so because the chairman this $200,000 ought to be stricken out, and the $600,000, of that committee is a practical and successful merchant. too, unless the exigencies of the naval service required But, sir, as to other matters, we have had to-day a pracit, with which Mr. B. confessed himself not to be suffi- tical illustration in the subject last considered by the ciently versed to be able to say himself.
House, where all the lights which we had were from Mr. PARKER thought, in case of war, nothing re- that committee-lights which only made “darkness visiquired more attention than our navy yards, and he main ble." If these appropriations are necessary, without .tained that this was one of the most necessary and indis. reference to our present foreign relations, let us have pensable appropriations of the whole bill. He hoped information upon the subject from the Secretary of the at least the $600,000 would not be stricken out.
Navy, with the usual and proper estimates, and coming Mr. MASON, of Virginia, said the question was not to us through our Naval Committee, and I shall not op. to dispense with the marine corps at all, but whether pose them. If necessary with reference to those foreign they should postpone, to some future period, the propo relations, let us wait for information from the Executive; sition to accommodate the two different branches of the | if as an ordinary appropriation, as at present advised, naval service with distinct barracks. He hoped the they seem too large; if with reference to our relations amendment of the gentleman from New York would be with France, they are too small; give us but light, and
we will be able to act understandingly, and in a way that selling a yard of calico, after the demand of seventy, becomes this Congress, the guardians of the interests accepted twenty-five millions, and boasted (with how and the honor of the American people. Why, sir, have much of dignity and justice I do not say) that even this we not that information? Some gentlemen seem to have sum would pay every cent due American citizens, it--all are entitled to it. Who are we, sir, that are thus (thereby acknowledging that his demand of the higher called upon to take a step that may have a most impor- sum was not just;) and, further, that not more than one tant bearing upon the highest interest of any people-2 fifth of the French claims were conceded? bearing, sir, upon the great question of peace or war? I have known a horse jockey to boast that he had
The Representatives of the people are a part of the cheated a gentleman; but a boast like this I rather think Government, without whose concurrence no measure occurs for the first time in the history of diplomacy. connected with this deeply interesting question can be What, sir, a boast of an advantage obtained in the setadopted. It is our right to have, to demand, sir, all the tlement of a pecuniary claim; and that advantage, too, information which may be in the possession of the Ex-( obtained by us from France, above all nations on the ecutive. Unless fully advised, and under the most in earth from which we should have desired it! No such exorable necessity, I will take no step which may weigh advantage was obtained; and the President says, “that a feather in the now nicely adjusted balance of peace or the settlement involved a sacrifice, was known at the war. I do fear, sir, that we may yet be involved in a time.” Not surely known by Mr. Rives, because he war with France; I am determined, for one, (and if only could not then have made the boast; but it surely ought one,' that determination shall not be shaken,) that I will to have been known by him. have no share in bringing it on. No, sir, when it does Was it not enough to excite the suspicions of the come, I am resolved that I will be able to say to my con- French Government, that our negotiator had thus boaststituents and the country, my hands are clear of it; you ed of the advantage he had gained whether with or shall not say that I did it. Let it not be said that, whilst without cause is not material? In this state of things, I admit the possibility of such a war, I will not vote to late in the discussion, the difficulty is suddenly sprung, prepare for it. Not so, sir. When that war is inevita. that eight millions had already been paid by the Spanish ble, when the interest or the honor of the nation (its Government in the Florida treaty. The Duc de Broglie honor is its interest) shall demand it, and when I am put was unable satisfactorily to answer it, and said that "he in possession of all the information on the subject, then, had but a confused recollection of that treaty.” He who sir, and not until then, will I take any such responsi- had made the treaty of indemnity, whose duty it was to bility; and not, sir, until I am so advised by that departhave known all about the Florida treaty, was unable to ment of the Government whose duty it is to advise me explain satisfactorily the difficulty. Under these circumon the subject. I will not make war in this indirect stances, was it to be wondered at that the treaty was remanner, on the discussion of a clause in the appropria-jected, and only by six votes, in a body of more than tion bill; nor will I do any thing that may have the re- three hundred and fifty? What then, sir! Was the motest tendency to that end. War with France, sir! treaty abandoned? No, far from it. A national vessel The very idea would be ridiculous, if it did not involve is fitted out. The King of France would not trust to the consequences and issues so infinitely important and mo ordinary conveyance, but sent a national vessel to conmentous. Although I repeat I have serious apprehen vey to our Government the assurance of his continued sions that we may be involved in war, I will do nothing and faithful efforts to procure the ratification, and of his that may lead to it. As matters now stand, there is no hopes of being able still to accomplish it, and entreating cause of war; nor do I believe there is the slightest that nothing might be done to add to the difficulties alreason to anticipate that France will strike the first blow. I