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million appropriation, because I did then, and do now, nor more than this: that we knew our rights, and would, believe the amendment, as drawn up, was unconstitution in a becoming spirit of moderation and true dignity, al, and highly impolitic. To this point I intend, in a few maintain them; that the pride of the people should not moments, to call the attention of the House; but, before be wounded and humbled in the affair; and that the I do it, a remark of the gentleman from Massachusetts honor of the nation should come out of the contest, be demands some notice. it was intended as an apology its results whatever it might, unstained and untarnished. for the administration party in not asking Congress for Did it become us to vapor, like a bully, by using the the three millions sooner, and why the Executive did words “at all hazards?” It is no certain indication that not require the money, and that it devolved on Con- a man is going to make a desperate battle in defence of gress to act without such requirement. He said it was his rights and honor because he gasconades, and deals the unanimous vote of this House, given the day before out menaces and blows in the empty air, before he bethe amendment was offered, that superinduced the ne- gins to fight. I have ever considered it as the certain cessity of the appropriation, I deny the fact. What sign of a coward, that fear is bis ruling passion; and that was that vote which was alluded to by the gentleman? | he either wants to intimidate his adversary, or goad bim. It was nothing more nor less than this: that we would self up to the fighting point by his rage and fury. The stand by the treaty, and insist on its execution. We in words « at all hazards” as little became us as it suited tended to say to France, Our demands against you are the occasion. To whom was it addressed? To the closed by the treaty; the sum you are to pay is settled most sensitive, powerful, gallant, and chivalrous nation definitively; and we will not open the contest again, and upon the earth. We wanted France to do us justice. reinvestigate our demands. That was what was intend We did not want war, although we did not fear it. The ed by the first member of the resolution, which resolu Americans know not fear. The bullying expressions of tion reads in these words:
"at all hazards" would have produced an effect directly “ Resolved, That, in the opinion of this Houke, the opposite to what we desired. treaty with France of the 4th of July, 1831, should be I well recollect what took place in those days, ever maintained, and its execution insisted on."
memorable for the debates which took place, and not The second member of the resolution, that we would less memorable for the part the gentleman from Massa. insist on its execution, means no more than this: that chusetts played on that occasion; and certainly no exwe held the highest and most solemn obligation on pression, when applied to his conduct during that time, France that a nation could give, and that we would in- suits as well as the word play. He would speak on one sist on its fulfilment. But did it point out how and in day on one side of the question, as the House understood what manner we intended to insist? Did it say we in- him, and the next day explain it away, and advance a tended to resort to arms, the last argument of pations contrary doctrine. He alternated in this manner some I answer, no. We carefully forbore to say, or even to two or three times. I had the honor of addressing the intimate, what we intended to do. Our intention was House after his last speech. I commenced my remarks to regulate our conduct by the subsequent action of the by saying that the law in relation to wills always considFrench. We, in truth and fact, designed doing nothing ered the last will as controlling or revoking all other until the French Chambers should have an opportunity wills made on the same subject; or, if there was but one again to act on the bill appropriating the twenty-five will, with contradictory provisions, the last clause conmillions of francs. · We were desirous to wait, and sus trolled the previous ones; and, with that rule as my guide pend action until we should see what a sense of justice on the then present occasion, I should consider the would do with the French people, or what the feelings speech which the honorable gentleman from Massachuof shame would do when the reprobation of the nations setts had just made as his last will and testament of and of the civilized world was pointed towards them for a concerning our French relations. Mr. Archer, of Virbreach of national faith in not fulfilling the treaty stipu ginia, immediately remarked that the rule I laid down lations on their part. I, for one, never thought of such was correct, but one explanation ought to be given: that an appropriation being asked for, and of this demand was, that the testator, when he made his last will, was of being based on the resolution of the House. I believe sound mind and disposing memory; and when that rule it is an afterthought of the gentleman from Massachu-was applied, he doubted whether the gentleman bad setts, and that he himself did not then suppose that such made a will at all. an appropriation became necessary in consequence of Mr. Speaker, I remarked, a few moments ago, that I the adoption of the resolution.
