JAN. 13, 1836.] Naval Appropriations. assertion, as he thought it, at this time, politically, an House. [H. OF R. as sired by some gentlemen and their friends. He thought the friends of the administration had suffered themselves to be placed in a false position here by the superior management and tact of their adversaries. What is the contest now going on in this country? He said, unequivocally, he viewed it as a contest between the democracy of the nation and the advocates of an aristocracy; and they were right in his judgment. It was a plain, direct contest. It must be plain to every intelligent observer, whether or not the people shall have the power to rule the nation, or those who conspire to lead them. Here he wished to be permitted to remark that this body should never have permitted the character of the Executive to be reproached, as it had been by another branch of the Legislature, when they were equally culpable, if at all, and participants in the same measures for which they had witnessed volleys of abuse against the Executive alone. He could not omit to remark on a subject reMr. B. said he should really like to know when thecently agitated elsewhere, in relation to a certain meashonorable gentleman from South Carolina had become ure which would have gone far to put the country in a so pacific, and the party with whom he had acted so state of defence, and ready to give their enemies a long. But a few years since he recollected well that hearty welcome, whenever they chose to visit us the golden cord that bound this holy Union together such. Every American heart must have burned with was upon the eve of being burst asunder by the warlike shame for the failure of that measure, the consequence spirit that prevailed in a certain quarter of this republic, of which was now about to be felt; and he feared that and it was as much as the whole fraternity of the States the injury already resulting from it would prove fatal could effect to suppress this spirit without the horrors of to the best interests of the country. The failure to pass bloodshed. the bill, which was rejected last session, appropriating three millions of dollars for the defence of the country in case of a war, has been attributed to the House of Representatives; and he thought it time that this House should make up an issue with another, as well on that as on other subjects, and let at once the question be decided, whether the democratic or aristocratic influence is to prevail in this republic. It had been asserted in another body that it was this House which had rejected that bill. It had been attempted to shove the responsibility of the rejection of that bill on the House of Representatives; but it was shamefully untrue, and he assumed here in his place the responsibility of pronouncing it false, no matter from what source it came. responsibility must rest on another body. He said the House was not responsible for the rejection of that bill. It had done all that it could do, under the peculiar circumstances of the case, to pass it, and there were many present who aided and contributed their mite towards effecting it. He had voted for the bill, and gave it his humble support. The responsibility of the rejection of that bill could not justly rest on this body. Mr. B. said he stood there the representative of those who went for their whole country. He stuck to no party longer than that party stuck to the rights and interests of the country. Whenever he should see a disposition in any party to go against those interests, he would leave it. He never expected to belong to a party which was free from errors; and if the gentleman never supports an administration until he gets a perfect one, he feared he would be found to be an opposition man for life. The gentleman has stated, also, that he could not take a single step for the defence of the country. He (Mr. B.) said he was for taking steps for the defence of the country when he saw a dark cloud lowering over us, which threatened to inundate the whole land with ruin. He was for providing a shelter from this portentous storm that hovered over us; wisdom, he thought, dictated it, whether it should finally burst and pour out its contents on our devoted heads or not. The gentleman had taken off much of the bitterness of his remarks, however, by his explanations, and had gone far out of his way to censure the cabinet for the part it had taken in this controversy, and had declared in every instance our Government had been the aggressor in the contest with France. [Mr. T. again explained.] Mr. B. was astonished to hear this censure uttered by an American tongue on an occasion like the present, when a war is threatened us by one of the most powerful nations on the earth. He would say, as he had said before, that, instead of the President and the administration being the aggressors in this unfortunate controversy, they had acted with great moderation and precaution on every occasion relating to that subject. They had relinquished claims, for the purpose of effecting an amicable adjustment of the matter, to an enormous amount; but that was even misrepresented. The distinguished gentleman who was charged with the negotiation of this matter