H. OF R.] Executive Patronage. honor, your principles, your character for consistency, all call aloud upon you to meet him. Is it not the same bill of '26? Does it not contain the same provision of that bill; and will you hang your heads, and hear it denounced so broadly by the gentleman from Massachusetts, merely because he is now your leader? Remember its paternity. Who was the father of this bill? The Senator from Missouri, [Mr. BENTON;] and has he no friend here who will stand its godfather, and protect it? It is the very same bantling, in every feature. Yes, sir, verbatim et literatim, even to the dotting of the i's and the crossing of the t's, as my friend from Virginia [Mr. WISE] would say. Do you abandon it? Where are your principles? Poor off-cast. It has fallen into the hands of the gentleman from Massachusetts, [Mr. ADAMS,] and the gentleman from Rhode Island, [Mr. PEARCE,] who have always been opposed to it, and who denounce it in advance, and then send it off like a foundling to be smothered. I am opposed to this course, sir. I am glad that this question has been brought up. I wish to see tested the principles of the party. I wish to resort to the principles of the Jackson party, call them up, and see if there now exists enough of those principles to leaven the whole lump of the party. Yes, sir, I am glad to see this medicine prepared by our own party, our own leaders in 1826, presented again in 1836. He who refuses to take it, let him talk no more about his principles, about his consistency. This, sir, was the leading favorite measure of the Jackson party in 1826. Upon its principles we rallied, and carried the war to the gates, ay, even to the storming and entering the White House. [Here the SPEAKER said the gentleman from Tennessee was taking too wide a range in his remarks. The merits of the bill cannot be discussed upon a motion to refer.] Mr. PEYTON. I did not, Mr. Speaker, wish to transcend the rules of order. I am aware that any discussion of the merits of the bill would be out of order. I did not allude to the merits or demerits of the bill. I did not allude to any one of its provisions, except as a reply to the gentleman from Massachusetts, [Mr. ADAMS.] do not propose to discuss the merits, but to state that the bill now under consideration is the same, the identical bill, in form, as well as substance, reported by the Senators from Missouri, [Mr. BENTON, ] from Tennessee, [Mr. WHITE,] and the Senator from New York, [Mr. VAN BUREN,] in 1826; and to contend that what was principle in 1826 is principle in 1836; and to express a hope that gentlemen were willing to be tested by principle, and appeal to them, to the majority of this House, to make such a disposition of the bill as to have it brought before the House for its action at this session, and not to send it to a committee which would be unable to make a report upon it. Mr. GLASCOCK said, sufficient for the day is the evil thereof. He had understood the Chair to say that the merits of the question could not be discussed, and regretted that charges, so broad in their character, had been made by the gentleman from Tennessee against the Judiciary Committee. The gentleman said that, in the event of the reference of the bill to the Committee on the Judiciary, it would there sleep, and be heard of no more-thereby intimating that the committee would shrink from the discharge of their duty. Mr. PEYTON asked leave to explain. I thought (said Mr. P.) that no human being could possibly have misunderstood me; for I stated, distinctly, that it was on account of the great mass of business before the committee that it could not make a report; and to assert, or insinuate, that I said any thing else, is to do me great injustice; and for a gentleman who would so insinuate, I shall have as little respect as that gentleman seems to have for my remarks. Mr. GLASCOCK continued. The gentleman would [FEB. 3, 1836. find him among the last to misrepresent him, and among the first to repel insinuations against the party to which it was his pride to be attached. If he had misrepresented the gentleman, it was in consequence of having misunderstood him. He entered the hall after the gentleman commenced speaking, and had not heard all his remarks. He had understood him to say that the Committee on the Judiciary would make no report in time for the action of the House. Whether