How know there was not a quorum before a count? Sir, it was notorious there was a quorum; it was known to every man. I would say, if there was one, there were one hundred and fifty members at least in the House when that report was made. They were in that lobby; they were skulking in every direction, and refused to vote. They knew their own' motives. I will not dive into their hearts, but such is the fact! After the yeas and nays on adjournment, we received another message from the Senate, by Mr. Lowrie: "Mr. Speaker, I am directed to inform the House of Representatives that the Senate has finished the legislative business before it, and is ready to adjourn." (H. OF R. I have now, sir, given you the facts upon the journal; but there are other important facts--facts unwritten, as well as facts written. Out with them! Come, rise in your high places all, here and elsewhere, and tell the truth, the whole truth. Sir, it is said that bill failed in the House. That is not true. It failed before it got to the House from the conference room. It dropped like a spent ball before it quite got here; it dropped near that door. Sir, there are two statements about the matter; they may be conjectural; I cannot vouch for them. I mean to put interrogatories. I put it to the gentleman, [Mr. CAMBRELENG,] Did no "busybody" whisper aught in his ear as he was on his way to report to the House? Did no one tempt him, as he passed, to strangle the bantling under his care? Was there no magician near?. No dl and his imps? And, if this may be denied, I put it to the honorable chairman of the comcommittee received a billetdoux after he resumed his seat? Did the honorable chairman, after he left the conference room, not intend to make the report? Did he not, after he returned to the House with it, inform a gentleman from Tennessee, [Mr. FORESTER,] though it was then after twelve o'clock at night, that he intended to make the report? Did he not sit down by a gentleman from Ohio, [Mr. WHITTLESEY,] and give him to understand, with the report on the desk before him, that the report was to be made? Why did that intention fail? What prevented? Sir, there were spirits haunting the Capitol that "awfu' night"-there were strange whis. pering-chattering elfs--ghosts, as I am told-I did not see them--blue devils and imps! Is it true? Was there any dealing with the "infernals" that night? Tell us, I pray, tell us, and let the curse fall on the necromancers-not on the victims of the horrid spell! [Mr. CAMBRELENG. I can tell you.] Now, sir, no man will accuse me of being the advocate or the apologist of the Senate. But "give the d-l his due." Let the truth be told-acquit whom it may--injure whom it may. This message can be considered in no other light than another respectful in-mittee of conference, [Mr. C.,] if no member of the timation to the House to act on the fortification bill. So I considered it at the time. The Senate could not with propriety have renewed the first message, without seeming to arrogate the prerogative of dictating to the House, or without seeming to be guilty of the insolence which was charged upon the first message by the gentleman from Massachusetts, [Mr. ADAMS.] They there fore said, "the Senate has finished the legislative business before it!" And was this not the fact? Was the fortification bill there? No, sir! it was here, in this House, and here unacted on! Yes, sir, notwithstanding this bill was still unacted on in the House, Mr. F. O. J. Smith, of Maine, one of the "faithful," offered a resolution, "that a committee be appointed to wait on the President, and to notify him that, unless he may have further communications to make, the two Houses of Congress, having completed the business before them, are ready to close the present session. Although this was admitting that the session had not closed, yet, was it true that both Houses had completed the business before them? Had the House of Representatives acted on and completed the fortification bill which was before it? It had not. The Senate had completed its business; the House had not. The House again proceeded to take up the Letcher resolution. There was no quorum answering, though one present. Mr. Smith then moved a message, to notify the Senate that the House "had completed the business before it," whilst the fortification bill was still unacted on, and after the two messages from the Senate directing our attention, requesting our attention, to it! Pending this motion and the call of the House, Mr. Mason moved to adjourn, because the Senate had adjourned, and his motion passed in the affirmative, without even the usual interchange of courtesy between the two Houses and the other branch of the Government. Such was the termintion of the last Congress; and I do say, sir, it was one of the most disgraceful scenes I ever witnessed; it was unbecoming barbarians and savages, much more the representatives of a civilized nation! Sleepy, tired, drunk! Mr. BYNUM. Is the gentleman in order when speaking thus of the last Congress? Mr. WISE. I do not pretend to say, Mr. Speaker, that all Congress was drunk, or that one half, one third, or one tenth of the members were drunk; but I know that some were drunk; that I was not of the number; and so it was, that what with manoeuvring, being tired, opposed to some measures, sleepy, drowsy, and drunk, no quorum could be had unless it had suited certain individuals. Mr. LANE said he should like to hear the names of those who were drunk. Mr. WISE. The gentleman might feel unhappy, sir, if I were to mention names. VOL. XII.