had relinquished this much to the French Government, for the sake of procuring peace and amity with that Power. The course which that minister pursued was to be seen on the records of the House, as well as on the records of the executive department, and he hoped to live to see justice done that distinguished individual. He viewed him as being one of the purest patriots of the age, and he hoped to live to see him the occupant of the House so much de The But (said Mr. B.) I will return to the gentleman who has just taken his seat, to notice a few more of his extraordinary remarks. The honorable gentleman from South Carolina was for acting on very different principles from that recommended, by the Father of his Country, "In peace prepare for war." He thought this advice came with peculiar applicability at present, and never was there a time when this House or this nation could with more proprie ty adopt it. He had said that he did not wish, nor would he at this time be drawn, upon a mere collateral question, into the discussion of peace or war with France; but whenever that time arrived, he would be as willing to meet the question as the honorable member from South Carolina. He did hope, in the sincerity of his heart, that the question of peace or war, would never be agitated by this House with France. He had always hoped and believed that the difference between the two nations would be amicably settled, but he could not know it, and he thought it the part of wisdom, therefore, to provide for the worst. He was sorry to see evidences manifesting themselves not only here, but in another part of the Capitol, to throw every obstacle in the way of Govern ment; and he sincerely regretted to see it persevered in with such pertinacity from a certain quarter. He believed the whole efforts of the party doing it would prove, as heretofore they had, to be abortive, and contribute more to expose the motives of that party. The intelligence of the people was too general in this enlightened age, and their discernment too correct, to be misled by mere abuse and declamation to the disparagement of one whom they had honored with their highest confidence. Mr. B. said that he deprecated any insidious attacks upon the measures of the administration, so long as he supported it. He was in hopes that gentleman who felt it their duty to oppose it, under any and all circumstances, would bring in some measure of a general nature, and not give vent to their indignant feelings upon every minor collateral question. He was satisfied, in his own mind, that the party with whom he acted was ready and willing to meet their adversaries on any and every occasion. They had done so, and a verdict had been given by the people-yes, the republican democratic people--in their favor. Yet, (Mr. B. said,) he had cause of complaint to make against the party with whom he had acted in this House; it was, that they had sat here silently, and let an issue be made up by another body with the Executive. This body, at which much had been aimed by another, in another part of the Capitol, should not have left the President to have contended alone against it. No, (said Mr. B.,) this House should have made war against them, as the true representatives of the people, and have met them in the very centre of the rotundo of the Capitol, if necessary, and have there decided the question, whether the people, through their representatives, were to prevail in ruling this country, or a body not elected by the people, nor directly responsible to them for their conduct. An issue was now about to be made up with those who fancied themselves beyond the power of the people, how far they could go in defiance of the public will, and sustain themselves. By an association of daring leaders, co-operating to sway public opinion, the whole republic had been convulsed. If they succeeded, in his opinion the public voice was hushed, and it would be idle to talk longer of our free republican institutions. He thought the time had nearly arrived, when it was necessary that the people should essay their strength, and teach those refractory men that their power was neither to be insulted nor put at defiance by them; and he called on the House, as the only representative body of the nation-the only one where the immediate voice of the people could be directly heard not to shrink from its part of a responsibility that was attempted to be shuffled off on the shoulders of the Executive. The Executive had done all that the people had asked, and it was their duty to sustain him, here and elsewhere. Heretofore, however, he had been literally sustained alone by the people, and had proven to be almost the only true reflector of the public will. Here Mr. JARVIS rose, and observed that he perceived that the gentleman from North Carolina was much exhausted; and, in order to give him time to continue his remarks, he moved an adjournment of the House; which was carried. The House then adjourned. THURSDAY, JANUARY 14. WEST POINT ACADEMY. The following resolution, submitted by Mr. HAWES, of Kentucky, on the 7th instant, was taken up: "Resolved, That a select committee of nine be appointed to inquire what amendments, if any, are expedient to be