ready existing. In this stage of the matter, the PresiIt is with us to choose both whether we are to have that dent, in his annual message, very distinctly intimates his war, and the time for it. Let us wait for intelligence of opinion in favor of reprisals on the property of French the reception of the President's message in France; let citizens, to avenge a national wrong by the seizure of us not add to the existing difficulties of an adjustment. the property of private citizens; and this, too, shortly The controversy with France is narrowed down to a followed by the recommendation of our minister in mere point of etiquette and punctilio; so narrowed France, that our Government should assume a high tone, down, sir, that, in such a controversy between two gen- and use strong language-very distinctly intimating that tlemen, if I, as the friend of one of them, were to allow threats would extort from the French people that which them to go on the field of single combat, and either their sense of justice had refused. Sir, I was astonished, were to fall, I should regard myself guilty of murder. when I read that communication. I was surprised that
When I use this strong language, sir, it is due that I such an idea ever could have occurred to any one, still should glance-and the time and occasion only admit of more, sir, to a gentleman whose judgment ought to have a glance--at the origin, progress, and present position been matured, and who had the reputation of wisdom of the controversy. By a treaty concluded with the and experience, and with a thorough knowledge of the French ministry, indemnity is secured for certain spo French character a people, brave, proud, and warlike, liations upon our commerce; and, what is more, an im to a proverb. I feel, sir, an extreme difficulty in speak. portant stipulation, and of great advantage to France, ing of this matter, without subjecting myself to a charge of the treaty of 1803, is surrendered; a stipulation so of a want of American feeling. But, sir, whilst I am an important that the most distinguished member of the American citizen-an American Representative, I can. French Chambers opposed to the treaty declared that not disregard the claims of truth and candor. I am not he regarded the indemnity of twenty-five millions as the apologist of France. I am, sir, the vindicator of jus. nothing to it. Two separate commissions, appointed by tice and right. And I am constrained to say that all the the French Government to investigate these claims, had, difficulties in which we are placed bave, in my judge after laborious investigation, reported the amount due ment, arisen from the indiscreet warmth of our own us to be about thirteen millions. A sum is agreed to be Government, and a course of measures which I will not * paid nearly double that amount. Was this not enough say may not bave been prompted by the high temper,
to create distrust on the part of the French Chambers; strong and often high impulse of our own Executive enough to make them doubt about the treaty, and re- course nothing the less to be regretted. Why, sir, let quire them to look fully into it; when there is added to
fully into it; when there is added to me ask, this most unwise haste in the recall of Mr. Bar. all this that our minister first demanded seventy millions, ton at this particular time! Why remove the only posgradually came down to twenty-five millions; like a Jewsible medium of communication between the two Gov.
ernments before the arrival in France of the President's Mr. SUTHERLAND said he had listened to the remessage, which, but for that recall, would in all proba- marks of the gentleman from South Carolina, (Mr. bility have been regarded as a sufficient explanation, as THOMPSON,) and was astonished to learn that we had most surely it ought to be regarded? France took ex- been the aggressors. The argument of the Duke de ception to a supposed threat in the communication of the Broglie was one of great ability, and fully sustained the President to Congress. In a similar communication such justice of our claims, and was an ample answer to the a threat is disavowed; and France is bound to notice the suggestion in relation to our having obtained an advandisclaimer, conveyed in the same manner as was the in- tage in our diplomatic transactions with France. At sult, and puts herself in the wrong if she does not. present, however, the fairness of our claims was no
But, sir, this matter has at last reached a most nice and longer open for discussion. Every branch of the French narrow point of etiquette. The President scouts the Government had passed upon them. The King, the idea of making any explanations of his message; and yet Peers, and the Chamber of Deputies, had all given their such an explanation is made by our diplomatic agent, sanction to their validity. with the President's approval, which approval be author The papers containing the debate in the French izes to be communicated to the French Government; in Chambers, laid on our tables last year, had been circulaother words, I will not make the explanation myself, but ted throughout the whole nation, and the merits of the the explanation made by my agent I adopt. Now, sir, controversy were distinctly understood by our country. is not this a quibbling unworthy of both parties? I think men every where. And although there might be a reit is going far enough, and ought to have been accepted. lactance on the part of all to go to war with our ancient But is it upon such a point, that two great and powerful ally, still he felt satisfied that, to sustain our honor in nations are to plange their people into all the horrors of this dispute, there would be but one sentiment in the an interminable war--interminable, because it will be a event of such an issue. It certainly was a subject of war upon a point of honor, which neither can yield? Are gratulation to know that this matter was so well comhuman happiness and human life nothing? Is war a mere prehended by the people at large. With the President's pastime, that it is thus, and for such causes, to be brought message at the opening of the session before them, on?
