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presented it to the House. He was now beyond the tricts--Colonel Elisha Jenkins being quartermaster genreach of censure or of praise; but as he had stood ac- eral of the military district embracing the northern cused before the country, it was due to his memory, and frontiers, and having his headquarters at Albany, and to his family and friends, to let his defence go forth to Samuel Brown being deputy quartermaster general the country.
from 1813 to 1816, and stationed at Sackett's Harbor. Mr. MASON, of Ohio, called for the reading of the Previous to and during the period of which I speak, letter; which was objected to.
the Government labored under great pecuniary embarBefore the Chair had decided whether the gentleman rassments. The disbursing officers were left unsupplied from Ohio had a right to call for the reading,
with funds; and yet your armies were to be fed and supMr. HAMER moved that the further consideration of ported. Work must be done. Provisions and stores the resolution be postponed till Friday next. Rejected. were daily required. How were they to be obtained?
Mr. MASON, of Ohio, renewed his demand that the Colonel Jenkins tells you. letter be read.
In an official letter to deputy quartermaster Brown, The CHAIR decided that the gentleman from Ohio under date of 10th December, 1814, he says, “I obhad a right to demand the reading of the letter; and tain every thing I can upon credit; I receive vouchers, the Clerk proceeded to read it accordingly.
take receipts, and give certificates of sums due, promisThe hour assigned for the consideration of resolutions ing to pay out of any public funds, when the certificates having expired, the reading was suspended, and the are presented. This expedient must be resorted to unHouse proceeded to the orders of the day, which were til we have better times." private bills.
This expedient, thus sanctioned by the commanding
officer, was resorted to, and enabled the Government to JESSE SMITH.
carry on its operations. The House then resumed the consideration of the bill The practice was well understood by the Government, for the relief of Jesse Smith and others.
and these due bills, or certificates, signed in an official The question being on the passage of the bill, it was capacity by the disbursing officers, passed current from opposed by Mr. MANN, of New York, and advocated hand to hand, and constituted in many places almost the by Mr. WARDWELL; when
entire circulating medium of your country. Mr. GILLET, in order to give further time for exam In May, 1816, Major General Brown gave orders for ination, moved to postpone the further consideration of the building of the Madison Barracks, at Sackett's Harthe bill until Friday next.
bor--the erection was deemed necessary for the troops The motion to postpone was advocated by Messrs. the ensuing winter. These barracks were built under the GILLET, WILLIAMS of North Carolina, and PAR general superintendence of Thomas Tupper, who, in KER, and opposed by Messrs. CHAMBERS of Ken November, 1816, was appointed assistant deputy quartucky, and WHITTLESEY; when it was lost.
termaster at Sackett's Harbor, taking the post formerly The bill was further opposed by Mr. PARKER. occupied by Samuel Brown, and well understanding,
Mr. HUNT advocated the bill in the following re- from long experience, the practice of the department. marks:
Thomas Tupper issued, for the building of these barMr. Speaker, I am aware of the difficulty, at this late racks, in his official capacity, certificates and due bills bour of the day, and upon a private claim, of giving to
to the amount of some $17,000; which due bills have the subject under consideration an interest commensu- never been paid, and now form the subject of the claim rate with its importance. Sir, perceiving upon my files presented to us. a bill concerning the citizens of my own State, I have
Now, sir, in reference to the well-known practice of possibly been induced to give the matter an examina the disbursing officers, sanctioned by the Government tion which, in another case (reposing, as does this for a series of years-in view of the fact that, apart from House most justly, an entire confidence in the ability some particular agreement with the individuals, the officer and vigilance of the gentleman at the head of the Com. was from the beginning, and so remained, the agent of mittee of Claims) I might not have done. And the re- the Government, I hesitate not to say, as a professional sult of that examination has been a perfect conviction man, that the Government is responsible for the acts of of the justice of the claim now presented. Nay, fur. its agents; and if in this case the agent, Tupper, has rether, a simple statement of the case will show that, ceived funds from the Government, and not paid them could the claim be presented as between man and man, out to the Government creditors, we are bound to see to no judicial tribunal in our country could or would re- the payment of these creditors. fuse to sanction it. As regards the characters of the There is, sir, another feature in this case: Tupper claimants, perhaps sufficient has already been said by gave no bonds, though required by law so to do. I do my colleague, and I will only add that, if any reliance not mention this with a view of casting censure upon can be placed upon human testimony, we have ample any officer or department of the Government; but it evidence furnished by those who have long filled the shows that, had the Government done its duty, no loss the high places of life, in tbat portion of the State of would have fallen either upon the claimants or itself, but New York where the claimants reside, of their standing must have been bound by Tupper's bail. and integrity.
