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assertion, as he thought it, at this time, politically, an sired by some gentlemen and their friends. He thought exceedingly unenviable one. He took occasion, how the friends of the administration had suffered themselves ever, to say that the assertion was a calumny on the 1 to be placed in a false position here by the superior House, and was devoid of all truth. The House of management and tact of their adversaries. What is the Representatives was the only democratic branch of the contest now going on in this country? He said, unequivo. national Legislature, and from it the people of the cally, he viewed it as a contest between the democracy country had every thing to expect, and little from the of the nation and the advocates of an aristocracy; and opposite body.

they were right in his judgment. It was a plain, direct The democracy of the land had nothing to expect contest. It must be plain to every intelligent observer, from that quarter of this Capitol. It was the only germe whether or not the people shall have the power to rule of an irresponsible aristocracy in the Government, and the nation, or those who conspire to lead them. Here he it had in more than one instance showed entire disre. wished to be permitted to remark that this body should gard of the will of the people. The gentleman from never have permitted the character of the Executive to South Carolina had said the House was not so pugna- be reproached, as it had been by another branch of the cious as to adopt the admonition that in time of peace Legislature, when they were equally culpable, if at all, we should prepare for war; and bad said much, ironi- and participants in the same measures for which they cally he supposed, of the pugnacious spirit of the had witnessed volleys of abuse against the Executive House.

alone. He could not omit to remark on a subject reMr. B. said he should really like to know when the cently agitated elsewhere, in relation to a certain meashonorable gentleman from South Carolina had become | ure which would have gone far to put the country in a so pacific, and the party with whom he had acted so state of defence, and ready to give their enemies a long. But a few years since be recollected well that hearty welcome, whenever they chose to visit us as the golden cord that bound this holy Union together such. Every American heart must bave burned with was upon the eve of being burst asunder by the warlike shame for the failure of that measure, the consequence spirit that prevailed in a certain quarter of this republic, of which was now about to be felt; and he feared that and it was as much as the whole fraternity of the States the injury already resulting from it would prove fatal could effect to suppress this spirit without the horrors of to the best interests of the country. The failure to pass bloodshed.

the bill, which was rejected last session, appropriating Mr, B. said he stood there the representative of those three millions of dollars for the defence of the country who went for their whole country. He stuck to no party in case of a war, has been attributed to the House of longer than that party stuck to the rights and interests of Representatives; and he thought it time that this llouse the country. Whenever he should see a disposition in should make up an issue with another, as well on that any party to go against those interests, he would leave it. as on other subjects, and let at once the question be deHe never expected to belong to a party which was cided, whether the democratic or aristocratic influence free from errors; and if the gentleman never supports is to prevail in this republic. It had been asserted in an administration until he gets a perfect one, be feared another body that it was this House which had rejected he would be found to be an opposition man for life. that bill. li bad been attempted to shove the respon. The gentleman bas stated, also, that he could not take sibility of the rejection of that bill on the House of Repa single step for the defence of the country. He (Mr. resentatives; but it was shamefully untrue, and he asB.) said he was for taking steps for the defence of the sumed here in his place the responsibility of pronouncountry when he saw a dark cloud lowering over us, cing it false, no matter from what source it came. The which threatened to inundate the whole land with ruin. responsibility must rest on another body. He said the He was for providing a shelter from this portentous House was not responsible for the rejection of that bill. storm that hovered over us; wisdom, he thought, dic- It had done all that it could do, under the peculiar cirtated it, whether it should finally burst and pour out cumstances of the case, to pass it, and there were many its contents on our devoted heads or not.