intended to question and contest the constitutionality of Connected with the observations of the gentleman just the amendment to the fortification bill which contained noticed, he made another, on which I feel bound to ani- the appropriation of three millions of dollars. The conmadvert. It was to this import: that for three days a stitution of the United States has the following provision number of members spoke against the resolution, and then, in a crouching spirit of pusillanimity, turned round “No money shall be drawn from the Treasury but in and voted for it, not daring to meet the just indignation consequence of appropriations made by law; and a reguand reprobation of their constituents at home. I was lar statement and account of the receipts and expendione of those members who spoke on that occasion tures of all public money shall be published from time against a resolution, and then voted for that which to time." passed; but I deny that that debated for three days was From this clause in the constitution, no money can be the one which passed. The one that was adopted and drawn from the public Treasury unless Congress shall passed by the House was worded to meet the views of first appropriate it by law. To do that in the true spirit all the gentlemen; because, upon a great question of and intention of the constitution, the law appropriating national difficulty with a foreign nation, and particularly the money must say to which object of public service it with a nation of tremendous power, nothing could be shall be applied. The more particularly the objects are more desirable than unanimity. The resolution against described and designated, the better does the law fulfil which the speeches were made contained, among other the requirements of the constitution. If Congress were things, an expression that we would insist on the treaty not bound in duty to name specially the object to which " at all bazards.” That expression we thought unbe-| the appropriation was made, why not pass a general law, coming the dignity of this nation. To say we insist on and say the whole revenue of the country should be used the treaty was enough, and all we ought to have said; by General Jackson for the general welfare of the nation, let the rest and residue be understood, which is no less as he may deem proper and expedient? or say that
twenty-five millions, or any other given sum, was set check, and control it? No way but one: that is, not to apart for the Government of the nation, to be expended give one dollar of the people's money away more than at the will and pleasure of the President?
is necessary to carry on the Government, and every dolThe members of Congress come here to assist in ad-lar we give to see how and in what manner it shall be ministering this Government; to see to every part—the expended, and to guard with great vigilance that it shall army, navy, and civil departments, and every subdivision be expended in no other way. of each; how many men are wanted for the army; what The Government of Great Britain is a monarchy; but pay they shall bave; how many vessels of war, and what the King of that great and mighty nation has not the description of vessels, the public service requires: in tenth part of the real power that the President of the short, nothing that concerns the nation, in its most mi. United States bas, and which he exercises in its fullest nute details, ought to be overlooked or neglected by plenitude, day after day. In that country, the people Congress; but each branch of the public business attend. govern and control every thing; here, the will of Geneed to and provided for: to see just as much money is ap- ral Jackson is almost omnipotent. There, the people propriated to each as is necessary, and no more; and that can say to their King, emancipate your Catholic subjects; every dollar which is expended is rightly applied, as and their chains burst from around them. They can say directed by Congress.
what law they want passed, and he is obliged to sign the The clear and certain meaning of the word appropri- bill: no veto there; he dare not exercise it, at the peril ate, from the force of the term taken in connexion with of his head. They can bid him make peace, if the nathe subject matter, means a specification of each object tion be at war; and peace he must make. They can tell to which the money is to be applied; and too much care him to dismiss bis ministry; and they must go out of of cannot be taken in the details of the appropriation, and fice. The power of the people the Duke of Wellington, in their rigid application to the specific objects. We are the favorite of the King, the pride of the nobility, and but the agents of our constituents; it is their money we the conqueror in a thousand battles, has experienced vote away. We are bound to know the why and where- | upon several occasions. fore it is asked and granted. Let us apply these rules! You will ask, Mr. Speaker, how is it that the voice of to the amendment which proposed to appropriate the the people reaches the King on his magnificent throne, three millions. The amendment reads in these words: and makes the nobility tremble at its footstool? I answer,
And be it further enacted, that the sum of three mil. | by the simplest principle imaginable, which is ingrafted lions of dollars be, and the same is hereby, appropriated, in their Government: that is, to withhold the appropriaout of any money in the Treasury not otherwise appro- | tion bills until the King and ministry do as they command priated, to be expended, in whole or in part, under the and order to be done. I tell to every man in this House, direction of the President of the United States, for the and to every man in this nation, this solemn truth: either military and naval service, including fortifications and to abridge the power of the President by altering the ordnance, and increase of the navy: Provided, Such ex. constitution, or control the President by the appropria. penditures shall be rendered necessary for the defence tion bills-refuse him the money, and he will be as pow. of the country prior to the next meeting of Congress.” | erless as Samson was after his hair was cut
It is for the military and naval service, including for. vile creatures who now administer to his power go in for tifications. As to how much is to be expended on each “the spoils." Cato the elder, in the Roman Senate, for object, the amendment is totally silent. The whole sum a number of years, regardless on what subject he made a may be expended on the army, navy, or fortifications, speech, concluded them all alike-that “Carthage must at the will and pleasure of the President; or he may, at
be destroyed:” so, the members on this floor ought to his like will and pleasure, refuse to expend one dollar conclude every speech with these words, until the object on any one of these objects.