made to the laws relating to the Military [JAN. 14, 1836. Academy at West Point, in the State of New York, and also into the expediency of modifying the organization of said institution, and also whether it would not comport with the public interest to abolish the same; with power to report by bill or otherwise." Mr. HAWES said it would be recollected that, at the last session of Congress, a committee, consisting of one member from each of the States, had been appointed, and that committee went into an investigation of the affairs of that institution. That committee performed the duty assigned them, but their report was made at so late a period of the session that it was impossible for the House to act upon it. The resolution which he now submitted varied but in one particular from the one adopted, raising the committee of last year; and that was in reducing the number of the committee. From the number of that committee, it was almost impossible to get them collected for business. The number was entirely too great. As this was a mere resolution of inquiry, he would say nothing of the abuses which existed in that department of the Government, but hoped the resolution might be adopted without debate, so that the committee might proceed to the duty assigned them. Mr. WARDWELL said he thought that this subject ought to be referred to the Committee on Military Af fairs. He believed that the committee of twenty-four, which was appointed last session, had investigated the subject fully. Their report was brought into the House, and it set forth all the facts which we wanted to know. He would therefore move to amend the resolution so that the subject might be referred to the Committee on Military Affairs. Mr. SMITH wished the gentleman from New York [Mr. WARDWELL] would give some substantial reasons why the subject ought to be referred to the Committee on Military Affars. It seemed to him that a special committee ought to be raised; but if the friends of the institution thought that a special committee would not do them the same justice which the Committee on Military Affairs would, and they would offer that as a reason, he would withdraw his objections. As there were doubts about the organization of this academy, it was desirable that a committee should be raised, which could devote as much time as possible in bringing out the merits or demerits of the institution. He believed that the Committee on Military Affairs would not have time, although they might have the disposition, to do the subject jusHe believed a special committee would do ample justice. He hoped the gentleman from New York would withdraw his motion, or that it would not prevail. tice. Mr. BRIGGS thought that the subject had already been referred to the Committee on Military Affairs, by the general resolutions referring the different items of the President's message to committees, and therefore inquired whether the present resolution was in order. The SPEAKER said that the present resolution was one of inquiry; and he considered the reference of the President's message as not applying to the case. Mr. BRIGGS then said he would vote for the amendment of the gentleman from New York, because he thought the subject ought to go to one of the standing committees. It had been said by the gentleman from Kentucky, [Mr. HAWES,] that, in consequence of the number of the committee of last session, it was almost impossible to get them to business. He thought the gentleman labored under a mistake. That committee had a meeting early in the session, and appointed a subcommittee to investigate the whole matter, and that committee went industriously to work. After their investigation was completed, they made an elaborate report. The committee adopted that report, which report was now on the files of the House; and if gentlemen wished information from it, they could order it to be printed. It was because this subject had been so recently and thoroughly investigated, that there was no necessity for further investigation. He would vote for the amendment of the gentleman from New York. [H. OF R. The the House in discussing a preliminary question, but his Mr. REYNOLDS, of Illinois, remarked that the people he had the honor to represent in the State of Illinois, took a deep interest in this subject, and were he to remain silent on the occasion, they would consider him derelict in his duty. They expected him, on all occasions, to advocate such measures as would tend to reform this institution, or to abolish it entirely. This was the reason which induced him to rise on this occasion. It was astonishing to him (Mr. R.) that gentlemen, friends to this institution, were so strenuous and so much opposed to an investigation of this subject. If it be an institution founded on a proper basis, and conducted on sound republican principles, they need not fear an investigation; if it be of this character, an investigation will not injure it; neither time nor talents can prevail against it. But the great dread of an investiga-ical knowledge, might expect some employment from tion was almost positive proof that there was something wrong in the institution. Mr. R. said his honorable friend [Mr. BRIGGS] tried to stifle this