present who aided and contributed their mite towards The gentleman had taken off much of the bitterness effecting it. He had voted for the bill, and gave it bis of his remarks, however, by his explanations, and had humble support. The responsibility of the rejection gone far out of his way to censure the cabinet for the of that bill could not justly rest on this body. part it had taken in this controversy, and had declared | But (said Mr. B.) I will return to the gentleman who in every instance our Government had been the aggres- | has just taken bis seat, to notice a few more of his extrasor in the contest with France. [Mr. T. again ex- ordinary remarks. plained.] Mr. B. was astonished to hear this censure The bonorable gentleman from South Carolina was uttered by an American tongue on an occasion like the for acting on very different principles from that recompresent, when a war is threatened us by one of the mended, by the Father of his Country, “In peace premost powerful nations on the earth. He would say, as pare for war.” He thought this advice came with pecuhe had said before, that, instead of the President and liar applicability at present, and never was there a time the administration being the aggressors in this unfortu- when this House or this nation could with more proprie. 'nate controversy, they had acted with great moderation ty adopt it. and precaution on every occasion relating to that sub-1. He had said that he did not wish, nor would be at this ject. They had relinquislied claims, for the purpose of time be drawn, upon a mere collateral question, into the effecting an amicable adjustment of the matter, to an discussion of peace or war with France; but whenever enormous amount; but that was even misrepresented. that time arrived, be would be as willing to meet the The distinguished gentleman who was charged with the question as the honorable member from South Carolina. negotiation of this matter had relinquished this much to He did hope, in the sincerity of his heart, that the questhe French Government, for the sake of procuring tion of peace or war, would never be agitated by this peace and amity with that Power. The course which House with France. He had always hoped and believed that minister pursued was to be seen on the records of that the difference between the two nations would be the House, as well as on the records of the executive amicably settled, but he could not know it, and he department, and he hoped to live to see justice done thought it the part of wisdom, therefore, to provide for that distinguished individual. He viewed him as being the worst. He was sorry to see evidences manifesting one of the purest patriots of the age, and he hoped to themselves not only here, but in another part of the live to see him the occupant of the House so much del Capitol, to throw every obstacle in the way of Govern

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ment; and he sincerely regretted to see it persevered Academy at West Point, in the State of New York, in with such pertinacity from a certain quarter. He be. and also into the expediency of modifying the organizalieved the whole efforts of the party doing it would tion of said institution, and also whether it would not prove, as heretofore they had, to be abortive, and con comport with the public interest to abolish the same; with tribute more to expose the motives of that party. The power to report by bill or otherwise." intelligence of the people was too general in this en Mr. HAWES said it would be recollected that, at the lightened age, and their discernment too correct, to be last session of Congress, a committee, consisting of one misled by mere abuse and declamation to the disparage member from each of the States, had been appointed, ment of one whom they had honored with their highest and that committee went into an investigation of the af. confidence.

fairs of that institution. That committee performed the Mr. B. said that he deprecated any insidious attacks duty assigned them, but their report was made at so late upon the measures of the administration, so long as hea period of the session that it was impossible for the supported it. He was in hopes that gentleman who felt House to act upon it. The resolution which he now it their duty to oppose it, under any and all circum- submitted varied but in one particular from the one stances, would bring in some measure of a general adopted, raising the committee of last year; and that nature, and not give vent to their indignant feelings was in reducing the number of the committee. From upon every minor collateral question. He was satisfied, the number of that committee, it was almost impossible in his own mind, that the party with whom he acted to get them collected for business. The number was was ready and willing to meet their adversaries on any entirely too great. As this was a mere resolution of inand every occasion. They had done so, and a verdict quiry, he would say nothing of the abuses which existed had been given by the people-yes, the republican de- in that department of the Government, but hoped the mocratic People--in their favor.' Yet, (Mr. B. said,) he resolution might be adopted without debate, so that the had cause of complaint to make against the party with committee might proceed to the duty assigned them. whom be bad acted in this House; it was, that they had Mr. WARDWELL said he thought that this subject sat here silently, and let an issue be made up by another ought to be referred to the Committee on Military Af. body with the Executive. This body, at which much fairs. He believed that the committee of twenty-four, had been aimed by another, in another part of the Capi which was appointed last session, bad investigated the tol, should not have left the President to have contended subject fully. Their report was brought into the House, alone against it. No, (said Mr. B.,) this House should and it set forth all the facts which we wanted to know. bave made war against them, as the true representatives He would therefore move to amend the resolution so of the people, and bave met them in the very centre of that the subject might be referred to the Committee on the rotundo of the Capitol, if necessary, and have there Military Affairs. decided the question, whether the people, through their Mr. SMITH wished the gentleman from New York representatives, were to prevail in ruling this country, (Mr. WARDWELL) would give some substantial reasons or a body not elected by the people, nor directly respon why the subject ought to be referred to the Committee sible to them for their conduct. An issue was now on Military Affars. It seemed to him that a special comabout to be made up with those who fancied themselves | mittee ought to be raised; but if the friends of the inbeyond the power of the people, how far they could go | stitution thought that a special committee would not do in defiance of the public will, and sustain themselves. them the same justice which the Committee on Military By an association of daring leaders, co-operating to sway Affairs would, and they would offer that as a reason, be public opinion, the whole republic had been convulsed. | would withdraw his objections. As there were doubts if they succeeded, in his opinion the public voice was about the organization of this academy, it was desirable hushed, and it would be idle to talk longer of our free that a committee should be raised, which could devote republican institutions. He thought the time had nearly as much time as possible in bringing out the merits or arrived, wben it was necessary that the people should demerits of the institution. He believed that the Comessay their strength, and teach those refractory men that mittee on Military Affairs would not have time, although {heir power was neither to be insulted nor put at defi- they might have the disposition, to do the subject jusance by them; and he called on the House, as the only tice. He believed a special committee would do ample representative body of the nation--the only one where I justice. He hoped the gentleman from New York the immediate voice of the people could be directly would withdraw his motion, or that it would not prevail. heard--not to shrink from its part of a responsibility that Mr. BRIGGS thought that the subject had already was attempted to be shuffled off on the shoulders of the