But again, sir: whatever may be thought of the legal We have, also, ample evidence (not attempted to be position assumed by me above, I now present another contradicted) that whenever the drafts and due bills in feature of this case, which seems to me to relieve it from question have been transferred from the original hold. | all embarrassment and doubt. ers, they have been so at par, and in the ordinary course
In November, 1817, we find Tupper at Washington, of business. The holders of this paper, unlike the spec- presenting the receipts taken from the claimants, amongst ulators in your continental currency, have taken it bona. his other vouchers, to the proper department for seldie. fide at par value.
ment; and he then apprized Mr. Hagner that these due It may not be amiss, sir, to look for a moment to the bills (now presented) were outstanding and unpaid. history of the times which gave rise to the issue of the Nay, further, he desired to adjust the residue of his paper in question.
account, leaving the Government to pay these due bills There was no quartermaster general's department es. when they should be presented. In answer to this retablished at Washington until the year 1818; previous quest, Mr. Hagner, the Auditor, under date of 5th June. to that time, the country was divided into military dis- | 1818, writes to Tupper: “You must take up your
own due bills, and I advise that no more be issued in preserve the just rights of the slaveholding States and future on any occasion." The vouchers for these due of the people of this District, and to re-establish harmony bills were not passed to Tupper's credit until April, and tranquillity amongst the various sections of the 1818, five months after actual notice that these due bills | Union. were unpaid.
Mr. PINCKNEY said he would not detain the House The brief history I have attempted of this transaction long. He had offered the resolution before the House is sustained by the entire body of evidence upon your upon the most deliberate reflection, and after consultatable.
tion with several bigbly respected and judicious friends, In view of such facts, can we say to the claimants, and because he honestly believed it to be the very best True, we have had the benefit of your labor, but you course that could be adopted in relation to the dangermust look for your pay to Captain Tupper. Can gen ous and exciting subject to which it refers. Mr. P. said tlemen for a moment contend that the workmen who he was aware of the responsibility he assumed, but knowerected Madison Barracks looked at all to the personal | ing that he was acting for the highest good of the whole responsibility of Tupper. Sir, he had no personal nor country, he was perfectly ready and willing to encounpecuniary responsibility. He contracted as the agent of ter it. He was acting for the true interests of his con. the Government-he signed the due bills in his official stituents, for the true welfare of his native State and of capacity, and I trust, sir, we shall in our collective all the South, and, he was neither afraid nor ashamed to legislative character do, what every gentleman in private | add, with a view to the peace and preservation of the life would feel constrained to do, an act of at least very | Union. But, because he had dared to adopt this course, tardy justice to the claimants, and pass the bill upon your | he had been bitterly assailed by a certain print, [the Tel. table.
egraph, and that, too, before he had even had an opporMr. PARKS now moved an adjournment; lost. tunity to assign his reasons. Sir, said Mr. P., let me say
Mr. WILLIAMS, of North Carolina, moved to post once for all that I am not to be driven by newspaper aspone the further consideration of the bill until to-mor saults, or calumnious imputations upon my motives, from row; not carried.
my settled convictions of public duty, nor from my deThe bill was further opposed by Messrs. GILLET | termined purpose to take high and patriotic ground and PARKS, and advocated by Mr. STORER.
upon this subject, and to prevent it, as far as I am able Mr. PARKS moved a suspension of the rules, in order to do so, from being made a perpetual source of agita. to submit a motion that when the House adjourns to-day tion, to the ruin of the South, and the destruction of the it adjourn to meet on Monday. Agreed to: Ayes 112, | Union. I have no fear that the assaults to which I have noes 44.
alluded will injure me in the estimation of the citizens Mr. PARKS then submitted to above motion; which of Charleston. My constituents have known me long, was agreed to; and, on Mr. P's motion,
and they know me well. They know that I am utterly The House then adjourned.
incapable of being tempted to desert my duty to them,
in any matter in which their rights or interests are involMONDAY, FEBRUARY 8.
ved; and they will spurn the base imputation upon me, SLAVERY IN THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA.
as an insult to themselves. But I do plead guilty to the
heinous accusation of desiring harmony--of desiring to Mr. PINCKNEY asked the consent of the House to produce a safe, and advantageous, and honorable adjustoffer the resolution heretofore indicated by him on the ment of this question. But how, Mr. Speaker! By subject of the abolition of slavery.
evading the resolutions offered by the honorable memObjections being made,
bers from Maine and Virginia, as I am charged with do. Mr. PINCKNEY moved the suspension of the rules ing? No sir: all who know me, either here or in South in order to enable him to offer the resolution.
