munication has been made to this House, as a branch of the Government. Whatever information you have, even upon the gentleman's own showing, is a letter from the Secretary of War to the chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means.

[Mr. CAMBRELENG. That letter contained all that was necessary.]

Mr. G. continued. Sir, I repeat that, with a war known to exist in this country, we have been occupied in hunting up the possibility, not only of a war which might take place hereafter with a foreign nation, but also to discover whether a war was last year likely to have existed. We have war enough upon our hands to take care of. The war-cry is up in the woods, the tomahawk glitters in the sunbeam, the scalping-knife is urged to its cruel duty, the flower of your chivalry is strewed along the plain, and yet every department of this administration is as dumb as the bleeding victims of this inglorious contest. This would not have been said, sir, if the gentleman from New York had not cut short what I intended to say.

The situation of Florida is unlike that of the country alluded to by the gentleman from Virginia, [Mr. PATTON.] If I understand the character of that Territory, it is not susceptible of sustaining a dense population within its borders. There are now but few inhabitants, and those spread over a large expanse of country; and when they are driven in from their settlements, unless the Government extends its aid, they must inevitably perish. They are not like the sufferers on the Niagara frontier, who fell back upon a country as rich in agricultural products as any other section of the Union.

I am not afraid of the precedent to be furnished by this resolution. In legislating for a suffering people, I want no precedent but that which my Creator has planted in my bosom. I do not believe that we sit here with the sympathies of our nature chilled and frozen by the mere force of the oath which we have taken. I do not believe that our duty requires that they should be thus chilled and frozen. I believe that the existence of this Government depends upon its extending its fostering hand to the unfortunate, whenever it can be done within the limits of the constitution. Especially should this be the case, where the sufferers reside within a Territory, and have no State Government to which they can look for succor. Such is the true course to be pursued in this nation; and then our people will feel that they are indeed members of one common family; and that, whilst they bear equal burdens, they are the equal recipients of the bounty and protection of Government.

Mr. LANE said he regretted the gentleman from New York, [Mr. GRANGER, ] for whom he entertained the kindest feelings of respect, had not sought a more fit occasion to indulge in bitter remarks against the Executive, and those who sustain him in this House.

The resolution has for its object the immediate relief of the citizens of Florida, whose country has been desolated, whose houses and property have been destroyed, by an unexpected savage war upon its innocent and defenceless inhabitants-men, women, and children, in a state of starvation-a scene that can but call for the commiseration of every sympathetic bosom.

Yes, sir, upon this resolution, calling for action and unanimity, the honorable gentleman from New York has deemed it his duty to arraign the Executive for neglect of duty, for being deaf to the cries of women and children, while the scalping-knife is urged to its bloody office; that this House, instead of suppressing this war, and deferding the country, have been seeking other cause of war, and hunting for the buried of the last session.

Mr. Speaker, with what justice are those charges made? The honorable gentleman from Florida [Mr.

[H. OF R.

WHITE] has informed the House again and again that the President of the United States has promptly done all in his power to suppress the savage and relieve the country. And whenever the subject has been presented to this House, it has been taken up and acted upon with a promptness unknown to legislation. To consider the present resolution, the rules of the House have been suspended.

No matter, however, what the subject or the occasion, a dash at the Executive or his friends is to be expected from some one of the opposition.

Sir, if ever there was a time or an occasion in legislation when men might indulge, all the nobler feelings of the soul--when, to pause for precedents in legisla tion, or to consult the letter of the constitution, would be cruel--this is that time and that occasion. If aught could have dried up the sympathies of my heart, (always, and I trust ever will be, open to the cries of distress, the remarks of the honorable gentleman from New York would have done it. But, he trusted, neither the injustice of the remarks, nor the spirit of party it was so well calculated to awaken, will influence a single vote on the adoption of the resolution.