been referred to the Committee on Military Affairs, by Executive.

the general resolutions referring the different items of The Executive bad done all that the people had ask. the President's message to committees, and therefore ed, and it was their duty to sustain him, here and else inquired whether the present resolution was in order. where. Heretofore, however, he had been literally The SPEAKER said that the present resolution was sustained alone by the people, and had proven to be one of inquiry; and he considered the reference of the almost the only true reflector of the public will.

President's message as not applying to the case. Here Mr. JARVIS rose, and observed that he per. Mr. BRIGGS then said he would vote for the amendceived that the gentleman from North Carolina was muchment of the gentleman from New York, because he exhausted; and, in order to give him time to continue thought the subject ought to go to one of the standing his remarks, he moved an adjournment of the House; committees. It had been said by the gentleman from which was carried.

Kentucky, (Mr. Hawes,] that, in consequence of the The House then adjourned.

number of the committee of last session, it was almost

impossible to get them to business. He thought the THURSDAY, JANUARY 14.

gentleman labored under a mistake. That committee

had a meeting early in the session, and appointed a subWEST POINT ACADEMY.

committee to investigate the whole matter, and that The following resolution, submitted by Mr. HAWES, committee went industriously to work. After their inof Kentucky, on the 7th instant, was taken up:

vestigation was completed, they made an elaborate reResolved, That a select committee of nine be ap port. The committee adopted that report, which repointed to inquire what amendments, if any, are expe- port was now on the files of the House; and if gentle. dient to be made to the laws relating to the Military I men wished information from it, they could order it to

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be printed. It was because this subject had been so re the House in discussing a preliminary question, but his cently and thoroughly investigated, that there was no friend from Illinois (Mr. REYNOLDS] had said that the necessity for further investigation. He would vote for Committee on Military Affairs had expressed an opinion the amendment of the gentleman from New York. on the matter. It was not the committee of the last • Mr. REYNOLDS, of Illinois, remarked that the peo- session which expressed that opinion, but the one pre. ple he had the honor to represent in the State of Ni- ceding that, which was a different committee entirely. nois, took a deep interest in this subject, and were he The committee of the present body had expressed no to remain silent on the occasion, they would consider opinion on the subject. But it was very probable that him derelict in his duty. They expected bim, on all some of those who would be on the select committee occasions, to advocate such measures as would tend to bad expressed opinions adverse to the institution. The reform this institution, or to abolish it entirely. This last Congress bad refused to print the report. He prowas the reason which induced him to rise on this occa- tested against having so many select committees on subsion. It was astonishing to him (Mr. R.) that gentle. jects which ought to go to standing committees. He men, friends to this institution, were so strenuous and Was willing to have the institution examined-yes, proso much opposed to an investigation of this subject. If bed to the core; but let it be done by the proper comit be an institution founded on a proper basis, and con- mittee. He would say a few words in reply to the genducted on sound republican principles, they need not tleman from Ilinois. Why was it that all this objection fear an investigation; if it be of this character, an inves came from the western States? It was, he thought, betigation will not injure it; neither time nor talents can cause all persons in those States who had any topographprevail against it. But the great dread of an investiga-ical knowledge, might expect some employment from tion was almost positive proof that there was something | Government, which business is now done by the graduwrong in the institution.

