as he was. The disorder had not yet spread so far but that if they had been willing to settle the dispute upon the principle which he had formerly recommended—which was in effect the simple one that each party should take what was his and resign what was not hisorder might yet have been restored without difficulty. It was not too late for Ferdinand to restore the Protestants of Bohemia to quiet enjoyment of the "patents, agreements, and ordinances granted in past times in their favour by the Emperors, Kings of Bohemia;" to release prisoners unjustly detained; to exclude the Jesuits from meddling with matters of state; or "to remember the oath which he took at his coronation, which ought not to be broken." And although Frederick (whose interest in the matter was not altogether selfish, for he believed himself to be fighting for a great cause, in which he proved his faith by remaining loyal to it long after it had ceased to yield him either gain or glory) would have to resign his new crown,-which he could hardly be expected to do willingly,-yet if England, Spain, Holland, and Germany had united in insisting upon it, he must have yielded. The difficulty lay in this-that none of the parties to the quarrel were content to settle it upon terms which left them no better off than they were before. Ferdinand wanted to recover his kingdom without conditions as to his coronation oath or concessions to the Protestants. Maximilian of Bavaria had already bargained with him for the annexation of the upper Palatinate to his own domininion. The Directors of Bohemia wanted to keep the government in their own hands. All the Catholic powers wanted to gain upon Protestantism, all the Protestant upon Catholicism. And thus it came that James's attempt to mediate failed as before. As before however, it is the failure only that was to be regretted, not the attempt. Judging by the result, who can doubt that its success would have been a benefit to Europe?

While this was going on, an arrangement was brought about by the influence of France with a different object and a very different effect. On the 23rd of June 1620 a treaty was concluded between the Protestant Union and the Catholic League which made the march upon the Palatinate easier and safer. This quickened the enlistment of volunteers in England: but it did not altogether relieve James from his difficulty. The threatened movement, though justly alarming, was one of which, from his point of view, he could not justly complain. When Gondomar represented to him that the persons whose throne Frederick had usurped could not be expected

1 Instructions to Viscount Doncaster; in Relations between England and Germany, 1618-19' (Camd. Soc.) p. 73.

1620.] THE KING'S POSITION ON THE BOHEMIAN QUESTION. 109

to refrain from attacking him wherever he was most vulnerable, and that the way to preserve the Palatinate and establish peace was simply to restore Bohemia to its rightful owner, what could he say in answer? He could not deny that Frederick's position in Bohemia was an act of usurpation; for he thought it was, and had always said so and admitting that, how could he deny the other? All he could say was that "he hoped God would arrange everything for the best ""a demonstration of helplessness," says Mr. Gardiner. And helpless no doubt he was. He was helpless, as a father is helpless whose son has done something for which he cannot deny that he deserves punishment. His only resource at present was to indulge himself in the belief (which Gondomar would no doubt be ready to suggest) that the Palatinate was not the immediate object of attack,—that the head of the rebellion being at Prague, it was there the Emperor would seek it.

Such, up to the end of August, 1620, was James's position with regard to the great Bohemian question; to which as long as he remained true, it is easy to understand how little help he could look for from an English House of Commons-a body no way implicated in his antecedent engagements and quite unable to understand his scruples. The further development of the designs of the contending parties altered his position materially and opened a great opportunity, as we shall see presently. But the few letters which I find belonging to July and August of this year were written before the news arrived, and may be disposed of first.

My very good Lord,

TO THE LORD CHANCELLOR.1

Such is my haste at this time, that I cannot write so largely to your LoP as I would, in the business of the steel, in which I once already sent to your Lordship, and in which I only desire the good of the commonwealth, and the service of my master. I therefore have sent this bearer my servant unto you, and committed the relation of the business to him, and I do intreat your Lordship to give credit to what he shall deliver your Lordship therein, with your lawful assistance of my desires; wherein I doubt not but you shall do a very good office. And I shall rest ready to requite your courtesy ; and with my best wishes continue Your very loving friend,

Egham, 6 Julii, 1620.

G. BUCKINGHAM.

1 Harl. MS. 7000., f. 5. Original. Docketed by Meautys "6 Junii 1620. My Lo. Marq Buck to your Lp. on the behalf of his servant Mr. Porter and Mr. Dallington."

TO HIS

VERY GOOD L. THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM, L.
HIGH ADMIRAL OF ENGLAND.1

My very good Lord,

The tobacco business is well settled in all points. For the coals, they that brought the offer to Sec. Calvert, do very badly shrink from their words; but we are casting about to piece it and parfite it.

The two Goose-quills, Maxwell and Alured, have been pulled; and they have made submissions in that kind which the board thought fit. For we would not do them the honour to require a recantation of their opinion, but an acknowledgment of their presumption.2

His Majesty doth very wisely, (not shewing much care or regard of it,) yet really to suppress this licentious course of talking and writing. My old Lord Burghley was wont to say, that the Frenchman, when he hath talked, he hath done; but the Englishman, when he hath talked, he begins. It evaporateth malice and discontent in the one, and kindleth it in the other. And therefore upon some fit occasion I wish a more public example.