is effected--that the President's power has increased, is But suppose all or a part was to be expended on the increasing, and ought to be diminished. army; for what part of that service was it to be expended? I have made these remarks, Mr. Speaker, upon the How was it to be applied? The amendment is silent. constitutionality of the amendment, drawn in the general The same remarks will apply to the navy and fortifica
terms in which it was; and that it did not, in consetions. Where is the difference in the amendment, as quence of its generality of expression, and its manifest drawn, and a general standing law giving to the Presi- want of specification, conform to the spirit and intention dent a sum in gross, say twenty-five millions a year, to of the constitution. carry on the Government as be chooses?
The next point to which I contemplate inviting the It is, sir, a duty which we owe our constituents to see attention of the House is the impolicy of the appropriato the proper application of every dollar of their money tion. It will be recollected that all the appropriation to their Government; for it is their Government yet, at | bills for the current expenses of the year had passleast nominally, and not the President's.
ed, containing appropriations for every part of the pubMr. Speaker, there are momentous and mighty con lic service, to the full extent of the estimates. The siderations which ought to induce Congress to be watch
fortification bill, as amended by the Senate, was for a ful over the purse of the nation. Recollect the Presi. larger sum than usual. If this House had concurred in dent, by the constitution, already has the sword of the the amendment, without adding the three millions, the nation; give him the purse also, and we are an undone bill would then have passed both Houses; and nothing people. I do not speak with reference more to the pres. would have been necessary to make it a law but the sig. ent President than to any other who may come after | nature of the President. bim. The power and patronage of the President are The three million amendment must therefore be con. enormous and alarming to all lovers of civil liberty. The sidered as a war measure; not positive, absolute, and Executive of this republic has more real and substantial certain, but left to the President for him to adopt, or power this day than any crowned head in Europe. Sa- not, at his pleasure. War preparations and war itself ciated with the enjoyment of his power, he is about to belong alone to Congress; to adopt the one, and make retire; and, to show his contempt for the American peo-proclamation of the other. In no event, should the ple, he is about to put one of his minions into his office President be permitted to hold in the palm of one hand as his successor, whose only merit is his servile boast war, and in the other the olive branch of peace. The that "it was glory enough to have served under such a people are to do all the fighting, and they alone should chief."
determine on war. Of all the men on this earth, a military What way is left to us by the constitution to diminish, I man is the last to be trusted with this power. This
character has been made by war; be bas studied it as a power either to suspend the laws themselves, or to disscience, followed it as a profession, and considers it ne pense with their execution. No foreign troops, howcessary to bis popularity and glory.
ever, can be admitted into the service of the State but It was impolitic to confide such a power in the hands by virtue of a law. of General Jackson. The fitness of every man for the " 14. The legislative power is exercised collectively trust about to be confided to him ought to be consider by the King, the Chamber of Peers, and the Chamber ed and weighed well before the act is done. What I of Deputies. migbt be willing to confide to Jefferson, were he Presi- ' “15. The proposition of laws belongs to the King, the dent, I might be unwilling to intrust to Jackson. Chamber of Peers, and the Chamber of Deputies. Nevmight be willing to leave peace or war to Jefferson, ertheless, every law of taxes must be first voted by the and unwilling to commit the same power to Jackson. | Chamber of Deputies. So, on the other hand, I would confide to Jackson the “16. Every law must be freely discussed, and voted command of an army, when I would not to Jefferson. | by the majority of each of the two Chambers." But, in truth and fact, as I have before said, I would | The French King and bis ministers presented the not leave the alternative of peace or war to any Presi- for the appropriation to the Chambers; and, after a long dent. Nevertheless, this House proposed, by the and angry debate, it was rejected by a vote of one hunamendment, to commit to General Jackson that delicate dred and sixty-eight for it, and one lundred and seventytrust and duty, wbicb, of all men living, he was the six against it. worst qualified to discharge. Had the amendment pass The moment the bill failed in the Chambers, the ed, instead of being at peace with France, as we now French Government sent an apology to ours for the fail. are-and there is every hope and prospect of its con- | ure, and pledged the faith of the Government again to tinuance--we should this day, no doubt, have been in bring the subject before the Chambers at its next sesthe midst of a wide-spreading and bloody war.