which they had received with great unanimity, they were As to the French fleet which is said to have been sent willing to intrust the most delicate question of peace or upon our coast, it does not in the slightest degree move war to the Congress of the nation. me from my propriety." If that fleet were sent to the chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means overawe and intimidate us, it would be a very different bad, under an impression that the condition of the counaffair: then, sir, I would not even treat with France, try required it now, moved to enlarge one of the items until the whole nation were clad in armor. Is such the in the appropriation bill, with the view of increasing the fact? Has France in any one instance threatened us? naval force of the country. A short time since, the No, sir. That fleet is not professedly sent to intimidate, House passed a resolution directing an inquiry into the but to secure the commerce of French citizens from re- propriety of this measure. To this enlargement of the prisals reprisals threatened by one whose power over appropriation the gentleman from South Carolina obthe action of our Government is known every where- jected. For himself, Mr. S. said, he would vote for the one the least of all men living given to child's play-one proposition with great cheerfulness. We must look to very apt to do what be threatens. If that threat be of the organs of the House, in a great measure, for infora bold and daring act, under such circumstances, every mation; and we find in this instance the committee, obligation of protection due by a Government to its peo-through their chairman, ask for the increase. This is ple demanded some sugh measure of precaution. So far not the time for very precise calculations as to the from threats, has not the whole course of France been | amount we may be willing to put at the command of the marked by a forbearance that would have been proper Government, for the defence of the republic. in no people having a less unquestionable character for The gentleman from South Carolina saw nothing imcourage?' Has not the French minister, over and over, proper in the course of the French, in relation to the replied to the charge of duplicity and bad faith, and ex. recent orders of that Government concerning their fleet. culpated his King from it, when he would have been jus. Mr. S. said, whatever might be the design of the French tified in repelling it with scorn?
vessels in sailing in this direction, he thought it would (I disclaim all arguments drawn from a calculation of comport with sound policy for us to look to our navy, the comparative amount of the expenses of a hostile col- and in peace (perhaps he might say upon the verge of lision with France, and the amount secured by the treaty. hostilities) to prepare for war. Under these impresI agree fully with gentlemen, that, if the national honor, sions, he promised his humble aid to the committee in and our ability or our willingness to protect our citizens support of all the appropriation bills that went for a in all their rights, are involved, considerations of the cost prompt and efficient defence of the Union. The Chief are unworthy and degrading.]" If such an issue is pre- Magistrate ought to have ample means to meet any consented, I will not condescend to say, nor permit it to be tingency; and he saw no danger in committing them to doubted, what will be the course of the people of South his discretion. We could not find safer hands. He had, Carolina, in a matter of duty, of patriotism, of honor. during our last contest, given us a sure pledge of his The whole world already knows what it will be. The his. patriotism and ability to carry on the military operations tory of the State in all time past renders it certain to all of the nation. His great skill, manifested in the darkest what that course will be. Sir, when this country en period of a war that he ended so gloriously, will, in the gaged in the last war, the great cause of which was the event of a contest with the French, do much to bring it impressment of American seamen, and but for wbich that to a speedy termination. The appropriation now asked war never would have been declared, South Carolina is to be put at the command of General Jackson; and I had scarcely a seaman on the ocean. But it was north am the more willing to commit it to his discretion, beern seamen who were impressed, the national honor as cause, in my judgment, I believe he never will recomgailed; and what was the consequence? War, sir, war mend war with the country of Lafayette, unless a just and so it will ever be, for a like or a sufficient cause. I sense of national honor requires it. Mr. S. said be was see none such now. I will not contribute, by any vote convinced that every section of the republic would arwhich I may give, to create such a necessity.
dently support the war, if we should be forced into it by
the French Government. France, it was true, was an • The lines in brackets not in the speech as delivered. early friend; and to raise arms against her would require
great provocation. But if her course leaves us no other principle amongst themselves. Being foiled, however, alternative, why, we must and will enter the lists with in their attempts heretofore, they have agreed to try her. We hear much about the strength and improve and get up another hobby, and have seized this occasion ment of the French navy, of the science and skill of her to vent their gall against one of the most patriotic indiofficers. This is doubtless all true, but it argues the viduals that has ever lived in this or any other country, propriety of granting the appropriations before the and who had done more for the security of American Committee of the Whole House. Whatever may be the liberty than any other man now breathing, the assertions advanced condition of the French marine, and however of the gentleman notwithstanding; whose character the gallantly they may sustain their cause, I have no fear whole American people stood pledged to support, and that our "star-spangled banner" will not come out of which they had vouched for, by the overwhelming votes every conflict beaming with renewed lustre. But I do which he had received at their hands, more than once, not wish for war, and least of all a war with France, if for the first office in the gift of the nation. The gentleit can be shunned with honor. At present, I think the man from South Carolina (Mr. THOMPSON) had said that, question of war is not properly open for debate upon in every position taken in relation to France, the Presithe amendment. When that time should arrive, if any dent had acted falsely. If Mr. B. was to infer from that gentleman from South Carolina or elsewhere should feel that the President had acted falsely with France, he dedisposed to enter upon the discussion of its propriety, nied it. The American President bad not nor could he they will find themselves met on all quarters by gen- act falsely with France or any other Power living. In tlemen who are prepared to sustain the country in such behalf of the American people he denied it. a crisis. I quit this debate, under a firin conviction that, (Mr. TELOMPSON explained. He did not intend to say if we should be compelled to assume a warlike attitude, the President had acted falsely, but had taken false posithe sons of South Carolina will pour out their blood as tions.) freely as any other State in the Union, in defence of Mr. Bynum resumed. He said he was glad the gentheir much-wronged country.