-144 Mr. WISE. Ay, you can tell us, can you? There is another more important fact, which must come out. Out with it all, say I. You, Mr. Speaker, ay, you, sir, are deeply concerned in that matter; deny it if you can. Before I disclose that faat, I must premise that I voted for the three millions amendment. There were 109 votes for it, the name of John Quincy Adams first, and my name last, on the list of yeas. I was held to a strict accountability for that vote by my constituents, with whom I have settled it, as a gentleman whom I now see [Mr. TYLER] can attest, for I believe he heard my reasons and my apologies before the people. Sir, I have now to say that, under the impressions of that amendment at the time I gave that vote, I would give the same vote again, with the same information I then possessed. And here, be it known, by the way, in justice to the gentleman from New York, [Mr. CAMBRELENG,] that he did notify me personally in that lobby--I do not know that he notified the House--one or two days before the 3d of March, I believe [Here Mr. C. said he notified the House the day before, when he withdrew the resolution for contingent preparation for war.] Mr. WISE. Of that I am not certain; but the gentleman did notify me, personally, perhaps the day before it was offered, that he intended to offer that amendment, and asked if I would vote for it. I replied that, without reference to a state of war, for a peace establishment alone, I would vote for thrice three millions, for the purpose of putting our navy in respectable trim, and to repair and complete our fortifications. But no one notified me, no one informed me or the House, in my hearing, that the President recommended that additional appropriation, or that "it was in accordance" even "with the views of the Executive!" I had sufficient information of my own, without the views of the Executive, to convince me of the necessity of a large appropriation for means of national defence. I knew that our navy and fortifications were in a most lamentable and disgraceful condition-disgraceful to a nation like this-disgraceful to the Departments which have their care and superintendence! I knew that, notwithstanding our commerce floats and needs protection in every sea, notwithstanding the navy was a popular favorite, notwithstanding more than sixty-five millions had been expended on a navy since the last war, we had but one ship of the line in commission on the ocean! We have but one now. I knew that several new ships, which had never been in service, were rotten and decayed. I knew that some were rotten on the stocks for want of care. I knew that the naval architecture which has lately been introduced by the board of navy commissioners was a disgrace to the arts in this country. I knew that to put crews on board several of our sloops of war, the Warren, Lexington, and Natchez, for instance, was to send them to a prison-ship; that the vessels could not sail fast enough to overtake any thing they could whip, and could not get out of the way of any thing that could whip them. I knew that the projectors were ashamed of their own experiment. I knew that immense sums of money had been thrown into mud and water upon certain "waterhalls." I knew that certain grand improvements upon our guns, reducing their weight from that well-known standard of experience and science, 200 pounds of metal to the pound of ball-the chimera of medium guns*--had ruined, in a great measure, our naval ordnance. I got the report of the inspector of naval ordnance into the House the very last night of the session, through my friend the honorable William Cost Johnson, who made the report on establishing a national foundry. That report had been made to the board of navy commissioners for more than twelve months, and had never been communicated to Congress, because, I presume, it exposed some of the chimeras of the Department, and shows how the sixty-five millions have, in part, been expended. From that report I knew that about 750 of the guns of the navy were unfit for service, and they are now, many of them, on board your vessels of war. The men are afraid of them. I knew it would take from six to twelve months to get our ships and vessels of war in ordinary afloat. Concerning the War Department, I knew that scarcely one of the old fortifications, which were left dilapidated by the last war, was in a state of repair. Witness the facts exposed during the debate that very last night of the session in relation to Fort McHenry, near Baltimore, and the works on the Gulf of Mexico! I knew that, notwithstanding more than twenty-six millions had been expended on building, or rather on commencing to build, fortifications since 1820, not one scarcely of our new fortifications was completed. I say "commencing to build," because the system has not been one of defence; it has been one of electioneering to scatter Government patronage! Instead of completing those commenced before others are begun, as many congressional districts as possible are given a taste of Treasury pap, and the works begun and incomplete are left to the necessary injury of delay, and to the tender mercy of any enemy who may choose to cap. ture them. Your own forts are now exactly in the condition either to be blown up, or to be turned upon your selves. Witness Old Point Comfort and the Rip Raps! I knew, sir, that, with the most extended coast of any people on the face of the earth, on the gulf, on the Atlantic, and on the lakes, to be defended, we had not a fort in readiness for any emergency, near or afar off. I knew, according to information from the ordnance • These guns, I am told, were ordered in 1826.