sion. To decide impartially upon the conduct of those who Thus the matter stood at the time this war measure voted against the appropriation last session, (for the was about to be adopted, and those extraordinary powgentleman from Massachusetts has arraigned us all at the ers confided to the President, at the last session. For great bar of public opinion,) let us see and examine the voting against this bill, thus circumstanced, has the new. position of this Government and that of France, in their born zeal and patriotism of the gentleman from Massarelations with each other, at the time the appropriation i chusetts prompted him to file this bis bill of indictment was asked for.
against us; and, for one, if there be guilt in it, I plead During the Imperial Government of Bonaparte, ag. guilty. gressions and spoliations to a great extent were com The minister of France who negotiated the treaty inmitted by the subjects of that Emperor upon the private | formed our minister that the power to appropriate the property of our merchants, on the high seas. The money belonged to the Chambers alone, and that he was amount of injury was variously estimated by the two fearful there would be great difficulty in procuring the Governments. These injuries were inflicted near thirty passage of a law to pay the money. All that the King years ago. Satisfaction was demanded by this Govern. and his minister promised to do, or could accomplish, ment of Bonaparte, which was denied. After his de was done. An unnecessary delay is alleged, in prethronement, and the restoration of the Bourbons, a like senting the bill to the Chambers. I am not able to say demand for reparation was made by this Government of whether there was such delay, or not, as would subject Louis XVIII. He refused to make satisfaction. After his them to the imputation of negligence, as I have no acdeath, and on the accession of Charles X to the throne, quaintance with the forms and rules of proceedings in indemnity was demanded of him, which he delayed and the Chambers. In fact, none can tell, situated as we failed to render. When Louis Philippe was made King, | are, whether there was this unnecessary delay or not. in 1830, indemnities were demanded of him by our Gov. In presenting a bill for the action of this House, or the ernment. He immediately opened a negotiation on the French Chambers, I presume some attention must not subject, and ultimately agreed to pay twenty-five mil only be paid to the forms of proceeding, but a well-exlions of francs, out of which were to be deducted one ercised prudence and discretion would require an atmillion five hundred tbousand, which the United States tention to the more material and substantial part: that is, owed a subject of France, leaving four millions seven to see that Congress, or the Chambers, were well-dispohundred thousand dollars to be paid by the Government sed towards the measure. This circumspection and of the French to the citizens of the United States; that vigilance is absolutely necessary in the French Chambers, being twenty-three millions five hundred thousand francs. where the ministers are in danger of being turned out This money could not be paid by the King of the French of office, if the bill be rejected. One rule is never to until the Chambers should appropriate it. The consti be overlooked: delay the bill until there is a welltution of France is exactly like our own, on this subject; grounded hope of its passage. and I have no doubt Lafayette, who was concerned in Suppose, Mr. Speaker, the President and Senate were making it, bad our constitution in his view.