he was so fortunate as to attract the respect of the gentleman, or not, was a matter of perfect indifference to him. He had duties to perform here of more importance than the attainment of the gentleman's regard; and he felt it his duty to defend the Executive from the unjust charges brought against him. With the transactions of 1826 he had nothing to do; but, long since the opinion of the Executive had been known on this subject, the voice of the gentleman from Tennessee had resounded through this hall in his praise. Why then did the gentleman charge the President and his friends with having abandoned principles which he sus tained in 1826? So long as the President continued to pursue the course which he had done, he (Mr. G.) felt it his duty to sustain and defend him. He was well apprized, from what he had seen and heard, that whenever the merits of the bill were discussed, the war-whoop was to be raised by the opposition, and the cry of executive patronage sounded in our ears. But (said Mr. G.) the gentleman may rest assured we shall not be taken by surprise, and that whenever the battle was waged, the friends of the administration would be found at their posts, prepared to defend and vindicate their principles, and the principles and measures of the President. After Mr. GLASCOCK concluded, Mr. PATTON, of Virginia, moved that the House do now adjourn. Mr. PEYTON rose, and appealed to the gentleman from Virginia to withdraw the motion; and after some conversation, in which Mr. PEYTON pledged himself to renew the motion of Mr. PATTON, the motion to adjourn was withdrawn. Mr. PEYTON Continued. The gentleman from Georgia saw fit to represent me as attacking the committee to which I have the honor to belong, and volunteered for their defence. He come to the defence of that committee! and from my attack! Were not those gentlemen seated around me? Do they have to look to the gentleman from Georgia for defence, when attacked from any quarter? Those gentlemen knew I had made no attack on them. No, sir; I know them well, and would be the last man in this body to cast the slightest shade of imputation upon them, as gentlemen, or as members upon this floor. The gentleman says his remarks were intended as a reply to those which I made; and yet he acknowl edges that he did not hear what I said. If so, why not leave it to other gentlemen, who did hear them, to reply to my remarks? Why should that gentleman run tilting upon every subject that comes up? He must volunteer to defend all the committees of this House, and all the members of the party! And, sir, you cannot propose to discuss a great question of national policy, but you hear a dolorous lamentation about the President; it is an attack upon the President, whether the President ever said, or acted, or expressed an opinion upon the subject or not. He defend the President from my attacks! This is the miserable cant of the party, the tune played upon every jew's-harp, from Arkansas to the Atlantic, in the mouth of every demagogue and pettifogger. The venerable President! Defend the venerable President! Who were the friends of the President amidst perils and trials, at which the windy gasconading demagogues of the day and of the party would have shrunk and fled? Who stood by him, and sustained and supported his principles? Who advocated the same great principles now? Sir, I have never been the man to attack General Jackson; but, on the contrary, I have gone with him in principle. I have not, nor will I, change my political principles. Has it come to this, that every member of the party, no difference from what ranks he may have deserted, is a Jackson? and to ask him if he is honest, if he has any principle, is necessarily a direct attack on General Jackson? Yes, sir, these little Jacksons are springing up, like May-apples in the spring season, every where, all over the country, and to attack one of them is to attack the President himself! Yes, sir, they thrust forward his name on all occasions: it is their only shield. How is it possible for any gentleman to drag, ad captandum, into this question, the name of General Jackson? Did he ever vote on this question, or make it the subject of recommendation in his message? How, then, is he, his principles, his fame, and character, involved? If assailed at all, it has been done by the gentlemen from Massachusetts [Mr. ADAMS] and