—Note by Mr. W. [JAN. 22, 1836. department, it would take twenty years, at the present rate of appropriation, one hundred thousand dollars only per annum, or, in other words, a present appropriation of two millions of dollars, for armament of fortifications alone! I knew we had but three safe foundries in the entire eastern section of the country, at which ordnance can be cast. I knew that casting of ordnance was no light job, and two millions worth was not to be cast in a day. I knew that from Florida to Maine there was not a single fort which could mount twenty guns. I knew that there were no gun carriages. Witness Fort Washington, the guard of the pass to this Capitol, which has once been burnt, has not a gun on its ramparts. And, in addition to all this, I knew that a French minister (General Bernard) knows our condition of defence better than we do, for he has been our chief engineer! Such I know to be our condition, and such I know to be our condition now, though year after year, every year the false cry has been heard from the watch-towers, "all's well!" Every session of Congress, every return of the session, have we been most graciously greeted with the formal and fashionable congratulations and felicitations on the happy and unparalleled present condition and the prospects of the future prosperity of our country. And, Mr. Speaker, here we are! caught naked, defenceless, unprepared, and unpreparing for defence, with our hands in the lion's mouth! Let those who have all the time had all this information, and who have all the day been standing idle, recommending nothing, reporting nothing, advising nothing, no! not until this very moment, bear the blame; I, and those with whom I act, are innocent. Sir, I say I knew that, with all this immense want of appropriation, three millions would be but as a drop' in the bucket for either of the objects-fortifications, ordnance, or increase of the navy. Knowing this, I voted for that amendment. Not with reference to war; for, not more than twenty-four hours before, the gentleman from New York [Mr. CAMBRELENG] had withdrawn his resolution to make contingent preparation for war, though that gentleman proposed the three millions amendment, and now assigns the necessity at the time of preparing for war as the reason! The gentleman from Massachusetts [Mr. ADAMS] withdrew a similar resolution, and voted the very next day for this amendment; and now tells us that the "next step for those who voted against that amendment was to join the enemy!" After the withdrawal of that resolution upon French affairs, but the day before, by the chairman of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, could I, could any not initiated, doubt that these three millions were not proposed for war? I voted for the amendment for reasons of peace, not of war. I thought it the best way to keep peace to be in a state of readiness for war, and that sound economy as well as policy required the appropriation. For the reasons I have given, I wanted no estimates, no more data than I had already. But, sir, many gentlemen had not then this information-the estimates, the data. No information, no esti. mates, no data, were furnished by the Departments, or by the committees. There was time enough for the estimates to have been furnished; for I tell you that notice was given to me personally, beforehand, and it must have been in contemplation, before notice, that this amendment was to be offered; and the gentleman from New York [Mr. CAMBRELENG] shall not claim to have given notice, and still urge that there was not time for the data to be furnished. Indeed, all the time his resolution was pending to make contingent preparation for war, these data and estimates should have been prepared; they should always be ready. But no information of the kind was furnished those even who might have been willing to vote upon faith in the President. The faith of some was monstrous strong!-did not know that he wished such an appropriation, or even that he thought it proper. Why, sir, when I returned home, and was accused by my opponents of voting the Presi dent three millions of dollars, I honestly and sincerely told my friends that the President never called for the appropriation, and I presumed he must have thought it unnecessary, or he would, as in duty bound, have certainly recommended it by message, or through some Department. Never, until I saw his message to this Congress, did I know that amendment was "in accordance with the views of the Executive. And, sir, I venture to say that a large majority of the last Congress were as ignorant as I was of any such views of the Executive." I can prove here on the spot, by a member of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, [Mr. PEYTON,] that he was totally ignorant of "the views of the Executive," or of any information from the Departments in relation to this three million amendment. But, sir, I now know, by evidence newly discovered, that some few did know that the President did desire this appropriation of three millions; that they, though chairmen of the principal committees, never communicated it to their committees, much less