ates of the institution at West Point, without cost to the Mr. R. said his honorable friend [Mr. BRIGGS) tried to Government. If, however, that institution was abolishstifle this investigation, by his attempt to satisfy the ed, and those engineers not sent among them, there Speaker that the subject was already referred to the might be some fine offices for the young gentlemen of Committee on Military Affairs. This was strong circum the western country. No wonder that western gentlestantial proof that there was in this affair something not men's constituents were in favor of abolishing that insti. right. The other gentleman (Mr. WARDWELL, of New tution. York) wished to bave the subject referred to the Com Mr. HANNEGAN had a few remarks to make on the mittee on Military Affairs. Mr. R. said he had the subject. He was a member of the select committee of highest respect for that committee; but some of them, the last session, and would say that it was not in the and perhaps all of them, had already expressed an opin- / power of the Committee on Military Affairs to give the ion on the subject, in a report favorable to that institu- subject the attention which it required. The committee tion; and, from this consideration, were not so impartial of last session made their report to the House, and the as a select committee raised expressly for the occasion. gentleman from New York (Mr. WARDWELL] tells us

Mr. R. remarked that an official investigation, and that the House refused to print that report. Why did that made known to the people, would cause the insti- the House refuse? Because it required two thirds to tution at West Point to wither and die. Under its pres- make the motion to print, and the friends of the instient organization, the young men who ought not to be tution rallied around it and refused to print. That geneducated there were the exclusive individuals that tleman said that the West alone opposed that institution. were educated in it; and, what was still worse, it was He (Mr. H.) knew gentlemen from the East, South, and made a kind of monopoly. The cadets educated there the North, who opposed it. That gentleman also said were the exclusive officers in our army, right or wrong; that the young gentlemen of the West expected good they were the officers who were to conduct our armies offices if the institution be abolished. He (Mr. H.) would to glory or disgrace; and it mattered not what deeds of be glad to have the offices given to those who came valor the privates in the army might do, they could not from the ranks of the people, and not to the sons of rise, as there were no places for them; the cadets filled those were now in high office. He hoped and trusted all. A private soldier in the war which seems to be that the resolution of the gentleman from Kentucky approaching us might do as noble a deed as the charac-would be adopted, and that a thorough investigation ter of antiquity did who slew Goliath; he still could not | might be had. rise one foot in the army. He would appeal to the Mr. HAMER said he could not see what possible ob. House if every individual did not expect to rise by his jection there could be to the resolution of the gentlemerits! The gentlemen, (Messrs. WARDWELL and man from Kentucky. On one hand it was contended BRIGGS, ] like otbers in Congress, would expect to be re- that it was one of the most aristocratic, and on the other warded for their meritorious conduct. His friend [Mr. that it was one of the best institutions that ever was esBRIGGS] from Massachusetts, no doubt, would be support tablished. Why, then, not allow us to collect facts, so by bis constituents for his moral and orderly course of that we may be enabled to make up an impartial judg. conduct in Congress, and his assiduity to business. The ment on the subject? A large portion of the people of same would apply to the gentleman from New York, the country believe that the institution ought to be [Mr. WARDWELL.] The principle was correct to re abolished; then let an investigation be fully had. Mr. ward meritorious actions, and an institution or measures H. would say a word to the gentleman from New York, that opposed this principle were in themselves wrong. (Mr. WARDWELL.] He is mistaken; the people of the Any person that would look at the report made at the West are governed by no such motives as those attribu. last Congress on this subject would be satisfied that ted to them by that gentleman. That gentleman admits there was something not right in the institution. If the that a band of men are sent out to fill all the important friends of the Academy would let that report be print-offices; men who are the

offices; men who are the friends and relatives of those ed, and officially presented to the people, that would who are in high station, and who have political influence. be satisfactory. Mr. R. said he hoped, under all the | The sons of men bigh in office are educated at that in. circumstances, the motion of the gentleman from New stitution, and those men are sent out to fill all the high York (Mr. WARDWELL) would not prevail, but that the offices in the western country. If the people of the Mis. subiect would be submitted to a select comiittee. under | sissippi valley educated their sons at their own expense, the resolution of the gentleman from Kentucky. why should they not be appointed to those offices? If Mr. WARDWELL did not wish to take up the time of I they are capable, let them have the offices. He object