Carolina, know that I never have evaded or avoided any Mr. PARKER asked if it was the object of the mover
vote or any question, upon which it has ever been my to bring the subject before the House for consideration
duty to act as a public representative. It is not my nathis day.
ture: it is not my character. I would disdain to shrink Mr. PINCKNEY replied that it was.
from an open avowal of my sentiments, or record of my Mr. BROWN asked for the yeas and nays on the mo
vote, upon any question which any gentleman could tion, and they were ordered.
make before this House. How then, sir? By retracing The question being taken, it was decided in the affirma ground already gained, and yielding an advantage obtive: Yeas 138, nays 65.
tained from the enemy? No sir: for I know of no ground KNEY then submitted the following reso- gained--no advantage obtained--but I am decidedly of lution:
opinion, on the contrary, that we have lost ground daily Resolved, That all the memorials which have been by the course that has been pursued, and that we shall offered, or may hereafter be presented, to this House, lose more and more, the longer it is persisted in. This praying for the abolition of slavery in the District of accusation, then, is absurd. I have evaded nothing: I Columbia, and also the resolutions offered by an honor- bave yielded nothing. I deny the imputation and every able member from Maine, (Mr. Janyis,] with the amend. vile insinuation connected with it. But, sir, I do desire ment thereto proposed by an honorable member from
harmony--by producing harmonious, united, and efficient Virginia, (Mr. Wise,) and every other paper or propo-action--by taking higher ground than has yet been ta. sition that may be submitted in relation to that subject, ken--by covering the whole field--by bringing up the be referred to a select committee, with instructions to
main question and acting upon that; and by doing what report that Congress possesses no constitutional authority no one else has yet attempted to do--by procuring a di. to interfere in any way with the institution of slavery in any rect vote, and a practical result, upon the whole subject of the States of this confederacy; and that, in the opinion of the abolition of slavery! This is my object, sir. And of this House, Congress ought not to interfere in any am I to be denounced for this? Are my constituents to way with slavery in the District of Columbia, because it be incited to suspect me, because I am honestly endeas. would be a violation of the public faith, unwise, impoli- oring to bring this distracting controversy to the very tic, and dangerous to the Union; assigning such reasons | best issue of which it is susceptible? Is it treason to the for these conclusions as, in the judgment of the commit- South, sir, that this House should declare, by a solemn tee, may be best calculated to enlighten the public mind, and deliberate vote, that Congress possesses no constituto repress agitation, to allay excitement, to sustain and tional authority to interfere with slayery in any of the
States? Is it treason to the South, that this House should Congress in the memorable resolution of 1790-a course declare, by a solemn and deliberate vote, that Congress that was sustained (I believe proposed) by the veneraought not, and will not, interfere in any way with slavery ble Madison, and that received the unanimous sanction in the District of Columbia, because it would be a viola of the whole southern delegation of that day. I can see tion of the public faith, and dangerous to the Union? no reason why the same course should not receive the Has such a point as this ever been gained before? Has | unanimous sanction of the whole southern delegation now. ever such a vote been taken, or such a declaration made, In my humble judgment, it is the only course by which as this? Is it treason to the South to wish to allay ex. we can bring this matter to an advantageous issue. citement, and to repress agitation? Is it treason to the | Hitherto we have been fighting about mere abstractions. South, that a committee should be ordered to draught a Hitherto we have been contending about the right of report, as ably as they can, to secure and maintain the petition, and other minor and unimportant points. just rights of the slaveholding States and of the people of We have been wasting our energies, and losing this District, on the one side, and at the same time to re- ground upon a false issue-an issue upon which we store concord and tranquillity amongst the various sec- never can arrive at a practical result--an issue upon tions of this confederacy, on the other? If this be trea which the whole North is united, and the South divided, son to the South, sir, let my constituents judge me. I am and the very debate upon which, so far from doing the responsible to them--but to no individual, be he who he least good, only increases the spirit of abolition at the may. If this be treason to the Union, let the people of North, inflames excitement at the South, and is daily America decide: for I cheerfully acknowledge that, as a widening the breach between the different members of citizen of the Union, I am also