to the House; that they whispered it to a few others, and told them "not to say any thing about it." You, Mr. Speaker, you, I charge with the guilt of that fact! You may deny it in your place, or not. If you do deny it, I am ready, with a witness, to prove that [Here Mr. WISE read a written statement, given to him by the honorable Luke Lea, of Tennessee, corroborated by the statement of the honorable Samuel Bunch, of Tennessee, in the following words: "On the last night of the last session of Congress, pending the question of the three million appropriation, two of the members of that Congress hesitated as to the propriety of voting for said appropriation, when one of them proposed to the other that he would make inquiry of one of the members of the Committee of Ways and Means, who sat near them, whether this appropriation had been asked for by the President; which he did, and received for answer, that the committee had been asked for it, or it had been intimated to them that he desired it, but that you need not say any thing about it; which answer was immediately communicated to the other member. It was then agreed upon between the members, that, as the money was not to be used except for the purposes specified, and not until the contingency should happen to make it necessary, they would vote for the amendment."] Sir, I charge you with being that member who[Loud cries of "order! order!"] Mr. WISE. The chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means, [Mr. POLK,] it is said, gave this answer. Is it true? Yes or no! Guilty or not guilty? The CHAIR. If it is desired that I should make any statement of any fact in my knowledge, I am ready to make it. [Cries of "no! no!" from Mr. POLK's own friends.] Mr. MERCER considered the call upon the Speaker, as such, to be out of order; but the call upon him, as a member of the last House, in order. Mr. WISE. I call upon the chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means of the last Congress. The CHAIR said, if the House wished it, or would permit it, he would make a brief statement. [Cries of "no! no!" from some of his own friends, and of "agreed! agreed!" from all quarters.] Mr. ADAMS here attempted to get an explanation. Mr. MERCER hoped the House would yield its unanimous consent to the explanation of the Speaker. [H. OF R. The CHAIR said he considered the whole proceeding out of order; but, as he had been personally alluded to, he had not arrested it, and that it would afford him sin. cere pleasure if the House would permit him to make a statement. No objection being made, The SPEAKER (the House having given its permission, and many members expressing a desire that he should do so) said that the Chair took great pleasure in stating to the House that, upon that occasion, he had felt great solicitude for the safety of the appropriation bills which had not been acted on; perhaps the more. solicitude, from the position he at that time had the honor to occupy in the House, as chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means. Having, as he had, charge of some of these bills, and feeling that some responsibility devolved upon him, his attention had been closely directed to them. He did remember, upon that occasion, when the three millions appropriation was moved, that, in a casual conversation, two members of the House, two of his own colleagues from Tennessee, who were also members of the present House, and who at that time occupied seats immediately in his rear, asked him some question in relation to that appropriation, and that he replied that he thought it a proper appropriation, and one that ought to pass. He had, he said, no recollection of the precise language he made use of, but he had said, in answer to the inquiry of his colleague, substantially, that he thought the appropriation proper, that the Executive had been consulted, and that it met the Executive's wishes, or something to that effect. As chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means, inquiries had often been made of him in conversation, by members of the House, in relation to different appropriations; and he had always given the information in his possession, as he had in this instance. The Chair would then state what he had not perhaps thought it necessary, at that time, to be stated to the House, and it was this: that he had conferred with the chairman of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, and with some members of the Executive, upon the subject of this appropriation. As chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means, it was his duty, if a heavy appropriation was proposed, to ascertain, and be able to give the information to the House, if it was required, whether the Treasury was in a condition to bear it. He had always felt it to be his duty, whilst chairman of that committee, to consult different members of the Executive branches of the Government, when he thought it necessary to obtain information in regard to all appropriations for the public service. And when the question was asked of him by his colleagues, in regard to this ap propriation, the individual now occupying the chair had answered, in substance, that he thought the appropriation altogether proper, and that it met the approbation of the Executive. He did not remember adding any thing of the purport stated by the gentleman from Virginia, though he may have done so, and would not say he had not; though, if he had, it had escaped