to stipulate, in a treaty, to pay a sum of money, say The King and his ministers can make treaties, and five millions of dollars, and Congress should refuse stipulate for the payment of money; but it is the con to appropriate the money: would there be any cause stitutional right of the Chamber of Deputies alone to of war against the United States on that account? vote the appropriation, or not, as they please. So with Surely not. It is the constitutional right of Congress our Government: the President and Senate can make either to vote or refuse the money; and if that treaties, and stipulate for the payment of money, but were known to the nation to which the money was to Congress alone can appropriate it. The part of the be paid before the treaty was made, then there would French constitution to which I refer reads in these not be the shadow of a pretext for a resort to war. The words:
faith of the treaty-making power would be violated, it "13. The King is the supreme head of the State; he is true; which faith all nations should be careful to precommands the forces by land and sea, declares war, serve. Let us apply this position to the French Gor. makes treaties of peace, alliance, and commerce, ap. ernment. The constitution of the French, and ours, points to all employments in the public administration, are alike in this particular. It is the sole republican and makes the regulations and ordinances necessary for | feature in their constitution. And shall the only repubthe execution of the laws, without ever having the Ilic in the world go to war with this nation for exercising
the great and unalienable right in the people either to to some men is disheartening. Our opponents are flushgive or refuse their money as they pleased?
ed with the victories gained at the late elections over I have remarked, Mr. Speaker, that the refusal to ap. the Union. The majority, with which we are surroundpropriate the money at the last session has, I do verily ed and overwhelmed, cries aloud for war. We heard believe, saved this nation from the horrors of war at it last session repeatedly; and have heard the same tocthis moment. France might have considered it as a war sin of alarm and intimidation sounded this year. It has measure pointed at her, and have immediately struck the been proclaimed that there were two great parties in the blow; as, by the usages of nations, she would have bad House, an American and a French party; the patriot and the right to do. When two nations have difficulties and the traitor; one ready to defend and the other to betray collisions with each other, in this situation, if either and destroy his country. When we are virtually charcommences preparations for war, the other has the right ged with treason, the charge is received with shouts of to commence hostilities immediately. This principle applause by a part of the members of this House; and, has been considered as the settled law of nations in Eu- instead of being the hall in which assemble the congrerope, for one hundred and fifty years past.
gated wisdom of the United States, it wears every apThe probability is, that the French, who have never pearance of a place for a mob to meet. I will not be refused to accept a challenge, would in this light have dispirited; I will not be brow-beaten; my constituents considered our law, had it passed, and instantly have shall be heard; they have faced the enemy in the field, made a dash at our extended, wide-spreading, and im- and I will face them here. I will speak nothing but mense commerce, with her whole navy.
what, if here, I believe they would approve. It beOn the other hand, when an extraordinary number of comes every man, on this great and momentous question our ships should have been put in commission, manned, of peace or war, to come out full and fair; if for war, say officered, and sent to sea, flushed with the spirit of en. so; if for peace, let it also be known. Those of us who terprise and panting for war, would there not have been are against war ought not to stand back and be silent, great danger that some of our young Hotspurs might but do all we can to stop it. But if the time shall come have brought it on by firing into a French vessel? And when a majority shall declare war, then opposition ceasone gun fired on either side upon the ships of the other, es to be a virtue, and all sides and parties ought to unite in the irritated state of public feeling, would have and fight it out like men. Should any one then give lighted up the flames of war, which would have been back, denounce him as a traitor. If that awful day of seen and felt all over this world.
trial shall come, and our foes are to be met on the batI think, Mr. Speaker, that, instead of standing as crim tle field, my constituents will be able proudly to compare inals at the bar of public opinion, and the gentleman with those of the gentlemen from Massachusetts and from Massachusetts prosecuting those who voted against North Carolina; and in the comparison they will not the measure, they are entitled to the thanks of the na- suffer. tion, and the gratitude of the humane, philanthropic, and My opinion and advice is, that we ought not to be religious part of the world. The brave man and the hasty and rash in this matter. Let us wait, at least, unsoldier equally look on war as an evil, and the scourge til towards the end of the session, when we can hear of mankind.
from France. There is every hope, every probability, I have, Mr. Speaker, taken but one view of the im- that the dispute will be amicably adjusted, and the money policy of the measure; there are other and more impor- paid. Delay last session effected the passage of the bill tant considerations connected with this subject, to which to pay the money by the French Chambers. There is I now intend to call the attention of the House. These nothing of real difficulty between the two nations. All considerations are applicable as well to our relations the supposed grounds of quarrel are the veriest diplowith France last session as the present; and, as we have matic cobwebs. The opinion of the civilized world is now on our tables bills containing avowedly war appro against going to war for such a trifle; and public sentipriations to the amount of ten or fifteen millions, I shall, ment in a few months, here and in France, and among in my vindication of our conduct last session, occasion the other nations of the earth, may do a great deal ally refer to the present war measures now in agitation; towards the restoration of peace and harmony. and, in doing that, I shall only be following the exam Gentlemen say we must fight, or the national honor will ple set me by others.