responsible to them. the Union. Now, sir, I am for overstepping these But, at all events, however I may be denounced for my minor abstract points, and taking higher ground. I am audacity in having acted thus, I have the consolation to for taking the question upon the whole subject. I know that the propositions I have offered meet the cor- would let the right of petition alone, as no way material dial approbation of many members from the South, than to the true issue. I would have a broad and comprewhom there are no purer patriots, or more devoted south sive declaration that Congress possesses no authorerners, upon this floor. Several of them have said that lity over slavery, here or elsewhere, and will not they would have rejoiced if this very course had been interfere with it in any way whatever. Is not this adopted at the beginning of the session; and I have the true position for the South, sir? I think it is, every reason to believe that it will now be sustained by and my constituents, too, all of whom own slaves, will the almost undivided vote of the whole southern dele think upon it, too. Sir, the abolitionists aim at gation. What, then, Mr. Speaker! am I and all the general emancipation. No candid man can doubt it, southern delegates who act with me, are all of us, trai-or deny it. All their writings and publications prove tors; and is the individual who has assailed me the only it. You cannot read the proceedings of a single antiman who understands the interests, or cares for the rights slavery society, or a single production of the incendiary and honor, of the South? But, sir, I feel that I ought press, without being thoroughly convinced that they to ask pardon of the House for speaking in this manner. contemplate abolition in the States as their grand ultiIt is exceedingly painful to me to speak of myself, at any mate object, and that they never will be satisfied with time, or in any place, but especially before so respectable any thing short of it, as long as they have the slightest and enlightened an assembly as this; but, in justice to my shadow of a hope. Now, sir, I would meet them, and self, I could not have avoided it upon the present occa. defeat them, at once and forever, upon that. I considsion. Sir, I will only trouble the House with one or er that we do but little, if we do not crush their hopes two observations more. I wish my constituents to un. in relation to the States. There can be no doubt that derstand my motives. It is my duty, as the representa all their attempts to procure abolition in the District, tive of the people of Charleston, to render an account are, that it may constitute a foundation for their general to them of every thing that I may say or do in my public scheme. They regard it as an entering wedge by which capacity, and I wish them to understand me distinctly, they may carry on their operations afterwards to an inthat they may judge me correctly, and especially before definite extent. Give them this District as a lever, and any false impressions may have been created in their they will never cease until they bring this Government minds. I say, then, Mr. Speaker, that I have three to act upon the States. I would therefore cut off all great objects in offering this resolution. The first is, their hopes at once, as regards the States, by saying to as far as possible, to arrest the discussion of the subject them, plainly and distinctly, that this Government posof slavery within these walls, which I believe to be use-sesses no power whatever by which they could be aided less--worse than useless--pernicious to the South, and in their views. Satisfy them that they have no hope dangerous to the whole country. The second is, to in relation to the States, and they will soon cease to bring the whole subject of the abolition of slavery to al trouble us in relation to the District. But, “to make practical result, in a manner safe and advantageous to assurance doubly sure," I would also extinguish their the South, satisfactory to the North, and calculated also hopes as regards this District. I would meet them at to tranquillize the country and to confirm the Union. every point, and put them down on all. I would say to My last object is--and this, indeed, substantially in them, that, so far from ever obtaining the aid of this cludes the whole--my last object is to put down the Government in their designs upon the States, they shall spirit of fanaticism, to repress the spirit of incendiary never be permitted even to obtain a foothold here. agitation, by disseminating throughout the country a They shall never be permitted to use this District for calm and temperate report, emanating from this body, the purpose of convulsion and disunion. And surely, having the high sanction of the national Legislature, and Mr. Speaker, if any thing on earth can repress the