Mr. HOLSEY said, when a suffering people had been driven from their homes, and left without the means of sustaining themselves, that then it was the duty of the Government to extend to them relief. In the present case, the inhabitants of a portion of Florida were cut off by the savages from any settlement where they could have an opportunity of supporting themselves by their own exertions, and surrounded on all parts by a wilderness. In such a state of the case, he considered it to be the duty of the Government to support those people until they could be restored to their homes. If the inhabitants of Florida had been thrown back on a frontier teeming with all the luxuries of the earth, then the application of the strength given them by their Creator would have been sufficient for their sustenance, without the aid of Government. If the inhabitants had been thrown on the frontiers of Georgia and Alabama, then we might apply the principle of the gentleman from Virginia, [Mr. PATTON.] There are about 500 soldiers in that country, and they cannot procure the necessaries of life; and when men, with arms in their hands, cannot procure subsistence, how was it to be supposed that the suffering inhabitants could survive without the aid of the Government? A Government that will not extend protection and relief to its own citizens is unworthy the name of a Government.

Mr. HAWES proposed to amend the resolution, by striking out the word " sufferers," and inserting in lieu thereof, "women, children, and men unable to bear arms."

Mr. H. said it would be apparent that his object was to confine the operation of the resolution to those who were incapable of bearing arms in defence of their country. If individuals capable of bearing arms were in the field, rations would be issued to them as a matter of course, and they should be nowhere but in the field of battle, in defence of their firesides and their homes. Feed men up, and stuff them with rations, and, my word for it, (said Mr. H.,) there is no fighting. But let them depend upon themselves, let them have the soldier's rations as the soldier gets them, in the field; let them be hungry at times, and then they will fight fast enough. Those who were unable to arm in defence of their country he would relieve; those capable of bearing arms should earn their rations by being found on the field of battle.

Mr. BOULDIN said he wished to relieve these people from their deplorable condition, but was not willing to violate the constitution or transcend the powers of the Government about it. He should never give a vote pred

icated on the idea that this House was a charitable institution. He had often felt his heart warmed with the mere imagination of what he would do for the relief of the suffering, were these splendid resources his. They not being his to dispose of, he could give nothing from them on the ground of sympathy or charity. But this Government is bound to protect its citizens against inva ding enemies--the people of Florida just as much as any others-no more, no less. If, from the suddenness of the attacks, or want of men or arms, we are not able to protect them in their houses and at home, where we are bound to do it, we must do it where we can: take them under the immediate wing of the army. This protection must be real--not only from the tomahawk and scalpingknife, but from inevitable starvation caused by the enemy. The richest man might starve, if chased into the wilderness by the scalping-knife. Shall we be bound to save him from the scalping-knife and let him starve in the wilderness before he can return to his means? If these people are driven from their homes by an invading foe, and unable to sustain themselves in any other way, I feel confident it is our literal duty to defend them in that way; not only from death at the hand of the savage, but from starvation, the immediate consequence of the pursuit of the savage; and if the resolution be now framed, or shall be altered, so as that none will be provided for but such as we are bound to defend, and cannot otherwise defend, and who cannot protect or provide for

themselves, I will vote for it.

Mr. GLASCOCK had hoped, at least, that, upon a subject like this, nothing would have transpired to have disturbed the harmony of this debate, and that they should have had immediate action upon it. He regretted that any thing should have been thrown out in the way of censure upon the Government; and he had no hesitation in expressing his firm belief that, so far as related to the depredations in Florida, and all which had grown out of it, no department of the Government was in any way to blame. He believed that, throughout the whole transaction, each department had faithfully performed its duty. Mr. G. felt but little disposed to say any thing on a question like that, nor should he have said a word but for the remarks of the gentleman from New York, [Mr. GRANGER.] He would, however, tell that gentleman that, whatever he might suppose to influence the members of the administration on questions of this kind; yet, if a war came, whether foreign, domestic, or otherwise, the friends of the administration would be found as ready and as willing to protect the Government and their fellow-citizens as any of the gentlemen of the opposite side. The time might yet come when the country would see which would, and which would not, be ready and willing to step forward in her defence.