investigation, by his attempt to satisfy the Speaker that the subject was already referred to the Committee on Military Affairs. This was strong circumstantial proof that there was in this affair something not right. The other gentleman [Mr. WARDWELL, of New York] wished to have the subject referred to the ComImittee on Military Affairs. Mr. R. said he had the highest respect for that committee; but some of them, and perhaps all of them, had already expressed an opinion on the subject, in a report favorable to that institution; and, from this consideration, were not so impartial as a select committee raised expressly for the occasion. Mr. R. remarked that an official investigation, and that made known to the people, would cause the institution at West Point to wither and die. Under its present organization, the young men who ought not to be educated there were the exclusive individuals that were educatedțin it; and, what was still worse, it was made a kind of monopoly. The cadets educated there were the exclusive officers in our army, right or wrong; they were the officers who were to conduct our armies to glory or disgrace; and it mattered not what deeds of valor the privates in the army might do, they could not rise, as there were no places for them; the cadets filled all. A private soldier in the war which seems to be approaching us might do as noble a deed as the character of antiquity did who slew Goliath; he still could not rise one foot in the army. He would appeal to the House if every individual did not expect to rise by his merits? The gentlemen, [Messrs. WARDWELL and BRIGGS,] like others in Congress, would expect to be rewarded for their meritorious conduct. His friend [Mr. BRIGGS] from Massachusetts, no doubt, would be supportby his constituents for his moral and orderly course of conduct in Congress, and his assiduity to business. The same would apply to the gentleman from New York, [Mr. WARDWELL.] The principle was correct to reward meritorious actions, and an institution or measures that opposed this principle were in themselves wrong. Any person that would look at the report made at the last Congress on this subject would be satisfied that there was something not right in the institution. If the friends of the Academy would let that report be printed, and officially presented to the people, that would be satisfactory. Mr. R. said he hoped, under all the circumstances, the motion of the gentleman from New York [Mr. WARD WELL] would not prevail, but that the subject would be submitted to a select committee, under the resolution of the gentleman from Kentucky. Mr. WARDWELL did not wish to take up the time of VOL. XII.-138 Government, which business is now done by the graduates of the institution at West Point, without cost to the Government. If, however, that institution was abolished, and those engineers not sent among them, there might be some fine offices for the young gentlemen of the western country. No wonder that western gentlemen's constituents were in favor of abolishing that institution. Mr. HANNEGAN had a few remarks to make on the subject. He was a member of the select committee of the last session, and would say that it was not in the power of the Committee on Military Affairs to give the subject the attention which it required. The committee of last session made their report to the House, and the gentleman from New York [Mr. WARDWELL] tells us that the House refused to print that report. Why did the House refuse? Because it required two thirds to make the motion to print, and the friends of the institution rallied around it and refused to print. That gentleman said that the West alone opposed that institution. He (Mr. H.) knew gentlemen from the East, South, and the North, who opposed it. That gentleman also said that the young gentlemen of the West expected good offices if the institution be abolished. He (Mr. H.) would be glad to have the offices given to those who came from the ranks of the people, and not to the sons of those were now in high office. He hoped and trusted that the resolution of the gentleman from Kentucky would be adopted, and that a thorough investigation might be had. Mr. HAMER said he could not see what possible objection there could be to the resolution of the gentleman from Kentucky. On one hand it was contended that it was one of the most aristocratic, and on the other that it was one of the best institutions that ever was established. Why, then, not allow us to collect facts, so that we may be enabled to make up an impartial judg ment on the subject? A large portion of the people of the country believe that the institution ought to be abolished; then let an investigation be fully had. Mr. H. would say a word to the gentleman from New York, [Mr. WARDWELL.] He is mistaken; the people of the West are governed by no such motives as those attributed to them by that gentleman. That gentleman admits that a band of men are sent out to fill all the important offices; men who are the friends and relatives of those who are in high station, and who have political influence. The sons of men high in office are educated at that in. stitution, and those men are sent out to fill all the high offices in