be tarnished, and we shall be disgraced in the eyes of By the postponement last session of all war prepara mankind. If I believed the bonor, fame, and character tions, the bill to pay the five millions of dollars passed of the republic required the sacrifice of war on our part, into a law by the law-making power of France. The I should not hesitate a moment. No honorable man, no payment of the money is withheld until some explanations proud, high-minded nation, can pause one second beshall be made by the President, that, in his message to tween dishonor and war. But I do not believe the Congress last session, he did not intend to impeach the in character of the American people will suffer, even if tegrity of the French nation, or question the honor of the we should not plunge headlong into this war. King The President says, individually, he did not; but, Mr. Speaker, let us again call to mind what this dislike a technical lawyer, specially demurs, and says: what pute is about, and not in high-sounding phrases and I said was in my message to Congress; it was not addressed pompous heroics, played off in this House, lose sight to you, and you have no right to notice it; it is a depar of it.. ture in pleading. And thus the matter now stands, alikere. The insult which was offered to our Alag, was offered proachful to both parties. What an extraordinary spec- by Bonaparte near thirty years ago. The American tacle is presented for the world to look upon and marvel property which was captured on the high seas was his at! Two of the most powerful and most enlightened act; it was done by his orders, under his Berlin and nations in the world, old friends and allies, about to spill Milan decrees; and by his courts of admiralty were the each other's blood in torrents, when this day there is vessels and cargoes condemned and ordered to be sold. nothing left to dispute about--nothing between them but If the honor of the nation suffered, it suffered then. He ministerial etiquette, diplomatic jugglery, and special would make no atonement for the insults offered to us pleading!
and injuries done to our property. We did not then Mr. Speaker, it requires no small portion of moral think of war; we pocketed the insult, and turned it into courage for a man on this floor to speak bis sentiments a money business, by demanding a pecuniary indemnit: freely and independently on the great question now be. Even that was refused by that proud and haughty E. fore us. We are in the minority in this House, which peror. The like satisfaction was demanded of his su
cessors, Louis XVIII and Charles X, which they re- this great commerce will sustian will be enormous; in fused. Louis Philippe, after a lapse of near thirty years, fact, it will be literally swept from the seas. France has bas agreed to pay for the injuries done; and, because the largest navy, and can do our commerce most insome delays have taken place in the French Chambers jury; and especially as her commerce is comparatively in relation to the appropriation of the money, we now nothing. All the daring spirits of the world, who wish declaim about the insults originally offered, and describe to privateer, will hoist French colors; because we have pathetically the sufferings of our merchants one or two most commerce, and it will be more exposed on account generations ago.
of its extension and want of protection. What will be A man is injured and outraged in his person and prop the deplorable situation of the South? Her whole crop erty; he has two remedies before him: either to fight is cotton; the exports of that staple form more than one for the insult, or to go to law, and demand an indemnity half of our whole export trade. Scarcely a bale will be in money, commensurate to the extent of the injury sus. able to cross the ocean for market; and even the cotton tained. If he demands satisfaction in money, he waives which will finally get there will have so heavy an insu. the other remedy. It is in vain to talk about honor after rance to pay, as ultimately to yield little or nothing to the wards, in that affair. But suppose we carry the com-grower of the article. The cotton lands of Mississippi, parison and parellel still further. Suppose the original | Alabama, and Louisiana, have just been brought into offender should die; an executor is appointed, and he market; the owners are now opening and preparing dies; and then an administrator de bonis non is appointed, them for cultivation; men have gone largely in debt for who gives bis bond for the money, but does not imme-1 lands, negroes, and stock; heavy anticipations have been diately pay at the day appointed: is it an insult if any made on the growing crop and the crop to be planted delay takes place? Certainly not. If my debtor owes the ensuing season. Should this nation unfortunately be me, and is able to pay, and still delays payment, whose burried into a war, all these men are ruined; they are cbaracter suffers in the transaction, his or mine? Most generally young, enterprising men, who need, at this assuredly, bis.