With regard to the resolution, he hoped it would be adopted immediately. He did not know that it was actually necessary; for if the commissary general, or the person authorized to issue rations, had acted as Mr. G. would have done under the same circumstances, he had not waited for any preliminary action on the part of the Government. If the necessities of the inhabitants demanded it, he should, without consulting any department of the Government, promptly have dealt out to them, trusting to the magnanimity and liberality of the Government for his vindication. The case, however, would be hopeless, should this resolution be delayed or rejected. The knowledge of such a disposition of it would reach that section of the country in a short time, and the consequence would be, that those who had charge of the public supplies there would refuse all aid; for they would say, Congress had refused them the power; or, if they did, they must do it at their own expense. He hoped, therefore, that there would be no further delay. There could be no necessity for postponing it.

[JAN. 30, 1836.

It was a plain question, which needed no time for reflection, and he felt perfectly satisfied, in his own mind, conflicted with no provision of the constitution.

Mr. WHITE, of Florida, said he rose to appeal to those who intended to vote for the resolution under consideration, not to discuss it farther, as it was of the utmost importance that whatever was done should be done promptly. He could not repress the expression of his astonishment that, upon such a question, gentlemen were disposed to use such measured phraseology, and to employ such refined limitations, to prevent our excessive humanity from too great enlargement by the Executive. The resolution proposed to relieve sufferers, driven from their homes by a desolating war, in the origin of which they had no participation, but in the consequences of which their lives and property had been destroyed, to an extent almost unexampled in the history of savage warfare. Upon such a question, he wished the House to proceed to the vote, and let those who doubt about precedents look for them in the uniform practice of every year, for ten years past, as the journals bear testimony. He had been honored with a seat in the House for ten years, and he could say with confidence that a precedent was to be found at every session.

This was no party question, and he trusted that the attention of the House would not be diverted to other topics connected with it, which might be made the subject of future investigation. This bloody war, now raging on our frontier, was not produced by any acts of the people who were plundered and murdered, nor by causes which they could, by any foresight or courage, control or prevent. It grew out of the relations between the Government of the United States and these Indians. A treaty was entered into for their removal to the west of the Mississippi; they complained of this treaty, and were indulged for another year by the Government, upon a solemn pledge, signed by all the chiefs, to remove this winter. The time arrived, and they violated this convention, and commenced this scene of destruction upon the peaceable, unsuspecting, and unoffending inhabitants of Florida. Whether the Government took these precautionary measures in advance of such a crisis is a matter that will be inquired into, and ought to be, and shall be, investigated. Whatever fault may have been committed, (if any, which he did not charge,) that, however, would be inquired into, and it was due to the people of Florida, and to the Government, that it should be inquired into. He took pleasure in saying that, from the moment of the commencement of acenergetic measures for the speedy termination of the tual hostilities, no Government could have taken more war than the President and Secretary of War had done. They have done every thing he had asked with alacrity and proper public spirit. It is (said Mr. W.) the misfortune of our country that the miserable handful of men, called the army of the United States, are scattered over a frontier of four thousand miles in extent, and could not be concentrated at any one point until a great portion of your territory is desolated. The commanding general, with fourteen companies under his command, was enabled only to bring into the fight 250 regulars, who fought with a spirit and gallantry never surpassed in a conflict with the Indians. I know General Clinch to be as prudent and as brave a man as the army can boast of, and in that desperate battle of Wythlacoochee he threw himself in front of the lines, and animated his soldiers by his example. If he had pursued the enemy, leaving his 54 wounded men, he would have most probably shared the fate of the gallant and unfortunate Dade and his brave companions, without even a wounded man to tell the melancholy story of the bloody tragedy.