Rhode Island [Mr. PEARCE.] What contemptible quackery! Gentlemen shrink be hind General Jackson whenever pressed on any question. Yes, sir, they fly to him, take shelter under his mantle, and say, "here we are," shivering and trembling: "don't strike me, or you will hit the old chief." Yes, sir, such men are aspiring to rule the destinies of this nation. Such men promise to walk in the footsteps of Andrew Jackson: yes, sir, they are aming to crawl into the highest stations upon the earth between the legs of a giant, one stamp of whose foot would sink them a thousand fathoms below the surface. They walk in the footsteps of Andrew Jackson! You might as soon expect to see the miserable pedlar's barge following in the wake of a man of war, while riding the mountain wave of a tempestuous ocean. These are the men who require us to yield implicit obedience to their will. These are the men whose principles, or want of principle, you cannot touch, without raising the howl of an attack on General Jackson. Yes, sir, we are gagged by that odious "previous question," whose especial province it is for certain gentlemen to move, and which is coming into such active use amongst us. But if you chance to get the floor, and appeal to gentlemen to stand to their principles, some sensitive Jackson plant, of the May-apple growth, must rush in, and offer to shiver a lance in defence of the "venerable President." I should like to compare notes with these little Jacksons, and see who is the best Jackson man upon principle. I should like to meet a better Jackson man than I always have been. Sir, I never saw the day when I would not for General Jackson, as a personal favor, meet any peril in a good cause, make any sacrifice save that of honor and independence; surrender any thing but those principles and that freedom which he would be the last man in the world to yield. But, sir, if gentlemen have no political principle, let them say so, and away this false clamor about General Jackson. Mr. PATTON renewed the motion to adjourn, but withdrew it, in order to afford an opportunity to the gentleman from Georgia to rejoin. Mr. GLASCOCK said he was happy to hear the encomium passed by the gentleman from Tennessee upon the venerable chief, and the declaration that he was still his friend; and he wished that this remark might be reported, and become matter of record, in order that they might be compared with other remarks which had fallen from the gentleman in the early part of the session. Mr. G. said that no one who had listened to the remarks of the gentleman but would perceive his object was to charge the President with an abandonment of those principles which he professed in 1826, and that the party were now abandoning them, and shrinking from his defence. Did he understand the gentleman to have made VOL. XII.-156 [H. OF R. no such allusions? Did he understand him to entertain no such opinion in relation to the Chief Magistrate? He paused for a reply. Mr. G. said that every circumstance which had transpired in relation to this bill furnished abundant evidence to establish the fact that it was principally introduced for political effect, and will be resorted to, no doubt, for the purpose of assailing the President. But the gentleman from Tennessee has thought proper to charge the friends of the administration with taking shelter under the old hero, whenever any question is presented which they cannot meet. This (said Mr. G.) comes with a bad grace from that gentleman; for he had no doubt the gentleman himself had often taken shelter under the old man's wing, and had, on many occasions, mounted the stumps of Tennessee, and cried aloud for him, in order to be sustained by his friends; and that he had been by them would not admit of a question. But Mr. G. said he saw a new state of things was about to take place; he thought he could foresee that the gentleman would soon abandon the President, if he had not already done so, and that he would be found arrayed against the administration, using his exertions and influence to render it unpopular, with a view to place a particular favorite in power. Yet (said Mr. G.) the gentleman professes still to be the friend of the Chief Magistrate. This may do (to use a common expression) to tell the marines," but not this House; for, from what had taken place, he did not confide in it himself, nor did he believe a majority