his recol. lection. The Chair would respectfully remark that he was really unable to conceive how this could be a matter of any sort of importance. If it had an important bearing, he was at a loss to perceive it. The Chair felt a deep sense of obligation to the House for the opportunity offered him of giving this brief statement. If the House would permit him, he would add a single suggestion. It must be evident that the debate which had sprung up that day had given rise to great excitement and feeling, and would require great forbearance, on the part of the House and the Chair, to enable him Mr. VINTON wished to know if the Speaker himself to preserve order. He would repeat to the gentleman desired to explain: because, if not, he should object to it. I from Virginia that, in reminding him, a few moments ago, that it was against order to refer to honorable members of the last Congress who were also members of the present House, and in their seats, by their names, it was far from the intention of the Chair to interfere with any of the rights of the gentleman from Virginia, and would exceedingly regret to interfere with the rights of any member upon the floor. The Chair thought it out of order, and supposed such a course of debate, if suffered to proceed, was likely to produce excitement and collision, and he had therefore wished to arrest it. He felt assured that the gentleman from Virginia, and every other member, would see the necessity of such a course, and would sustain the Chair in his efforts to preserve the order and harmony of the proceedings of the House. Mr. LEA, of Tennessee, then rose, and confirmed the statement which he had given Mr. WISE in writing, and which the Speaker [Mr. POLK] admitted to be true. Mr. WISE. Sir, permit me to say that I truly and sincerely sympathize with the situation of the Chair. I know its embarrassments, and I shall at all times be ready to sustain its efforts to preserve order. But to proceed. And this, Mr. Speaker, is not an important fact! What, sir! the chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means know the fact that the President desires an appropriation of three millions of dollars, not communicate it to his committee or to the House, and, whilst endeavoring to get it through, and obtain votes for its passage, to whisper the President's will to a few members in their seats-to be kept a secret!!! Great God, sir, and this in these days, in the green ree, is not a matter of importance. I wish not to deal with this fact until I have a fair opportunity. Mr. PEYTON here moved an adjournment; which was carried. On the following day Mr. WISE resumed his remarks, as follows: [JAN. 22, 1836. atives; but whispered it, as a secret, to a few members in their seats, desiring them to "say nothing about" the fact that such was the desire of the President! I call upon this House and this nation to witness this fact, stated, proved, and not here denied, but admitted. Here (striking his breast) is the accuser; there (pointing at the Speaker) and there (pointing at Mr. CAMBRELENG) are the accused! There are others (signifying Mr. V. B. and Mr. F.) who may be the guiltiest of the gang. The people are our judges; they are now sitting, and will judge righteously. Why, sir, appoint a committee? The investigation is already made; here is the record evidence, (holding up the journal,) there are the oral witnesses, (pointing to Messrs. LEA and BUNCH;) and the truth necessary for a verdict and conviction, to the mind of any honest, impartial man, is already out. There is no necessity for the appointment of the committee asked for. The material facts, or some of them, are already before the House, and all of them, if I can bring them out, shall be before us here; and here, before the eyes of the world, they should be divulged. Sir, if a committee is appointed, it will be a "stocked pack." I will not consent to play with such cards! If a committee be appointed, there will certainly--we have got to that pass--be two reports, conflicting and diametrically opposite. No matter where truth, where justice lies, 1 say we know beforehand there will certainly be two reports. Committees are more used now-a-days to gloss over than to probe corruption. I have but little confidence in them. If they cannot report favorably to "the party," they will never report at all! Why appoint a committee, when here it has been charged, face to face, and fully proved, that the fortification bill of the last session was lost by the manoeuvring, with others, of a gentleman whose name reads in the journal--Churchill C. Cambreleng! When Mr. Speaker, before I proceed with my remarks of here it has been charged, and not denied--ay, if denied, yesterday, permit me to say, the reflections of the past fully proved-that the chairman of the Committee of night have admonished me that a most serious, solemn, Ways and Means, [JAMES K. POLK,] knowing the views and delicate duty has accidentally, on the occasion of of the Executive, but never communicating them to this debate, devolved upon me, and upon all in this committee or House, did go round privately among House who are disposed, without fear, favor, or affec- members, and tell such as were friendly to the Presition, to do their duty to their country and its sacred in- dent that he wanted the grant of three millions, but not stitutions. I lament, sir, sincerely lament, for the sake to say any thing about it! What need, then, I repeat, of