both by its own arguments and the high source spirit of incendiary agitation, such proceedings on the from which it issues, to produce that sound and rational part of this House must produce that effect. And not state of public opinion, in the non-slaveholding States, only that, sir; it will not only tend, as I firmly believe, which is equally due to the South and to the preserva- to check aud repress the fanatics, but, what is still more tion of the Union. And, for this great purpose, sir, I important, it will tend, powerfully and irresistibly, lo would cover the whole ground. I would embrace the produce a high-toned, generons patriotism, an enlarged, States, as well as the District of Columbia. I know no magnanimous, American spirit, in the great body of the reasonable objection to doing so, and it is justified by non-slaveholding States, eminently favorable to the precedent. It is the very course that was adopted by 'cause of peace and to the constitutional rights and in
terests of the southern States. Only let this House great advantages to result from this. Is he so ignorant adopt the course indicated in the resolutions I have of as not to know that no man, woman, or child, in these fered, and my life upon it they will be sustained by United States, entertains a doubt upon this subject? every honest heart, by every true American patriot, in Not one of the abolitionists themselves, in any portion of every non-slaveholding State in this great republic. the country, has ever attempted to raise the question. Now, sir, this is the very result I desire to produce. The On the contrary, they have every where given it up in battle of abolition is to be fought, not at the South, but terms; and are we of the South, of South Carolina, to in the non-slaveholding States. The people of the non make this new point, and invite them to attack it? The slaveholding States are divided into two classes--the in gentleman promises peace and harmony from such a cendiary fanatics, who are plotting our destruction and the course. Sir, his constituents, as devoted as they are to destruction of this Union; andthe great body of the people, peace and harmony, will not sustain him in bringing it who respect the rights and feelings of their southern breth to them, at the expense of the sacrifice of their most ren, and are doing all that they can to put the fanatics down. valuable rights. When this question is made, it can be What, then, is our policy? To make a new issue upon decided only by arms, and the people of the South will abstract points; to change the whole aspect of the ques. laugh to scorn any decision of this House apon it. I en. tion, by contending against the right of petition, and tertain no higher respect for it, and for the gentleman's thus increase abolition, and drive our supporters from proposition, myself.' the field. No, sir. I would strengthen our friends, The resolution referring all the matters on this subnot weaken them. I would let them fight the abolition- ject heretofore before the House to a select committee ists in their own way, and not hamper or trammel them, is giving up the ground on which we have been contendby making new contests, or creating new difficulties of ing this whole session. We deny the power of this any kind whatever. I do firmly and conscientiously House to act upon the subject at all, and desire to ex. believe that, if this course is adopted, they will succeed clude it entirely and forever from these walls. My colin putting the fanatics down, and putting an end to this league calls upon you to legislate upon it, and thereby most unnatural war. These, then, are my motives. These yields you the power to act upon it. Sir, in the name are my objects. I go for the suppression of abolition of those with whom I act, I protest against it. He allaI go to maintain the just rights of ihe South without in- ded to what was done in 1790. Circumstances have vading the rights of others. I go to obtain a direct yote greatly changed since then; there were not then 100,000 upon the whole subject of the abolition of slavery, with disciplined troops embarked in this incendiary project; out being involved in constitutioual contests upon any there were no societies formed for the express purpose other points. In one word, I go for a decisive settle- of pressing it to an issue; with large sums and steamment of this question in the manner that I honestly presses at their command. It was then a mere specuthink will best maintain the rights of the South and lative question; it is now a practical one, of fearful imthe peace and perpetuity of this Union. And as I do port. We must adopt a stronger and more decided sincerely believe that the adoption of my resolutions, remedy. What good, sir, did the reports of 1790 do! accompanied by a firm but temperate report, will pro- Let the present situation of our affairs answer. The reduce these blessed results, so I shall esteem myself port now sought for will be about as effectual. The truly happy if I shall be the humble instrument of gentleman, no doubt, has in his possession the materials giving effectual and permanent repose to the South, of a splendid Sunday mail report; for that is the thing (to which I am attached by every tie that can bind the which seems to haunt the imaginations of some memheart of man to his natal soil,) and also accomplish the bers of this House. great object of placing this Únion once more upon a [Mr. PINCKNEY explained, and said that he had no firm, and solid, and immoveable foundation.