of the House would. The gentleman has found it necessary, for effect, too, to charge the friends of the administration with being led by the gentleman from Massachusetts, [Mr. ADAMS.] Who (said Mr. G.) does not perceive the object? But it will avail him nothing; for, whilst he disclaimed being led by any man, or set of men, it would afford him pleasure at all times to do justice to the venerable gentleman from Massachusetts, and to be found voting with him on all questions which met his (Mr. G's) views and approbation. And if (said Mr. G.) it be any satisfaction to the gentleman from Tennessee, he would inform him that he never listened with more pride and pleasure to the remarks of any one than he had to those which fell from the venerable gentleman a few days since, on the introduction of his resolutions. He felt as if they came from the heart of a patriot, and such as he had no doubt would be approved by every American citizen who loved his country and his Government; and he rejoiced when he witnessed the general burst of applause which followed the utterance of certain expressions, in relation to the battering down our Capitol. Sir, (said Mr. G.,) it was like an electric shock, and was received with feelings becoming American freemen, and freemen determined to maintain the interest and honor of the motion. On motion of Mr. PATTON, The House then adjourned, without taking the ques tion. THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 4. SLAVERY IN THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA. Mr. PINCKNEY asked the unanimous consent of the House to submit a resolution relative to the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia. His object was to have the resolution printed, and when the pending resolutions on the subject should be taken up, he should offer his proposition in lieu of the same. Mr. GRANGER called for the reading of the resolution; which was read accordingly, as follows: Resolved, That all the memorials which have been offered, or may hereafter be presented, to this House, praying for the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, and also the resolutions offered by an honor. able member from Maine, [Mr. JARVIS,] with the amend H. OF R.] Rules of the House-Reports from Committees. ment thereto proposed by an honorable member from Virginia, [Mr. WISE,] and every other paper or proposition that may be submitted in relation to that subject, be referred to a select committee, with instructions to report that Congress possesses no constitutional authority to interfere in any way with the institutions of slavery in any of the States of this confederacy; and that, in the opinion of this House, Congress ought not to interfere in any way with slavery in the District of Columbia, because it would be a violation of the public faith, unwise, impolitic, and dangerous to the Union; assigning such reasons for these conclusions as, in the judgment of the committee, may be best calculated to enlighten the public mind, to repress agitation, to allay excitement, to sustain and preserve the just rights of the slaveholding States and of the people of this District, and to re-establish harmony and tranquillity amongst the various sec. tions of the Union. Mr. WISE then rose and objected to its reception. Mr. PINCKNEY moved to suspend the rules, in order to enable him to offer the resolution. Mr. MANN, of New York, asked for the yeas and nays on the motion to suspend the rules; which were ordered. Mr. W. B. SHEPARD inquired whether, if the rule was suspended, and the resolution offered, it would not open the whole subject for debate at this time. Mr. PINCKNEY repeated that his only object was to present his resolution for the purpose of having it printed for the information of members; and that, when the subject should again come up, he contemplated moving it as a substitute for the propositions before the House. Mr. WILLIAMS, of North Carolina, again called for the reading of the resolution; which being done, Mr. MORGAN moved to lay the motion to suspend the rules on the table. Mr. HAWES called for the yeas and nays; which were not ordered. The motion to lay the motion to suspend the rules on the table was negatived. The question on the suspension of the rules was then taken by yeas and nays, as follows: YEAS-Messrs. John Q. Adams, Anthony, Ash, Barton, Beale, Bean, Beaumont, Bockee, Bond, Boyd, Briggs, Brown, Burns, Bynum