the western country. If the people of the Mississippi valley educated their sons at their own expense, why should they not be appointed to those offices? If they are capable, let them have the offices. He object ed, and his constituents objected, to the existence of the institution in its present form. He therefore hoped there would be no objection to an investigation. Mr. MANN, of New York, desired to make a few remarks upon the subject before the House; but, as the morning hour had expired, he called for the orders of the day. The motion was agreed to. NEW YORK SUFFERERS BY FIRE. A bill from the Senate for the relief of the sufferers by fire in the city of New York was read twice. Mr. CAMBRELENG said this bill was the same in substance, and differed only in words, from the one which was reported by the Committee of Ways and Means. It would not, therefore, be necessary to refer this bill to that committee. He moved that it be committed to a Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union; which was agreed to. The House then, on motion of Mr. CAMBRELENG, resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union, Mr. CONNOR in the chair. Mr. CAMBRELENG said he felt it his duty to throw himself upon the indulgence of the committee, and ask them to take up and consider the bill from the Senate for the relief of the sufferers by the late fire in New York. His reason for doing so, he explained to be, that the whole business of the custom-house at New York was obstructed, and must remain obstructed so long as that bill was not passed; for every bond due was lying over, and no entries could be made until those bonds were cancelled. The bill, he said, as it then stood, and was sent from the Senate, did not embrace that provision which had before excited opposition in the House in relation to the surplus revenue. Its object was simply to extend accommodation to the debtors of the Government, who had been unable to pay their debts, from the loss of not less than twenty-five millions of capital in the city of New York. He therefore moved that the committee take up the bill from the Senate in relation to that subject. The motion was agreed to, and the bill was read from the Clerk's table, as follows: [JAN. 14, 1836. And provided, also, That the benefits of this section shall not be extended to any person whose loss shall not be proved, to the satisfaction of the collector, to have exceeded the sum of one thousand dollars. Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That the collector of the port of New York is hereby authorized and directed to extend the payment, in the manner prescribed in the first section of this act, of all other bonds given for duties at the port of New York prior to the late fire, and not provided for in the first section, as aforesaid, for six, nine, and twelve months, from and after the day of payment specified in the bonds: Provided, however, That nothing contained in this act shall extend to bonds which had fallen due before the seventeenth day of December last. Mr. CAMBRELENG explained that the only variation between this bill and that reported in the House was as to the limitations, and the more specific designation of the kind of property destroyed. Under former acts of this character, the amount of property destroyed merely was set forth; the Senate had, he thought very properly, inserted the qualification of property, and he hoped it would be approved of by the House. Mr. HARDIN said, as the Senate had made the alteration, none would be entitled to any benefit who had not sustained a loss to the amount of one thousand dollars; and sufferers to that extent were to have a credit to the extent of three, four, or five years, without interest, that he understood. But he did not understand the proviso in the same clause, because it appeared to authorize loaning money out of the public Treasury, by way of renewing the old bonds. The money to be returned, without interest, upon three, or four, or five years, upon the cancelled bonds, was nothing more nor less, he maintained, than loaning so much money to the merchants of New York who had goods destroyed to the amount of one thousand dollars. The poor mechanic, the widow, the orphan, could derive no benefit from this bill. But he objected to it also on principle. He was opposed to loaning the public money, either with or without interest; and he denied the power of the Government to loan its public treasure in this way. He knew that bills had heretofore been Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representa- passed for the relief of sufferers under a dreadful calamtives of the United States of America in Congress assem- ity at Caraccas, Alexandria, &c.; but that was done bled, That the collector of the port of New York be, under the impulse of feeling. Could Congress relieve and he is hereby, authorized, as he may deem best cal- every citizen of the United States, who might be overculated to secure the interests of the United States, to come by calamity, or afflicted by Providence? How cause to be extended (with the assent of the sureties many ships were lost upon the ocean! How much propthereon) to all persons who have suffered loss of property