all that is dear to us, that the corruption-corruption, of a committee to ascertain what is already known? sir, is the word-of the times does exist; but it is too These facts have come out, and more must follow. Let true, it is engendered, it is sneaking through every ave- them follow, one after another, in review bere in this nue almost of the public service, it is undermining the hall, and, if you are honest, you will gaze on the proconstitution and the safety of the free Government which cession with indignation and alarm! No plastering comwe derived from our fathers, and I glory in dragging|mittee in a shut chamber! Let the naked truth stand it out from the darkness which it loves, and in exposing its hideous front" in the full light of truth, to the astonished gaze of the honest and unsuspecting people of this nation! I will then leave the correction of it to them. They can create, and they can destroy. It is one of their virtuest hat their confidence in those whom they have trusted is not easily to be shaken; but when once deceived, once betrayed, their vengeance, their condign punishment is awful! I know they are honest, and will not tolerate corruption. up here, to confront men in high places, no matter who they may be, charged with fraud and corruption. I will never examine this subject any where else ' than in this House. And how was that three million amendment proposed? Sir, although it was apparently brought upon us suddenly, in the last hour of our existence, and although the House had no notice of it, at all events, not until the day before, yet now it seems that it had been for some time thought of in another quarter; that it was "in accordance with the views of the Executive;" that these views had been communicated to the chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means, [Mr. PoLK,] and to the chairman of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, [Mr. CAMBRELENG,] who communicated them secretly to a few others. There was time then, sir, for all the estimates to be furnished. I We have arrived at the solemn fact--half admitted know, and the gentleman [Mr. C.] will bear me witness, and fully proved-that, at the last session, the chairman that he gave me notice, personally, some days before of the Committee of Ways and Means [Mr. POLK] was the 3d of March, that he intended to move an amendinformed and knew that the President of the United ment for three millions, though I had no notice of its form, States desired an appropriation of three millions of dol- and much less had I notice that it was "in accordance lars for military and naval service; that he never commu- even with the views of the Executive." I pledged mynicated it to his committee or to the House of Represent-self to vote for it, from the information I possessed in Sir, before I closed on the past evening, we had arrived at one most important fact, which the journal does not record, which was not before known, which I would that the history of my country in its very infancy had not to record, and which I must say has produced a most--distinguished anxiety. relation to our defenceless condition. A day, a single day, was sufficient time to furnish the estimates, from the numerous facts which lie in the way of every body, and especially for the Departments, which should always be ready with all information as to the condition of the country. It was known to you, Mr. Speaker, that the President thought this a proper and necessary appropriation, and that he desired it to be made. Why was this not made known officially to the committee and to the House? Why did not the President "give to Congress" this information, "and recommend to their consideration" this measure, which he judged “necessary and expedient?" [H. OF R. clearly excused myself for the vote I gave on this amendment; but late information, such as I have discovered and exposed to the House, makes it necessary for me to say I will swear on the holy evangelists that I never heard one word about the views of the Executive in relation to this three million appropriation until the message of the President to this Congress; and never did I know that the views of the Executive were kept secret until I obtained the written statement from my friend from Tennessee, [Mr. LEA,] which I got from him within the last forty-eight hours! I knew a day or so beforehand that such a proposition would be made, but I thought it would be made and was made on the responsibility of the chairman of the Committee on For me to vote for it--information which very few, if any, members besides had; for it was not until the 3d of March, after twelve o'clock at night, that I got in the report of the inspector of naval ordnance, which had never been communicated to Congress, though it had been lying in the office of the board of navy commissioners for near or quite eighteen months, through my honorable friend from Maryland, [Mr. W. C. JOHNSON,] who made the report on the national foundry. I say I knew the wretched condition of the navy and of fortifications, and I voted for that amendment under the impression that it was necessary for a state of peace as well as for a state of war. But did I know that none but a few select tools knew the real secret about it? Did I know that two chairmen of the highest committees knew the wishes and views of the Executive, and had concealed them except from a few as a secret? Did I dream that there was danger of this three millions