Cambreleng, Carr, Casey, George Chambers, Chancy, Chapin, J. F. H. Claiborne, Cleveland, Coffee, Coles, Connor, Craig, Cushing, Cushman, Deberry, Denny, Dickerson, Efner, Evans, Everett, Fairfield, Farlin, Fowler, Fry, Philo C. Fuller, Galbraith, James Garland, Gillet, Granger, Gantland, Graves, Hamer, Hannegan, Harper, Samuel S. Harrison, Hawes, Haynes, Hazeltine, Henderson, Holsey, Hopkins, Howard, Hubley, Hunt, Huntington, Huntsman, Ingham, Jabez Jackson, Jarvis, Cave Johnson, Benjamin Jones, Kilgore, Kinnard, Lane, Lawrence, J. Lee, Leonard, Logan, Abijah Mann, Job Mann, Manning, William Mason, Moses Mason, Samson Mason, May, McKay, McKim, McLene, Miller, Moore, Muhlenberg, Owens, Page, Parker, Parks, Patterson, Patton, Fanklin Pierce, Dutee J. Pearce, Phelps, Pinckney, Rencher, John Reynolds, Joseph Reynolds, Roane, Rogers, Schenck, Seymour, A. H. Shepperd, Sloane, Smith, Spangler, Storer, Sutherland, Taylor, Thomas, John Thomson, Toucey, Turner, Turrill, Vanderpoel, Vinton, Wagener, Ward, Wardwell, Weeks, Lewis Williams-121. NAYS-Messrs. Chilton Allan, Heman Allen, Ashley, Banks, Boon, Borden, Bovee, Bunch, John Calhoon, William B. Calhoun, Carter, John Chambers, Chapman, Childs, N. H. Claiborne, Clark, Crane, Darlington, Dickerson, Dunlap, Forester, French, Rice Garland, Glascock, Grayson, Grennell, Griffin, Haley, Hiland Hall, Hammond, Hardin, Harlan, Hiester, Hoar, Howell, [FEB. 4, 1836. Ingersoll, William Jackson, Janes, Judson, Laporte, Lawler, Lay, Luke Lea, Lincoln, Love, Lyon, Martin, John Y. Mason, Maury, McKennan, Mercer, Morgan, Morris, James A. Pearce, Pettigrew, Peyton, Pickens, Potts, Robertson, Russell, William B. Shepard, Shields, Shinn, Standefer, Steele, Taliaferro, W. Thompson, Towns, Underwood, Webster, White, Whittlesey, S. Williams, Wise--75. So the House refused to suspend the rules; two thirds being necessary. RULES OF THE HOUSE. Mr. MANN, of New York, asked the unanimous consent of the House to take up and consider the report of the select committee on the rules. Objection being made, Mr. MANN moved a suspension of the rules for this purpose. Mr. BELL called for the yeas and nays on the motion; which were ordered, and were, YEAS-Messrs. Chilton Allan, Heman Allen, Ashley, Beale, Bell, Bockee, Bond, Boon, Borden, Boyd, Briggs, Bunch, Bynum, John Calhoon, William B. Calhoun, Campbell, Carter, Casey, George Chambers, John Chambers, Childs, Clark, Cleveland, Connor, Corwin, Crane, Cushing, Davis, Deberry, Denny, Dickson, Dunlap, Everett, Forester, Fry, P. C Fuller, Rice Garland, Graham, Granger, Grennell, Griffin, Hiland Hall, Hamer, Hard, Hardin, Harlan, Hazeltine, Hiester, Howell, Hunt, Hunstman, Ingersoll, Janes, Henry Johnson, Kinnard, Lane, Lawrence, G. Lee, Luke Lea, Lincoln, Love, Lyon, Abijah Mann, Samson Mason, Maury, May, McKay, McKennan, Mercer, Milligan, Moore, Morris, Parker, J. A. Pearce, Pettigrew, Peyton, Phillips, Pickens, Potts, Rencher, John Reynolds, Ripley, Roane, Robertson, Russell, Schenck, W. B. Shepard, A. H. Shepperd, Sloane, Spangler, Sprague, Standefer, Steele, Storer, Taliaferro, Turner, Underwood, Vinton, White, Whittlesey, L. Williams, Wise-104. NAYS-Messrs. Adams, Anthony, Ash, Banks, Barton, Bean, Beaumont, Bovee, Brown, Burns, Cambreleng, Carr, Chaney, Chapman, Chapin, J. F.H. Claiborne, Coffee, Coles, Craig, Cramer, Cushman, Darlington, Dickerson, Doubleday, Dromgoole, Efner, Fairfield, Farlin, Fowler, French, William K. Fuller, Galbraith, J. Garland, Gillet, Glascock, Grantland, Haley, Hannegan, Samuel S. Harrison, Albert G. Harrison, Hawes, Hawkins, Haynes, Henderson, Hoar, Holsey, Hopkins, Howard, Hubley, Huntington, Ingham, William Jackson, Jabez Jackson, Jarvis, Joseph Johnson, Benjamin Jones, Judson, Kennon, Kilgore, Lansing, Lawler, Lay, Joshua Lee, Leonard, Logan, Loyall, Job Mann, Manning, Martín, John Y. Mason, William Mason, Moses Mason, McKim, McLene, Miller, Morgan, Muhlenberg, Owens, Page, Parks, Patterson, Patton, Franklin Pierce, Dutee J. Pearce, Phelps, Pinckney, Joseph Reynolds, Rogers, Seymour, Shinn, Smith, Sutherland, Taylor, John Thomson, Towns, Turrill, Vanderpoel, Wagener, Ward Wardwell, Webster, Weeks, Sherrod Williams-103. So the House refused to suspend the rules, two thirds being necessary. REPORTS FROM COMMITTEES. Mr. WM. B. SHEPARD, of North Carolina, moved to suspend the rules, in