VOL. XII.-138

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ed, and his constituents objected, to the existence of the And provided, also, That the benefits of this section shall institution in its present form. He therefore hoped not be extended to any person whose loss shall not be there would be no objection to an investigation. I proved, to the satisfaction of the collector, to have ex

Mr. MANN, of New York, desired to make a few ceeded the sum of one thousand dollars. remarks upon the subject before the House; but, as the | Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That the collector morning hour had expired, he called for the orders of of the port of New York is hereby authorized and dithe day.

rected to extend the payment, in the manner prescribed The motion was agreed to.

in the first section of this act, of all other bonds given NEW YORK SUFFERERS BY FIRE.

for duties at the port of New York prior to the lale

fire, and not provided for in the first section, as aforeA bill from the Senate for the relief of the sufferers said, for six, nine, and twelve months, from and after by fire in the city of New York was read twice.

the day of payment specified in the bonds: Provided, Mr. CAMBRELENG said this bill was the same in however, That nothing contained in this act shall extend substance, and differed only in words, from the one to bonds which had fallen due before the seventeenth which was reported by the Committee of Ways and day of December last. Means. It would not, therefore, be necessary to refer Mr. CAMBRELENG explained that the only variation this bill to that committee. He moved that it be com between this bill and that reported in the House was as mitted to a Committee of the Whole on the state of the to the limitations, and the more specific designation of Union; which was agreed to.

the kind of property destroyed. Under former acts of The House then, on motion of Mr. CAMBRELENG, this character, the amount of property destroyed merely resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole on the was set forth; the Senate had, he thought very propstate of the Union, Mr. CONNOR in the chair.

erly, inserted the qualification of property, and he hoped Mr. CAMBRELENG said he felt it his duty to throw 1 it would be approved of by the House. himself upon the indulgence of the committee, and ask | Mr. HARDIN said, as the Senate had made the alterathem to take up and consider the bill from the Senate / tion, none would be entitled to any benefit who had not for the relief of the sufferers by the late fire in New sustained a loss to the amount of one thousand dollars; York. His reason for doing so, he explained to be, that and sufferers to that extent were to have a credit to the the whole business of the custom-house at New York extent of three, four, or five years, without interest, that was obstructed, and must remain obstructed so long as he understood. But he did not understand the proviso that bill was not passed; for every bond due was lying in the same clause, because it appeared to authorize over, and no entries could be made until those bonds loaning money out of the public Treasury, by way of were cancelled.

renewing the old bonds. The money to be returned, The bill, he said, as it then stood, and was sent from without interest, upon three, or four, or five years, upon the Senate, did not embrace that provision which had the cancelled bonds, was nothing more nor less, he before excited opposition in the House in relation to the maintained, than loaning so much money to the mersurplus revenue. Its object was simply to extend ac-chants of New York who bad goods destroyed to the commodation to the debtors of the Government, who had amount of one thousand dollars. The poor mebeen unable to pay their debts, from the loss of not less chanic, the widow, the orphan, could derive no than twenty-five millions of capital in the city of New benefit from this bill. But he objected to it also on York. He therefore moved that the committee take up | principle. He was opposed to loaning the public mo. the bill from the Senate in relation to that subject. ney, either with or without interest; and be denied the