tleman had qualified the assertion. Then it was a mere Mr. BYNUM said that he had not expected an attack matter of opinion between the gentleman from South on the measures of the administration generally, on the Carolina and the President of the United States, and it subject of the propriety of an appropriation of an infe- would be for the great body of the American people to rior magnitude; but it could not be unknown to the House say whether the President of the United States was that a simultaneous attack had been made elsewhere; right in the position he had taken, or whether the genand be could not allow the declamations of the honorable tleman from South Carolina was right in that which he gentleman from South Carolina (Mr. THOMPSON) against had taken. Mr. B. said he most cordially agreed in the the President, and the policy of an administration to remarks of the gentleman from Kentucky, a few days which he in part had contributed his humble support, to
humble support, to ago, (Mr. HAWES, ] when he said he believed that much pass unnoticed, when he believed the President had | mischief had grown out of speeches made here and elseacted as became the Chief Magistrate of the American
where, through a mere spirit of opposition to the Expeople. It was evident, both in this House and else ecutive. He believed it candidly and honestly. France where, that in the contest with France we are to have believed it, and for this reason she acted more obstihere a French party and an American party, than which nately, he had no doubt, than she otherwise would have there was nothing that he more sincerely regretted. done, in her refusal to pay our people the just debt The game was up--it had been started in another part that she had wrongfully withheld from them for more of the Capitol. . It could not be forgotten by any gen than twenty years. The gentleman from South Carotleman in Congress, that during our last contest with lina had said, too, that, if we were to go to war with Great Britain there was said to have been in this country France, it would be a ridiculous war. As much as he an English party--a party which made bonfires and re was opposed to a war with France or any other Power, joiced at the defeat of the American arms. God forbid he could not believe it would be a ridiculous war. The (said Mr. B.) that there should be a party now springing characters of the parties concerned forbid such an idea. up among us, who would rejoice at our defeats in a con- | It bad been said elsewhere, and repeated here by the test with France, if we should be unfortunately involved gentleman, shall we go to war with France for five milin a war with that Power. But he asserted that, from lions of dollars? He would say, yes; and for five milwhat he had seen, the American people had a right to lions of cents, if it were necessary to maintain the hona expect this. The symptoms indicating it he thought or and independence of the nation. He was astonished too manifest to be misunderstood. A few years ago, the that such a position should be taken by the gentleman, distinguished sage who now occupies the white house coming from the quarter that he did; that it was the was assailed on another occasion with equal acrimony l amount of money for which a nation should alone go to and virulence by the same party, for the purpose of war. He hazarded nothing in saying that time would estranging, no doubt, the feelings of the people from show that the course taken by the President, in relation him. That party then acted upon the presumption that to France, was not only right, but necessary for the the ignorance of the people would admit of their being honor and security of the rights and dignity of the led away from the President of their choice by mere American people. The American people had given, clamor and unfounded declamation. Mr. B. then had!
as far as public sentiment could be ascertained, their said the people would not sustain them; they had not verdict already on this subject, in favor of the course done it; and the great majority then in that House in of their Government; and still the opposition was catchfavor of the measures of the Executive was the best liv. ing at this and other hobbies, to bolster up their prosing evidence of the fact; and he rejoiced that he had trate and exposed condtion. Mr. B. wished to make lived to read the testimony of the American people one remark here to an honorable gentleman of another themselves on the subject, by the appearance of such an body, and it became him to make it, coming from the overwhelming majority of their Representatives in that State from which he did. He saw, in a public journal House. If we had been carried off by the eloquent tact a few days since, some remarks, represented to have and abuse of the superior leaders of the opposition, and fallen from that honorable gentleman in another part of he confessed many were, we should have been led off this building, which were (said Mr. B.) “that the House after a set of men who were conspiring against the feel of Representatives was not the part of the Capitol where ings and wishes of a great majority of the American fair play was to be expected." He did not wish parpeople, without the least concurrence of sentiment or l ticularly to remark on the character of the author of the