such purpose; and he intended, if the resolution passed, Mr. HAMMOND said it was unpleasant to differ with to ask to be excused from serving on the committee, and any gentleman from the South on a question of such im. turn it over to other hands ] portance as this, and peculiarly so to differ from a col. Mr. HAMMOND said he wished his colleague had manileague on a question involving the interests of our con fested the same delicacy with regard to the resolutions stituents so deeply. [Mr. PINCKNEY said his colleague themselves, and permitted any other person to have had mistaken him; they did not differ on principle.] brought them in. But, as he had proposed this measure, Mr. H. said: sir, we do differ, differ vitally, on principle. it would be great injustice to himself and to the country I consider the gentleman's proposition as abandoning to permit him to refuse to perfect it. I hope he will the high, true, and only safe ground of our rights, to not repudiate his own offspring. Sir, what magic does throw ourselves upon the expediency of this House. the gentleman suppose a report like this is to possess? With regard to the motives of my colleague, upon which / Does he think that he can paste it on his shield, and he has so largely descanted, whatever may be my opin. that, like the Gorgon's head, it will turn all to stone who ion of them, I will not express it here. It would not look upon it? I can assure him it will be powerless become the dignity of this House, nor my own. This with Tappan, Garrison, and the rest of the gang. They much I will say, that every member of this House knows will not regard it in the least. They have tasted blood, that these propositions of the gentleman are such as and are too keen upon the scent to be deterred by any would have been cordially hailed by every friend of the thing that can be put on paper, no matter what rhetorabolitionists at any period of this session. We might at ical excellences it may possess. any time bave had peace on these terms, if we bad con. The gentleman says he wishes by this means to predescended to accept it. As to the newspaper article of serve the Union. I should like to know how long it is which he speaks, I knew nothing of it until I saw it in since that gentleman learned to preach homilies on the the paper; but, so far as my recollection of it serves me, Union. [Mr. PINCKNEY. All my life. ] Yes, sir, we it contains nothing calumnious or unjust.
are all for the Union; but if it can only be maintained at I was not prepared for a renewal of these resolutions the sacrifice of our rights, that gentleman is very much to-day. I thought that the exhibition of southern feel mistaken if he thinks his constituents will aid him in that ing on them the other day, and the entreaties of his col. sacrifice. Sir, those are not the best friends of the leagues, had induced the gentleman to abandon them; 1 Union who are always preaching it up to us; and when regret to find myself mistaken. What does he propose? I hear, a person here or elsewhere, put the “ Union" in That this House shall say they have no power over the the foreground of bis argument, I always suspect he subject of slavery in the States. He promises himself | means to give it some secret stab. And, sir, I believe
the adoption of the gentleman's plan of settling this con- to know if the resolution instructed the committee to retroversy will give it one of the most fatal blows it has ever port whether Congress had the power to legislate on the yet received. For I can assure this House that a Union subject of slavery in the District of Columbia. If it did based upon the principles of that resolution cannot not, he was opposed to it, toto cælo, and if it did, he was stand. We cannot give up rights, and consent to hold opposed to it on other grounds. The Chair had decided our property at your will. We cannot give up the con- that he had no right to put the question, and from this stitution, and consent to repose our all upon the tender decision he had appealed. He submitted whether he mercies of this House, to be withdrawn whenever they had not a right to inquire what was the true meaning of may deem expedient.
the resolution. True, it had been read; but every resoThe gentleman says he wishes to avoid discussion. It lution was not to be understood by hearing it read. It is very clear that his resolutions will produce a contrary might contain more than it was understood to mean. effect. They throw the door wide open for discussion. Give us light and understanding, he said, before we are They do more. By thus entertaining respectfully these dragged up here to vote like mules. incendiary petitions, and acting upon them, we shall The CHAIR said he would state the point of order. encourage the abolitionists to persevere in their efforts. Mr. WISE withdrew his appeal. They are not men to be deterred by a defeat of this sort. The question being taken on the previous question, it They will consider it a great point gained, if they can was decided in the affirmative: Yeas 118, nays 47. So get Congress to take up their petitions, and institute a the main question was ordered to be put. grave legislative action on them. The fanatics will re. Mr. VINTON called for the division of the resolution joice, heartily rejoice, to see these resolutions.