lost! And who ever heard of bills introduced there erty by the conflagration at that place on the sixteenth for relief in such cases? There were said to be some day of December last, by the burning of their buildings fifteen millions of property destroyed at New York; but or merchandise, the time of payment of all bonds here- the chief loss had fallen upon the insurance offices, not tofore given by them for duties, to periods not exceed-upon the merchants. Probably not more than three, ing three, four, and five years, in equal annual instalments, from and after the day of payment specified in the bonds; or to allow the said bonds to be cancelled, upon giving to the said collector, for the sums of the former bonds, respectively, payable in equal instalments in three, four, and five years, from and after the day of payment specified in the bonds to be taken up or cancelled as aforesaid; and the said collector is hereby au thorized and directed to give up, or cancel, all such bonds, upon the receipt of others described in this sec tion; which last-mentioned bonds shall be proceeded with, in all respects, like other bonds which are taken by collectors for duties due to the United States, and shall have the same force and validity: Provided, That those who are within the provision of this section, but who may have paid their bonds subsequent to the late fire, shall also be entitled to the benefit of this section, and that the said bonds shall be renewed from the day when the same were paid, and said payments refunded. four, or five millions were lost by the merchants. The gentleman had said that more than one half the revenue was collected in New York-more than five millions of dollars. Well, all that money remained there, deposited in pet banks, and used for the benefit of the merchants of New York, without the Government deriving a dollar's benefit. Mr. H. moved to strike out the proviso to the first section. He said, also, he should move to strike out the second section, and then he intended to vote against the bill. Mr. GIDEON LEE said: It is not my purpose, sir, to participate in the debates of Congress the present session; but the extraordinary occurrence which has induced the report of the bill before us, the very singular amendments proposed by the gentleman from Kentucky, and the deep interest I feel in the speedy resuscitation of that devastated city, compels me to depart from the silent course I have prescribed for myself. The gentleman's amendment proposes, first, to strike out the proviso in the first section, the whole of the second section; and, finally, the gentleman promises, when so amended, to vote against the whole bill. My arguments will, therefore, have reference to the whole bill, and I promise the utmost brevity. But, first, I must disclaim the honor of the biblical title of Babylon, which the gentleman has given to New York. I must also disclaim the honor he ascribes to us, of governing the four- | and-twenty States. We feel no such honor; we exercise no such power; and if the gentleman means the State, which is not precisely the basis of the present discussion, he is still mistaken. That ill-fated city, sir, in a single day, by an act of God, which no human foresight could avert, which no human arm could stay, has lost more than one fourth of its entire assessable personal estate. That desolated city stands a debtor to the nation in the sum of three million six hundred and sixty-eight thousand dollars. The bill before us proposes not to forgive the debt-not to diminish the principal sum of the debtnot to jeopard it; it proposes merely to postpone the payment from the dates of maturity to the several dates named. Mr. Chairman, permit me to view this case as it really is: the nation a rich and prosperous creditor; the devastated city not an insolvent, but a debtor oppressed by a calamity unparalleled in the two hundred years' history of this country, and rarely equalled in any age of any country. It has ever been the common sense of mankind that the relation of debtor and creditor imposed mutual obligations as well as mutual interests. It has ever been the practice of mankind in this relation, under great calamity and privation of means on the part of the debtor, to claim and receive from his full-handed creditor not only the kind of relief provided in this bill--postponement of payment--but advance, moreover, of money or other necessaries. Shall we depart from a principle of ethics and a rule of practice sanctioned by all ages and by all grades of men? No, sir, motives of self-interest forbid it--motives of humanity forbid it. [H. OF R. ment of payment, that the debt we owe the nation has arisen, and unavoidably arisen, in our relation of agent to the Government in the collection of its revenue, which, by an act of God, we are at present unable to pay. Every body knows, sir, that the process of such collection--and I will add the process of creation, too-of the imports, is by and through the importation of foreign merchandise; and it is equally well known that the means, and the only instrument of the whole perform. ance, is capital. This capital is annihilated, or so greatly diminished, that gentlemen may be assured a