order to receive reports from the standing and select committees of the House; which was agreed to by a vote of 114 to 51. Mr. CAMBRÉLENG, from the Committee on Ways and Means, reported the following resolution: Resolved, That so much of the nineteenth rule of this House, which appropriates Friday and Saturday in each week to the consideration of private bills, be suspended FEB. 4, 1836.] Incendiary Publications--Appropriation Bills. on Saturday next, and that the bill for the relief of the sufferers by the fire in the city of New York be made the special order of the day, at one o'clock on that day. The CHAIR decided that the resolution was not debatable, as it related to the priority of business. The question being taken, the resolution was lost: Yeas 109, nays 66; not two-thirds. INCENDIARY PUBLICATIONS. Mr. WISE rose and said he wished to make an inquiry of the chairman of the Committee on the Post Office and Post Roads, whether they would soon make a report on that part of the President's message relating to the transmission of incendiary publications by the mail. Mr. CONNOR could only reply to the gentleman's interrogatory, by stating that the subject was now under the advisement of the committee, who would decide upon it as soon as possible; perhaps at an early, perhaps at a late day. It rested with the majority of the committee to say when, in their judgment, it would be most expedient and proper to bring it before the House. Mr. MANN, of New York, inquired of the Chair whether it was competent for him, at that time, to move to take up and consider the report of the select committee on the rules, and whether it was not in the power of the majority to take up that report? The CHAIR replied in the negative. The rules having been suspended for the purpose of receiving reports, it would require two thirds to take up a report upon the table. APPROPRIATION BILLS. The House then resumed the consideration of the bill making appropriations in part for the support of the Government for the year 1836, commonly called the House contingent bill. The bill was on its third reading, with two pending motions: one by Mr. JOHNSON, of Tennessee, to recommit to a Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union; and the other by Mr. UNDERWOOD, of Kentucky, to recommit to the Committee of Ways and Means, with the following instructions: With instructions to report one uniform mode of paying the mileage of the members of this House and the Senate, or to ascertain the mileage of each member of Congress, and to report an item for paying the mileage of the members of the House, and a separate item for paying the mileage of the members of the Senate, which items shall not exceed the aggregate of the sums allowed each Senator and Representative, respectively, according to some uniform rule to be affixed by the committee. The motion pending on the instructions was Mr. ANTHONY's amendment to insert, after the word "discretion," the "propriety of regulating," &c. Mr. EVERETT hoped the House would proceed to pass the bill this day, without recommitting it. Mr. HANNEGAN then offered the following amend ment: That the said committee be further instructed to inquire- 1st. Into the expediency of removing the seat of the Federal Government from Washington to Cincinnati or Louisville. 2d. Into the propriety of so amending the rules of the House as to cause a list of the absentees, whenever the yeas and nays are taken, to be entered on the journal, and published, as a part of each day's proceedings, in the morning papers. 3d. Of compelling all members, who may hereafter absent themselves during the sittings of the House, on visits to their homes and families, or for the purpose of [H. OF R. attending their practice in the courts of this District and the adjacent States, to relinquish their pay during the period of such absence. 4th. Of requiring a relinquishment, in like manner, of their compensation from members during the time lost from the business of the House, in excursions to the neighboring cities, or in pleasure parties about this city and the surrounding country, or from any other cause whatever, except sickness or the order of the House. 