The motion was agreed to, and the bill was read from power of the Government to loan its public treasure in the Clerk's table, as follows:

this way. He knew that bills had heretofore been Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representa passed for the relief of sufferers under a dreadful calamtives of the United States of America in Congress assem ity at Caraccas, Alexandria, &c.; but that was done bled, That the collector of the port of New York be, under the impulse of feeling. Could Congress relieve and he is hereby, authorized, as he may deem best cal every citizen of the United States, who might be overculated to secure the interests of the United States, to come by calamity, or afflicted by Providence? How cause to be extended (with the assent of the sureties many ships were lost upon the ocean! How much propthereon) to all persons who have suffered loss of prop. erty lost! And who ever heard of bills introduced there erty by the conflagration at that place on the sixteenth for relief in such cases? There were said to be some day of December last, by the burning of their buildings fifteen millions of property destroyed at New York; but or merchandise, the time of payment of all bonds here the chief loss had fallen upon the insurance offices, not tofore given by them for duties, to periods not exceed upon the merchants. Probably not more than three, ing three, four, and five years, in equal annual instal. four, or five millions were lost by the merchants. The ments, from and after the day of payment specified in gentleman had said that more than one half the revenue the bonds; or to allow the said bonds to be cancelled, was collected in New York--more than five millions of upon giving to the said collector, for the gums of the dollars. Well, all that money remained there, deposited former bonds, respectively, payable in equal instalments in pet banks, and used for the benefit of the merchants in three, four, and five years, from and after the day of of New York, without the Government deriving a dolpayment specified in the bonds to be taken up or can- lar's benefit. Mr. H. moved to strike out the proviso celled as aforesaid; and the said collector is hereby au. to the first section. He said, also, he should move to thorized and directed to give up, or cancel, all such strike out the second section, and then he intended to bonds, upon the receipt of others described in this sec. vote against the bill. tion; which last-mentioned bonds shall be proceeded! Mr. GIDEON LEE said: It is not my purpose, sir, to with, in all respects, like other bonds which are taken participate in the debates of Congress the present session; by collectors for duties due to the United States, and but the extraordinary occurrence which has induced the shall have the same force and validity: Provided, That report of the bill before us, the very singular amendthose who are within the provision of this section, but ments proposed by the gentleman from Kentucky, and the who may have paid their bonds subsequent to the late deep interest I feel in the speedy resuscitation of that defire, shall also be entitled to the benefit of this section, vastated city, compels me to depart from the silent course and that the said bonds shall be renewed from the day I have prescribed for myself. when the same were paid, and said payments refunded. The gentleman's amendment proposes, first, to strike

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out the proviso in the first section, the whole of the sec. ment of payment, that the debt we owe the nation has ond section; and, finally, the gentleman promises, when arisen, and unavoidably arisen, in our relation of agent so amended, to vote against the whole bill. My argu to the Government in the collection of its revenue, which, ments will, iherefore, have reference to the whole bill, by an act of God, we are at present unable to pay. and I promise the utmost brevity. But, first, I must dis- Every body knows, sir, that the process of such collecclaim the honor of the biblical title of Babylon, which tion--and I will add the process of creation, too-of the the gentleman has given to New York. I must also dis- / imports, is by and through the importation of foreign claim the honor he ascribes to us, of governing the four | merchandise; and it is equally well known tbat the and-twenty States. We feel no such honor; we exercise means, and the only instrument of the whole performno such power; and if the gentleman means the State, ance, is capital. This capital is annihilated, or so greatly which is not precisely the basis of the present discussion, diminished, that gentlemen may be assured a fearful dehe is still mistaken. That ill-fated city, sir, in a single rangement must ensue unless we derive large temporary day, by an act of God, which no human foresight could assistance somewhere. avert, which no human arm could stay, has lost more There is, sir, a third relation between this ill-fated city than one fourth of its entire assessable personal estate and the nation, which claims strongly her protection. I That desolated city stands a debtor to the nation in the mean, sir, that common relation which every great posum of three million six hundred and sixty-eight thousand litical or social community owes to all its parts, and all dollars. The bill before us proposes not to forgive the its parts owe to the whole. debt-not to diminish the principal sum of the debt.-1 We ask this relief, then, sir, first, on the principle of not to jeopard it; it proposes merely to postpone the our relation to the nation, as a debtor of impaired means, payment from the dates of maturity to the several dates with a creditor whose coffers are over-full. Again, sir, named.