becoming secret-service money? Sir, if I had known or suspected any thing like this, I would as soon have trampled this constitution, this work of our fathers, this guarantee of our liberties, under foot--have torn it into atoms, or thrown it into that fire-as I would have voted for that amendment, appropriating three millions of dollars for secret service? Both acts would have been equally sacrilegious, and would have done equal violence to the constitution and the country. But the secret was kept, and the House remained ignorant of what it was doing! Sir, it is made the imperative duty of the President of the United States by the constitution: "He shall, [read-eign Affairs alone. I had such information as authorized ing from the constitution,] from time to time, give to the Congress information of the state of the Union, and recommend to their consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient." This is his duty, not by that permissive word "may," but by that imperative word "shall," and not at the beginning only of a session, but "from time to time;" at all times proper he is bound to do, and perform this imperative duty. Now, sir, on the 3d of March, 1835, the last Congress had been twice in session, and in existence two years; and yet, at the beginning of neither session, and at no time whatever, had he ever intimated even that the "state of the Union" required an appropriation of three millions of dollars. He did not communicate any such "information" to this Congress! Was the Executive ignorant of the wretched condition of our means of defence? Did he not know the startling facts which I have already disclosed in relation to our fortifications, our ordnance, and our navy? I say, sir, they are too plain to be stumbled over by any body, and certainly the Departments should be the very sources of information on the subject. There was, however, a great deal of trouble in the wigwam last winter, when the rumors of war reached the guardians of our safety. How will it be if the tocsin of war be actually sounded? The President was not ignorant of our condition; an appropriation was necessary without a speck of war in the horizon, and his message to us this session is proof furnished by himself that he deemed that three millions amendment necessary and proper on the 3d of March, 1835, when he made no recommendation of the measure to Congress, save to you, sir, and you suppressed it; and, though our French relations are in a worse condition than then, he still made no recommendation of such an appropriation in that very message which says it was nine months ago in "accordance with the views of the Executive!" A secret recommendation! What, in the name of the safety of this Government, was it to be kept secret for? Was the direction to keep it secret the direction of the President? Or was it the unauthorized direction of the chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means? [Mr. POLK.] This question should be answered; one or both must be guilty, and one [Mr. PoLK] is guilty, whether the other is or not. Would the chairman have dared to withhold any item of the executive will which he was ordered to communicate? If he failed, he was guilty of a flagrant dereliction of duty to the Executive and his recommendation. And if he was ordered to "keep the will of the Executive secret," and did so, he was false to the House of Representatives, to the constitution, and the country, and betrayed his trust! Sir, though the fortification bill had came to the House from the Senate days and weeks before the 3d of March, this three million amendment was kept back until the last hour. Was it intended to be hurried through by fear of the responsibility to refuse an appropriation for nominal defence, when there was no time to think, and scarcely time to act? Sir, I thought I had Permit me, sir, it is due to myself, to give you my impressions of this amendment at the time I voted for it. Its form was not such, I confess, as satisfied me; but in the short space I had to view it, I was led to a construction which reconciled me to vote for it. It is sufficient for my justification, that my impressions of it were honest at the time, though I do not pretend to say now whether my construction of it was right or wrong. There is no principle in the theory of our Government more vitally important, in my estimation, than the principle of specific appropriations. During the whole of the last Congress, I was constantly watchful to preserve that principle as sacred to the freedom of the constitution. It was jealously borne in mind by me when called on to vote for this amendment. I read it carefully. [Here Mr. WISE read the amendment.] In the usual language of appropriation, this sum of three millions was "to be expended, in whole or in part, under the direction of the President of the United States." I could not, or did not, at the time, regard this clause as extraordinary or improper, because I knew it merely recognised the distinct functions of Congress and the Executive. Congress, or rather, the legislative department, appropriates the public money, and, in all cases except that of the contingent fund of the two Houses and some other minor exceptions, the Executive applies the appropriation. From the foundation of the Government, the money appropriated by Congress has been "expended,' with or without an express provision to that effect, "under the direction of the President," or some one of |