fearful derangement must ensue unless we derive large temporary assistance somewhere. There is, sir, a third relation between this ill-fated city and the nation, which claims strongly her protection. I mean, sir, that common relation which every great political or social community owes to all its parts, and all its parts owe to the whole. We ask this relief, then, sir, first, on the principle of our relation to the nation, as a debtor of impaired means, with a creditor whose coffers are over-full. Again, sir, we ask it on the principle of our relation as agent, suddenly bereft of the very implements of our agency, while our principal is possessed of a superabundant supply. And again, sir, we ask it in conformity with the common, social, equitable obligation which a great and prosperous community owes to each and all its parts, which, from sudden and unavoidable calamity, require such aid. May say, sir, we do not ask it in the spirit of supplication, humiliation, and alms-giving. The city, sir, though devastated, has yet remaining means. She is rich in the insuppressible spirit of enterprise, and in the unmitigated industry of her citizens. She merely wants temporary aid. She asks of you in this bill the indulgence of deferring payment until she can render her remaining means available. Will the nation look calmly on, and close its door on us, while all around us elsewhere have opened their hearts, hands, and coffers to us? Will the frugal but equitable East, will the hardy but generous West, will the mounting chivalry of the South, will the most prosperous nation that the sun of heaven ever shone on, refuse the credit which so many reciprocal interests and mutual obligations enforce? She will not; I know she will not. Is there any legal or constitutional bar to such postponement? None, sir: your records are full of precedents precisely in point; the only dissimilitude is in the magnitude of the loss in this and former cases--the devastation in this being some twentyfold greater than in those. Will that unfortunate city be the only beneficiary of the measure? By no means, sir. In its commercial intercommunications with every part of the nation, it has become largely a creditor. And this mass of commercial credit has been most frightfully swollen by the sale and hypothecation of the public stocks of nearly every State of the Union. But now, without this aid from Congress, the sudden abstraction of so large a porIt has been found the mutual interest and the mutual tion of our moveable capital by the conflagration must necessity of the parties, that the nation should collect compel us to force our commercial debtors, and to press very nearly two thirds of its impost revenue through the the return of a tremendous amount of stocks to the sevagency of the city of New York. More than two hun-eral States of their creation. It is charged by the gendred and sixty millions have been thus collected and paid tleman from Kentucky, as against the bill, that the relief into the Treasury. How skilfully or unskilfully this reaches no other sufferers than the merchants. He is duty has been performed I will not pretend to define; mistaken; for although the provision is intended chiefly the Treasury records will give the answer. I would not for that class, as the chief sufferers, and other aids are be understood to intimate that New York has paid a preparing for other classes of sufferers, yet such is the single dollar from her own coffers more than her just diffusive nature of capital, and such the laws ruling the quota. Every body knows that the consumer of the existence, the formation, and the blended intercourse of merchandise, wherever may be his location, is the ulti- the people which make up the great whole of a dense mate payer of the import tax. Nor do I claim that such commercial city, that it is quite impossible to place capagency has been profitless or onerous. I have already ital in any class or in any position which will not extend said that the interests of the parties were mutual. My itself beneficially to all. The laborer, cartman, mechanic, object is merely to exhibit the existing fact, and to de- all, all will feel the assistance. I may myself be beneduce from it the very cogent argument for the postpone-fited, who have been a mechanic these forty years, and There is in the case under discussion, sir, something more than the mere simple relation of debtor and creditor between the parties. There is in this case, and most strongly marked, the nearer and closer relation, and the stronger obligations, of employer and agent, of principal and factor; and this debt, sir, has accrued, not partly, but wholly, in the performance of the duties of such agency. It has been the policy of this nation-a policy so discreet, so wise, and sound, that I trust it may never be discontinued--to collect the necessary funds for the support of Government from masses of property, prior | to those minuter subdivisions for the consumption of the community, avoiding thereby the more tedious, the tenfold more costly and more offensive mode of thrusting the unwelcome tax-gatherer into the domicils of our people, for the ancient mode of capitation, tithe, or small property tax. |