5th. Of establishing a rule to prevent members from drawing their pay up to the close of the session, who leave several days prior to the adjournment. Mr. HARDIN asked if it would be in order to move to lay the amendments on the table. The CHAIR (temporarily occupied by Mr. PATTON) said that it would not. Mr. BOON then demanded the previous question; which was seconded: Yeas 74, nays 56; and, On ordering the main question to be put, Mr. PARKER asked for the yeas and nays; which were ordered, and the result was as follows: YEAS-Messrs. Heman Allen, Anthony, Ash, Ashley, Beale, Bean, Beaumont, Bockee, Boon, Borden, Bovee, Brown, Burns, Bynum, Cambreleng, Campbell, Carr, Casey, Chaney, Chapman, Chapin, Childs, John F. H. Claiborne, Cleveland, Coffee, Coles, Connor, Cramer, Cushman, Davis, Deberry, Dickerson, Doubleday, Dromgoole, Efner, Fairfield, Farlin, Fowler, Fry, Philo C. Fuller, William K. Fuller, Galbraith, James Garland, Rice Garland, Gillet, Glascock, Grantland, Grayson, Haley, Joseph Hall, Hiland Hall, Hamer, Hard, Harlan, Samuel S. Harrison, Hawkins, Haynes, Hazeltine, Henderson, Holsey, Howard, Hubley, Huntington, Huntsman, Ingersoll, Ingham, William Jackson, Jabez Jackson, Janes, Jarvis, Richard M. Johnson, Cave Johnson, Henry Johnson, Benjamir Jones, Judson, Kennon, Kilgore, Kinnard, Kling smith, Lane, Lansing, Laporte, Lawler, Joshua nLeonard, Logan, Loyall, Lucas, Job Mann, Manning, Martin, William Mason, Moses Mason, May, McKeon, McKim, McLene, Miller, Milligan, Montgomery, Moore, Morgan, Muhlenberg, Owens, Page, Parks, Patterson, Franklin Pierce, Dutee J. Pearce, James A. Pearce, Pinckney, John Reynolds, Joseph Reynolds, Ripley, Rogers, Schenck, Seymour, Shinn, Smith, Sprague, Steele, Sutherland, Taylor, John Thomson, Toucey, Towns, Turrill, Vanderpoel, Ward, Wardwell, Washington, Webster, Weeks-133. NAYS-Messrs. J. Q. Adams, Chilton Allan, Banks, Bell, Bond, Boyd, Briggs, Bunch, John Calhoon, William B. Calhoun, Carter, George Chambers, John Chambers, N. H. Claiborne, Clark, Craig, Crane, Cushing, Denny, Dunlap, Evans, French, Graham, Granger, Graves, Grennell, Griffin, Hannegan, Hardin, Harper, Hawes, Hiester, Hoar, Hopkins, Howell, Hunt, Joseph Johnson, Lawrence, Lay, Luke Lea, Lincoln, Love, Lyon, John Y. Mason, Samson Mason, Maury, McComas, McKay, McKennan, Mercer, Morris, Parker, Patton, Peyton, Phillips, Potts, Reed, Rencher, Roane, Robertson, Russell, William B. Shepard, Spangler, Standefer, Storer, Taliaferro, Thomas, Turner, Underwood, Vinton, Wagener, White, Whittlesey, Lewis Williams, Wise--76. So the House determined that the main question, which was on the passage of the bill, should be put; and the bill was then read the third time, and passed. Mr. RENCHER asked leave of the House to offer a resolution respecting the mileage, &c., of members of Congress. Objections being made, Mr. CAVE JOHNSON moved to suspend the rules; and Mr. WILLIAMS, of North Carolina, asked for the H. OF R.] Suspension of Rules-Management of the Post Office. yeas and nays; which being ordered, Mr. CAVE JOHNSON withdrew his motion; and Mr. HAWES renewed it, and asked for the yeas and nays; which were ordered; and the question being taken, was decided in the affirmative: Yeas 158, nays 43, as follows: YEAS--Messrs. J. Q. Adams, Chilton Allan, Heman Allen, Anthony, Banks, Bean, Beaumont, Bell, Bond, Borden, Boyd, Brown, Bunch, Bynum, John Calhoon, Cambreleng, Carr, Carter, Casey, George Chambers, Chaney, Chapman, Chapin, Childs, Nathaniel H. Claiborne, Clark, Cleveland, Coffee, Connor, Corwin, Craig, Cushing, Darlington, Deberry, Denny, Dickerson, Doubleday, Evans, Everett, Fairfield, Forester, Fowler, French, Fry, Galbraith, James Garland, Glascock, Graham, Granger, Grantland, Graves, Grennell, Griffin, Haley, Joseph Hall, Hiland Hall, Hamer, Hammond, Hannegan, Samuel S. Harrison, Hawes, Hawkins, Hazeltine, Henderson, Hiester, Holsey, Hopkins, Howell, Hunt, Huntsman, Ingersoll, Ingham, Jabez Jackson, Janes, Joseph Johnson, Richard M. Johnson, Cave Johnson, Henry Johnson, Benjamin Jones, Judson, Kilgore, Klingensmith, Lane, Lansing, Laporte, Lawler, Lawrence, Lay, Joshua Lee, Luke Lea, Lincoln, Logan, Love, Loyall, Lucas, Lyon, Abijah Mann, Job Mann, Manning, Martin, John Y. Mason, Moses Mason, Samson Mason, Maury, McComas, McKay, McKennan, McKim, Miller, Milligan, Montgomery, 'Moore, Morgan, Morris, Owens, Parker, Parks, Patterson, Patton, Franklin Pierce, Pettigrew, Peyton, Phelps, Phillips, Pickens, Pinckney, Potts, Reed, Rencher, John Reynolds, Smith, Spangler, Sprague, Standefer, Steele, Storer, Roane, Robertson, Rogers, Russell, Shields, Sloane, Thomas, John