moment, the fostering care and protection of GoveraMr. Speaker, I have endeavored to show that, in the ment. Kentucky is a grain-growing and stock-raising pursuit of the demand against France, it has become a State; she depends on the cotton planters in the South moneyed affair altogether. If I have been to any extent to buy her grain, produce, and stock; she has scarcely successful in establishing the position assumed, the next any other market. At this time her agriculture is pros. point of inquiry will be, is it worth while to resort to the perous, her prices are good and fair, the hum of busidesperate remedy of a wager of battle to recover the ness is every where heard, and the bustle of industry is amount admitted to be due? I pause, and ask the gen- | to be seen all over the land. A war prostrates every tlemen on the other side, if they have any expectation thing. Place the nation in a situation that cotton canof getting the money if they go to war?' Candor will not be transported across the ocean, the cotton planter compel them to acknowledge that they have none. It cannot buy; the stock and products of Kentucky fall, in is an admitted principle, that a war for the money annuls price, to little or nothing.' The expenses of Governthe treaty; and some even contend that it imposes on ment, and individual sacrifices of life and property, will the United States an obligation to pay the amount to the be enormous, and almost incalculable. respective claimants. Should the claim thus be de This is not the only point of view in which I look at stroyed by war, then what are we to fight for? Some this question: there are yet other considerations of high will say, honor. I say, revenge, and nothing else, unless and deep import. France is our oldest ally, firmest and there be in this war crusade a desire to gratify the feel best friend, among the nations of the earth. When we ings and appease the rage of one man.
were in the midst of our revolutionary struggle, and But, suppose the war we are about to engage in will our fate seemed to hang on a thread; when the fleets of not abrogate the treaty, and release France from her Great Britain covered the ocean and her armies our land, obligation to pay the money: can we enforce payment aided by the Powers of Germany; we were then in our by arms? Of that there is not the remotest probability. | infancy, few in number, and destitute of every thing France has no territory for us to invade and conquer. | but real patriotism; our armies had been defeated, and It would be worse than folly-nay, Quixotic madness we were retreating before the victorious enemy; all to believe we could invade the dominions of France. | foreign Powers refused to assist us, save one. None On our part, it must be a war on the ocean altogether. here will inquire what foreign Power was that. The Who will win most laurels there none can tell. When world knows that was France; ber young men, with men equally brave, and equally matched, meet in battle, | Lafayette at their head, poured into America, and helpvictory is in the hands of the Almighty alone.
ed to fight our battles; the colors of the two nations, Our navy, including vessels of all descriptions, amounts ranged on the same side, floated in the air together; and only to filty-two ships of war; the French have about many a noble Frenchman died in our cause, fighting for two hundred and eighty-four. Our navy, notwithstand-us, and winning the liberty we now enjoy, nominally, ing the heavy annual appropriations for that Department, at least. is wretchedly out of repair. What is the condition of In the assistance which France rendered to the United that of France? I know not, except report says it is in States during the revolutionary war, and until peace fine order. of success on the sea we ought not to be was made by her with Great Britain, her losses and sacsanguine. Count the item of expense in blood and rifices, in men, ships, and money, were immense.treasure, and it will be enormous--not less, in three Thousands of lives were lost, and hundreds of millions years, (if the war should last so long, and none can tell were expended; and, for all these losses, sacrifices, and when it will terminate,) than one hundred millions of disbursements, she never charged one cent. And now, dollars and the lives of fifty thousand men. The revenue, after all that, shall we go to war with that nation for from all sources, will be measurably dried up; and taxes, four millions seven hundred thousand dollars! Gentledirect and indirect, excises, and loans, will follow, with | men may say, what will you, then, do? I say, repeal all their train of evils, vexations, and oppressions. None the laws we passed in compliance with the treaty on can recount the calamities of war, nor can I describe our part; and, if that will not do, I would go further-I them. Our exports and imports will average, annually, would impose additional duties upon her wines, silks, two hundred and filty millions of dollars. Not less than and brandies; we can obtain the same articles elsew here. one thousand vessels besides are engaged in the fisheries, I have no doubt these commercial regulations would the sealing business, and other adventures. The injury | effect the desired object. There is yet another cons