We are not now to consider the conduct of the admin

istration, nor the acts of our military commanders. The good or bad deeds of either are not now to be discussed or passed upon. All this belongs to history, and may be examined when I make an appeal, which I shall do, for an indemnification of the inhabitants who have been ruined for the want of an adequate protection of this Government. The question now is, whether the women and children of respectable planters, recently in the enjoyment of peace, happiness, and contentment, suddenly driven from their homes by a merciless and savage enemy, and forced into your military cantonments, to escape the tomahawk and scalping-knife, are to be left to starve because the President has no power to relieve them without a vote of Congress. Sir, what is the object of Government, if we are coolly and calmly to sit here talking about precedents? It is a case for a precedent, if none existed; and it is one which in all time would stand as a principle, to which humanity and justice can point as worthy of an American Congress. And are there no precedents to quiet the conscience of the gentleman from Maine? [Mr. PARKS.] Let us look for authority in our legislation. Several years ago these merciless barbarians who have committed these outrages were themselves in a state of starvation, and Congress appropriated, by an almost unanimous vote, (every member from Maine voting for the bill,) a large sum to feed these Indians, without any pretext of a treaty, law, or precedent; and yet we want to search for precedents for an important principle to feed those who have been reduced to starvation by the enemies of this Government, growing out of the acts of the United States. The gentleman would doubtless have voted for the Indians, but not for these unfortunate sufferers, many of whom have been reduced from affluence to penury by a sav. age enemy. If authority is wanted, let us look back to the history of the past. Congress appropriated money to send provisions to Caraccas, some years ago, to relieve the distresses of the people of South America. The President, out of an appropriation for repressing hostilities of the Indians on the Michigan frontier, ordered rations to be delivered to the suffering inhabitants until the end of the war. The settlers at New Madrid were indemnified for the damages occasioned by an earthquake; and, at every session since I have been in Congress, a vote has been taken here to distribute wood to the suffering poor of this city. If gentlemen want precedents, they have them in the repeated acts of this Government in charity for the visitations of Providence. Sir, here are precedents; and, with these before us, what are you to say to these people who have been ruined by the acts of the enemies of the country, and having escaped upon a sparse and thinly inhabited frontier, are to be told that they have only escaped the savage tomahawk and scalping-knife to perish by starvation? I have had occasion before to express my gratitude to this Congress, and that of the generous people I represent, for the appropriations which have been made with such unanimity, and for the suspension of all the rules, to enable me to offer this proposition, and I expect a still more signal occasion for expressing it in the vote which I now confidently expect to carry consolation and comfort to the hearts of those who look to you for protection in this calamitous crisis.

[H. OF R.

Mr. T.,) the honorable gentleman commenced his remarks by saying that, whatever may have been the fault of the Government, it was evident that now was not the time to inquire into the causes which have produced the unfortunate state of things in Florida. He believed, however, that it was due to his constitutents that the inquiry should be made, but that inquiry ought to be left for another occasion; and, sir, (said Mr. T.,) for the last two or three days, whenever this subject has been before the House, the honorable gentleman has repeatedly stated, and with great emhpasis, too, that the citizens of Florida have been placed in their present unfortunate situation by the acts of this Government, and without any fault of their own. Mr. T. said if he voted for the resolution, he should not do so because he believed the Executive justly chargeable with any the slightest omission of duty, or because he supposed the citizens of Florida had any peculiar claims.

He

[Mr. WHITE explained. He did not say that any fault rested with the Government or its Departments. said they had taken every measure they could since the hostilities had broken out. He was not prepared to speak of any thing before that, but it was due to his constituents that investigation should be made.]

Mr. TURRILL said that, after what had fallen from the honorable gentleman from Florida during this debate, taken in connexion with the attack made by his colleague [Mr. GRANGER] upon the administration, if he were to vote for the resolution without giving any explanation, it might be construed into a tacit admission that there was some foundation for the charges which have been preferred against the executive department of the Government. Mr. T. felt as much sympathy for the sufferers as the honorable gentleman from Florida, and would go as far as any gentleman to extend to them that prompt and efficient relief which their peculiar situation demands; but he should not vote for the resolution because he supposed that the Government was in fault, or because he believed the situation of the citizens of Florida to be such as to place them in a relation to the Government different from that of all other pioneers along our western frontiers, whose spirit of enterprise has stimulated them, with the hope of gain, to press their settlements into the wilderness, where savage tribes still linger. They locate with a full knowledge of the hardships and privations, of the difficulties and dangers they have to encounter; they are all alike entitled to the protection of the Government, and the citizens of Florida had no peculiar claims over other pioneers.