into three several parts; so that the question should be Mr. Speaker, i do not desire to impugn the motives taken on the following clauses separately: of gentlemen from the South, who have voted to intro. 1. " Resolved, That all the memorials which have been duce these resolutions. I hope they are good. I hope offered, or may hereafter be presented, to this House, we all desire to effect the same object. But, sir, in the praying for the abolition of slavery in the District of Coname of those I represent, and with those whom I have lumbia, and also the resolutions offered by an honorable the honor to act, I solemnly protest against them. I member from Maine, (Mr. JARVIS,] with the amendment protest against them as conceding to this House a pow. thereto proposed by an honorable member from Virer to legislate upon this subject, which I deny. I pro. ginia, (Mr. Wise,) and every other paper or proposition est against them as weakening our position, by making a that may be submitted in relation to that subject, be re. new question before the country, which is now consid. ferred to a select committee." ered as settled in our favor. I protest against them as 2. “ With instructions to report that Congress posopening a wider range for the discussion of this subject. sesses no constitutional authority to interfere in any way I protest against them as encouraging abolition; and, with the institution of slavery in any of the States of this finally, I protest against them as abandoning the high confederacy." and true grounds upon which only it becomes the 3, " And that, in the opinion of this House, Congress South to place herself in this great and vital contro ought not to interfere in any way with slavery in the versy.
District of Columbia, because it would be a violation of Mr. BOYD moved the previous question.
the public faith, unwise, impolitic, and dangerous to the Mr. HUNT appealed to him to withdraw the motion, Union." to allow him to offer an amendment.
The CHAIR stated the division indicated was in order. Mr. WISE joined in the appeal.
Mr. HIESTER called for the yeas and nays on the Mr. BOYD was compelled, he said, to persist in the several questions, and they were ordered. motion, as he thought it belter that this discussion should Mr. HOLSEY called for a further division of the reso. stop.
lution, so as to take the question separately on the referMr. MANN moved a call of the House; which was neg. ence of Mr. Jaryis's resolution, and on the reference of atived by a vote of 75 to 91.
Mr. Wise's resolution. The motion for the previous question was seconded The CHAIR decided that this was not in order. by a vote of 102 to 86.
Mr. HOLSEY appealed from the decision of the Chair. Mr. GRANGER asked the yeas and nays on the ques The question on the appeal was discussed by Messrs. tion, “Shall the main question be now put?”
HOLSEY, BRIGGS, PATTON, WISE, EVERETT, Mr. PATTON moved a call of the House; which was and BELL. negatived.
The decision of the Chair was affirmed by the House. Mr. WISE rose to inquire of the Chair what was the The question being taken on the first member of the meaning and object of the resolution. He had heard it proposition, as above divided, it was determined in the read, but did not yet understand it.
affirmative, as follows: The CHAIR said the gentleman was out of order. Yeas--Messrs. Adams, Heman Allen, Anthony, Ash,
Mr. WISE said he would address his inquiry to the | Ashley, Bailey, Banks, Barton, Beale, Bean, Beaumont, House.
Bockee, Bond, Boon, Borden, Bovee, Boyd, Briggs, The CHAIR said the gentleman must take his seat.
Brown, William B. Calhoun, Cambreleng, Carr, Casey, Mr. WISE appealed from the decision of the Chair to George Chambers, Chaney, Chapin, Childs, John F. H. the House, and would state his reasons.
Claiborne, Clark, Cleveland, Coffee, Coles, Connor, The CHAIR said the gentleman had a right to do that. Corwin, Craig, Cramer, Crane, Cushing, Cushman, Dar
Mr, WISE contended that, as gentlemen were com lington, Davis, Deberry, Denny, Dickerson, Doubleday, pelled to vote upon the resolution, they had a right to Dunlap, Efner, Evans, Everett, Fairfield, Farlin, Pow. know what was its character and purport. If he was ler, Fry, Philo C. Fuller, William K. Fuller, Galbraith, called upon to vote for a resolution before he knew what Gillet, Granger, Grantland, Graves, Haley, Joseph Hall, it was, then “order!" "order!" was paramount to rea Hamer, Hannegan, Hard, Hardin, Samuel S. Harrison, son and law.
Albert G. Harrison, Hawes, Hawkins, Haynes, HazelMr. BYNUM would like, he said, to know what was tine, Henderson, Hiester, Hoar, Hopkins, Howard, Howthe question before the House.
ell, Hubley, Huntington, Huntsman, Ingersoll, Ingham, The CHAIR said he would state it when the gentleman William Jackson, Jabez Jackson, Janes, Jarvis, Jenifer, from Virginia had concluded.
Joseph Johnson, Richard M. Johnson, Caye Johnson, Mr. WISE said his point of order was this: he wished I Benjamin Jones, Judson, Kennon, Kilgore, Kinnard,