Thomson, Toucey, Turner, Underwood, Vanderpoel, Wagener, Ward, Washington, Kebster, Weeks, White, Whittlesey, Lewis Williams, ise-158. NAYS-Messrs. Ash, Barton, Beale, Bockee, Boon, Bovee, Burns, Campbell, Coles, Cramer, Cushman, Davis, Dickson, Dromgoole, Dunlap, William K. Fuller, Gillet, Grayson, Hard, Hardin, Haynes, Howard, Hubley, Huntington, Jarvis, Leonard, May, McLene, Muhlenberg, Page, James A. Pearce, Joseph Reynolds, Ripley, Schenck, Seymour, Shinn, Sutherland, Taliaferro, Taylor, Turrill, Vinton, Wardwell, Sherrod Williams-43. So the rules of the House were suspended. The resolution was then read, as follows: "Resolved, That a select committee be appointed to inquire whether any, and what, alteration is necessary to be made relative to the pay and mileage of members of Congress; whether any, and what, legislation is necessary to limit and curtail the contingent expenditures of this House. [FEB. 5, 1836. bition "of French products and the entry of French vessels into our ports." Mr. MASON, of Ohio, moved that the motion to suspend be laid on the table. Mr. REYNOLDS asked the yeas and nays on this motion, and they were refused. The question was taken, and decided in the affirmative: 119 rising in the affirmative, noes not counted. So the motion of Mr. REYNOLDS to suspend the rules of the House, for the purpose indicated by him, was ordered to lie on the table. Mr. HANNEGAN moved to suspend the rules in order to move certain instructions to the select committee of twenty-four, yesterday ordered to be appointed, on the subject of pay and mileage of members. Mr. HANNEGAN was not, he said, particularly anxious about the first instruction, as twenty or thirty years hence might answer for that; but, in case of a French war, the Capitol might be again sacked, and it would therefore be expedient. The CHAIR interposed, and said that the question was not debatable. Mr. HANNEGAN called for the yeas and nays on his motion, and they were ordered. Mr. WILLIAMS, of North Carolina, moved to lay the motion on the table. Mr. HANNEGAN asked the yeas and nays, and they were refused. The motion to lay the motion to suspend the rules on the table was then agreed to. MANAGEMENT OF THE POST OFFICE. The following resolution, heretofore offered by Mr. SMITH, was taken up for consideration: "Resolved, That the letter of the late Hon. Wm. T. Barry, formerly Postmaster General of the United States, received by the Speaker of the House of Representatives at the last session of Congress, on the last day of said session, be taken from the files of the House, laid upon the table, and printed." Mr. BOND asked whether the mover intended to found any legislation upon the resolution. Mr. SMITH replied that he did not. He made the motion as an act of simple justice to the late Postmaster General, who thought the letter necessary to his defence from charges brought against him. The reason that it was not ordered to be printed at the last session was, that the letter was received at too late an hour of the session, when there was not a quorum present. Mr. BOND said he was opposed to the adoption of the resolution. It was a proposition like one already before the House, of the resurrection order, and was calculated to excite ill will and warm debates, without effecting any good object whatever. The letter had been printed in the newspapers, and extensively circulated. He moved to lay the motion on the table; but withdrew it at the request of Mr. BRIGGS, who said he should vote for the motion, the reason that the letter was not printed last year. Two but did not agree with the gentleman from Maine as to gentlemen, he recollected, opposed the motion to print, on the ground that it was, in its terms, disrespectful to a committee of this House, which had made a report on the condition and management of the Post Office Department. He was in favor of printing the letter, as an act of justice, or at least of generosity, to an individual, late a high officer of the Government, and now no more. Two reports had been made from committees of Congress, which brought the Post Office Department into a notice by no means complimentary to the head of that Department. Feeling that he could vindicate himself from all imputation upon his own conduct, as the head of the Department, he had drawn up this paper, and |