Mr. T. said the House ought not to act upon the impulse of the moment, without some investigation. He apprehended that the true state of things in Florida was not correctly understood. He believed that the numerical strength of the hostile force was greatly overrated. It would be found that, instead of having been remiss, the Executive had done more, much more, than the exigencies seemed to require. Long since, and before any serious apprehensions were entertained, even in Florida, that there would be any hostile movements by the Seminoles, fourteen companies of regular troops were placed at the disposal of General Clinch. In addition to this, that officer was authorized by the President to call upon the Governor of Florida for any force which might be necessary to meet any emergency, and, by a prompt and decisive blow, to put an effectual ter

make war upon the inhabitants. Orders had also been given to call upon the Governors of Georgia, Alabama, and South Carolina, for any additional force that might be required. The time has been when seven hundred undisciplined militia, under a skilful commander, contended successfully against this very tribe of Indians; and Mr. T. said, from the best information he could obtain, he

All

was satisfied that at the battle of Wythlacoochee there were troops enough in sight to have gained a decisive victory, a victory which would have put an end to the war; but, for some cause or other, the militia did not cross the small creek which separated them from the battle ground. They remainded idle spectators of the bloody contest. There has (said Mr. T.) been no fault, I repeat, no omission of duty, on the part of the Executive. has been done, and more than could have been expected or required. If censure is merited, it must rest elsewhere, and not on the Executive. In voting for the resolution, he would do so because he believed that the relief asked for should be granted, in all cases where citizens have been expelled from their homes and made penniless by any hostile force.

Mr. HARPER could not permit himself to doubt that this resolution would pass unanimously, and he was astonished that any thing like party discussion should have grown out of such a subject as this. He would not stop

to inquire who was right or who was wrong. He asked if it could be possible that, while they sat there as a legislative body, voting public money for losses which happened twenty years ago, they could refuse relief in this case? He hoped the vote would be taken without any further discussion. If a precedent was wanted, it would be found in a vote given yesterday, to pay a man for a barn which was burnt in Virginia, by the enemy, twenty years ago; and could the House hesitate to vote for the relief of these women and children?

Mr. REYNOLDS, of Illinois, then moved the previous question.

Mr. PARKS raised the question of order, whether the resolution, being one of appropriation, must not pass through the forms necessary for all appropriations, viz: that it could not be passed on the day of its introduction, and must first be considered in Committee of the Whole.

The CHAIR decided otherwise, on the ground that it was not an original appropriation, but directed the application of a sum of money already appropriated; whereupon,

Mr. PARKS appealed from the decision of the Chair; and, after a few words from Mr. MANN, of New York, in support of the Chair's decision, and Mr. PARKS against it, the decision of the Speaker was sustained by

the House.

The previous question was then seconded: ayes 95, noes 56; and the main question, which was on the engrossment of the resolution as modified and amended, was then ordered to be put; and on the main question

Mr. PINCKNEY asked for the yeas and nays; which were ordered, and the result was: Yeas 178, nays 14, as follows:

YEAS-Messrs. John Q. Adams, Chilton Allan, Heman Allen, Anthony, Asb, Ashley, Banks, Beale, Bean, Beaumont, Bockee, Bond, Borden, Bouldin, Bovee, Boyd, Briggs, Brown, Bunch, John Calhoon, William B. Calhoun, Cambreleng, Casey, George Chambers, John Chambers, Chaney, Chapman, Chapin, Childs, Clark, Cleveland, Coffee, Connor, Corwin, Craig, Cramer, Crane, Cushing, Cushman, Davis, Denny, Dickerson, Dickson, Dunlap, Efner, Evans, Everett, Fairfield, Farlin, Fowler, French, Fry, Philo C. Fuller, William K. Fuller, Galbraith, Rice Garland, Gillet, Glascock, Graham, Granger, Grantland, Graves, Grayson, Grennell, Haley, Joseph Hall, Hiland Hall, Hamer, Hannegan, Harper, Samuel S. Harrison, Hawkins, Haynes, Hazeltine, Henderson, Hiester, Hoar, Holsey, Hopkins, Howard, Howell, Hubley, Hunt, Huntington, Huntsman, Ingersoll, Ingham, William Jackson, Jabez Jackson, Janes, Joseph Johnson, Richard M. Johnson, Cave Johnson, Benjamin Jones, Judson, Kennon, Kilgore, Kinnard, Klingensmith, Lane,