we ask it on the principle of our relation as agent, sud. Mr. Chairman, permit me to view this case as it really denly bereft of the very implements of our agency, while is: the nation a rich and prosperous creditor; the devas our principal is possessed of a superabundant supply. tated city not an insolvent, but a debtor oppressed by a And again, sir, we ask it in conformity with the common, calamity unparalleled in the two hundred years' history social, equitable obligation which a great and prosperous of this country, and rarely equalled in any age of any community owes to each and all its parts, which, from country. It has ever been the common sense of mankind sudden and unavoidable calamity, require such aid. May that the relation of debtor and creditor imposed mutual I say, sir, we do not ask it in the spirit of supplication, obligations as well as mutual interests. It has ever been humiliation, and alms-giving. The city, sir, though dethe practice of mankind in this relation, under great ca

vastated, has yet remaining means. She is rich in the lamity and privation of means on the part of the debtor, insuppressible spirit of enterprise, and in the unmitigato claim and receive from his full-handed creditor not ted industry of her citizens. She merely wants tempoonly the kind of relief provided in this bill--postpone. rary aid. She asks of you in this bill the indulgence of ment of payment--but advance, moreover, of money or deferring payment until she can render her remaining other necessaries. Shall we depart from a principle of means available. Will the nation look calmly on, and ethics and a rule of practice sanctioned by all ages and close its door on us, while all around us elsewhere have by all grades of men? No, sir, motives of self-interest opened their hearts, hands, and coffers to us? Will the

opened the forbid it--motives of humanity forbid it.

frugal but equitable East, will the hardy but generous There is in the case under discussion, sir, something | West, will the mounting chivalry of the South, will the more than the mere simple relation of debtor and credi most prosperous nation that the sun of heaven ever shone tor between the parties. There is in this case, and most on, refuse the credit which so many reciprocal interests strongly marked, the nearer and closer relation, and the and mutual obligations enforce? She will not; I know stronger obligations, of employer and agent, of principal she will not. Is there any legal or constitutional bar to and factor; and this debt, sir, has accrued, not partly, such postponement? None, sir: your records are full of but wholly, in the performance of the duties of such precedents precisely in point; the only dissimilitude is in agency. It has been the policy of this nation-a policy the magnitude of the loss in this and former cases--the so discreet, so wise, and sound, that I trust it may never devastation in this being some twenty fold greater than be discontinued--to collect the necessary funds for the in those. Will that unfortunate city be the only benesupport of Government from masses of property, prior ficiary of the measure? By no means, sir. In its comto those minuter subdivisions for the consumption of the mercial intercommunications with every part of the na. community, avoiding thereby the more tedious, the ten- tion, it has become largely a creditor. And this mass of fold more costly and more offensive mode of thrusting commercial credit has been most frightfully swollen by the unwelcome tax.gatherer into the domicils of our peo the sale and hypothecation of the public stocks of nearly ple, for the ancient mode of capitation, tithe, or small | every State of the Union. But now, without this aid property tax.

from Congress, the sudden abstraction of so large a porIt has been found the mutual interest and the mutual tion of our moveable capital by the conflagration must necessity of the parties, that the nation should collect compel us to force our commercial debtors, and to press very nearly two thirds of its impost revenue through the the return of a tremendous amount of stocks to the seyagency of the city of New York. More than two bun- eral States of their creation. It is charged by the gendred and sixty millions have been thus collected and paid tleman from Kentucky, as against the bill, that the relief into the Treasury. How skilfully or unskilfully this reaches no other sufferers than the merchants. - He is duty has been performed I will not pretend to define; mistaken; for although the provision is intended chiefly the Treasury records will give the answer. I would not for that class, as the chief sufferers, and other aids are be understood to intimate that New York has paid a | preparing for other classes of sufferers, yet such is the single dollar from her own coffers more than her just diffusive nature of capital, and such the laws ruling the quota. Every body knows that the consumer of the existence, the formation, and the blended intercourse of merchandise, wherever may be his location, is the ulti the people which make up the great whole of a dense mate payer of the import tax. Nor do I claim that such commercial city, that it is quite impossible to place capagency has been profitless or onerous. I have already ital in any class or in any position which will not extend said that the interests of the parties were mutual. My itself beneficially to all. The laborer, cartman, mechanic, object is merely to exhibit the existing fact, and to de all, all will feel the assistance. I may myself be bene duce from it the very cogent argument for the postpone. I fited, who have been a mechanic these forty years, and

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