We

The King's state, if I should now die and were opened, would be found at my heart, as Queen Mary said of Calais. find additionals still, but the consumption goeth on. I pray God give his Majesty resolution, passing by at once all impediments and less respects, to do that which may help it, before it be irremediable. God ever preserve and prosper your Lordship.

Your Lordship's most obliged friend,

23 of July, 1620.

and faithful servant,

FR. VERULAM, Canc.

I have stayed the thousand pounds set upon Englefield for his Majesty, and given order for levying it.

1 Tanner MSS. 290, f. 67. Original.

2 "Referred to my L. Digby and Secretary Naunton to acquaint the amb's and upon their suit to give order for their liberty." (Note in margin of MS.) Alured, who had been Secretary to Lord Evers, President of Wales, had sent Buckingham a treatise against the Spanish match, and been committed to prison for it by the King." See Camden Anmal. App., 10 June, 1620. For a copy of his letter see S. P. vol. 115, no. 67, and of his submission, vol. 116, no. 42.

Maxwell had been sent to the Tower on the 27th of June for writing a book to prove that the kingdom of Bohemia was not elective. See his submission, 27 November, 1620. S. P. vol. 117, no. 89.

3 From a paper of accounts in the Record Office I find that the debt amounted on the 29th of September, 1620, to £611,525. S. P. Dom. vol. 116, no. 124.

1620.1 RETURN OF THE KING FROM HIS PROGRESS.

111

TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM, LO. HIGH ADMIRAL OF ENGLAND.1

My very good Lord,

One gave me a very good precept for the stone; that I should think of it most when I feel it least. This I apply to the King's business, which surely I revolve most when I am least in action; whereof at my attendance I will give his Majesty such account as can proceed from my poor and mean abilities, which as his Majesty out of grace may think to be more than they are, so I out of desire may think sometime they can effect more than they can. But still it must be remembered, that the stringing of the harp, nor the tuning of it, will not serve, except it be well played on from time to time.

If his Majesty's business or commandment require it, I will attend him at Windsor, though I would be glad to be spared, because quick airs at this time of the year do affect me.2 At London, and so at Theobalds and Hampton Court, I will not fail, God willing, to wait upon his Majesty. Mean while I am exceeding glad to hear his Majesty hath been lusty and well this progress. Thus, much desiring to see your Lordship, cujus amor tantum mihi crescit in horas, (as the poet sayeth), I ever remain Your Lordship's most obliged friend

His Majesty having made a reference of a business to your Lordship concerning Sir Robert Douglas and Mr. David Ramsay, two of his Highness's servants whom he loveth and whom I wish very well unto, I have

1 Fortescue Papers. Original: own hand.

2 Among the letters entered in Stephens's catalogue, but not found, is one addressed to Buckingham on the 8th of September, 1620, beginning 'I am this evening,' and containing "Thanks for his Majesty's care of his health."

3 Harl. MS. 7000, f. 16. Orig. Docketed "Ult. Aug. 1620. My. Lo. of BuckTM to yo' Lp. touching the business of wills."

thought fit to desire you to show them all the favour your Lordship may therein, which I will acknowledge, and ever rest

Farnham,

Your Lordship's faithful friend and servant,
G. BUCKINGHAM.

the last of August, 1620.

The reference comes in the name of my brother Christopher, because they thought it would succeed the better: but the prince wisheth well to it.

2.

The Spaniards had managed both their military and diplomatic. movements so well, that in spite of two English ambassadors sent to Brussels to watch their proceedings, they contrived to keep James in the belief that their army under Spinola was destined for Bohemia, until it had reached a convenient position for a sudden descent upon the Palatinate. In the beginning of August, the Dutch (to whom Spinola's aim was immaterial, his discomfiture being equally important to them upon either supposition) had urged James to anticipate the expected blow by joining with them in an attack upon the Indian fleet,-for which the twenty ships he had just got ready for the suppression of piracy in the Mediterranean might be conveniently used. But this proposal he had refused to listen to, declaring it to be an action "most dishonourable and ill beseeming his sincerity "-and he seems to have maintained his belief in the sincerity of the Spaniards, until news came on the 5th of September that Spinola, turning suddenly round, had marched towards the Palatinate, taken Oppenheim, Kreutznach, and Alzei, and established a basis of operations at Mentz.2 After this, he could deceive himself no longer; and though he could not, when challenged by Gondomar, quote any express promise from Spain that the Palatinate should not be attacked, he was now clearly released from his own implied engagement to give no support to his son-in-law in a quarrel which he held to be unjust. If it was lawful for the Emperor to strike at Frederick wherever he was most vulnerable, it was no less lawful for England to intercept the blow when the region struck at was one in which England had a reversionary interest. Upon this news therefore he declared his resolution to take up arms for the defence of the Palatinate ;— a resolution so well in accord with the popular sentiment that it placed him at once in the position in which Bacon had so long been 2 Camden, Annal. App.

1 Gardiner, vol. i. p. 341.