[FEB. 1, 1836.

Lansing, Laporte, Lawler, G. Lee, J. Lee, T. Lee, Luke Lea, Lincoln, Logan, Love, Lyon, Abijah Mann, Job Mann, Manning, Moses Mason, Samson Mason, Maury, May, McComas, McKennan, McKeon, McKim, Mercer, Miller, Milligan Morgan, Morris, Muhlenberg, Owens, Page, Parker, Patterson, Dutee J. Pearce, J. A. Pearce, Pettigrew, Phelps, Phillips, Pinckney, Potts, Reed, Rencher, John Reynolds, Joseph Reynolds, Ripley, Roane, Rogers, Russell, Schenck, Seymour, A. H. Shepperd, Shields, Shinn, Slade, Sloane, Smith, Spangler, Sprague, Standefer, Steele, Storer, Sutherland, Taliaferro, Taylor, John Thomson, Toucey, Towns, Turrill, Vanderpoel, Vinton, Wagener, Wardwell, Washington, Webster, Weeks, White, Whittlesey, Lewis Williams, Wise--178.

NAYS-Messrs. Campbell, Dromgoole, James Garland, Griffin, Hammond, Hardin, Jarvis, Loyall, McLene, Parks, Patton, Robertson, Waddy Thompson, Sherrod Williams-14.

So the resolution was ordered to be engrossed; and the same having been engrossed, was then read the third time and passed. Adjourned.

MONDAY, FEBRUARY 1.

SLAVERY IN THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA. This being petition day, the House resumed, as the unfinished business, the consideration of the motion of Mr. CUSHING, of Massachusetts, that the petition presented by him, of sundry citizens of Massachusetts, praying the abolition of slavery and the slave trade in the District of Columbia, be received.

Mr. HAMMOND, who was entitled to the floor, rose and said, that when he had first demanded the preliminary question of reception on the presentment of a similar petition some weeks ago, it was his hope and expectation that it would be decided without debate. On every subsequent occasion when he had felt it his duty to make a similar demand, he had entertained the same desire, and had himself refrained from taking any part in the discussions which had arisen. It was obvious, however, that gentlemen presenting these petitions were determined to discuss them; and, after what had occurred on last petition day, he concluded that no such petition would be offered to the House hereafter, without a preliminary speech as well as motion. As much, therefore, as he felt indisposed to block the proceedings of the House on this important day, he thought perhaps he had as well say at once what he had to say on this subject in its present stage, and by so doing he might facilitate the business of the House.

I listened, sir, (said Mr. H.,) with much pleasure to the address of the gentleman from Massachusetts [Mr. CUSHING] who presented this petition, and I believe I can say that I concur in every principle which he laid down. I am sure he cannot have a more sacred regard for the inestimable right of petition than I entertain. But, really, I cannot see what the discussion of that right can have to do with the question before the House.

No one here desires to "pass a law" depriving "the people of the right of peaceably assembling, and petitioning for a redress of grievances." In this instance they have already so assembled. They have petitioned for the redress of their imaginary grievances. The petition has been presented to the House. Its contents have been stated. If it had been requested, the petition itself might have been read by the Clerk. We are, sir, in full possession of its character and object. The petitioners and their representatives have performed their part without "let or hindrance," and it is now our duty to perform that which devolves on us. We may refuse to receive the petition, and record it on our journals; or