1620.] CAPTURE OF PRAGUE BY THE BAVARIANS.

153

'Fœdera; and (being no doubt the same) will be found in its place a little further on.

The "late occurrences abroad" were the defeat of Frederick at Prague on the 29th of October, and the capture of the city by the Bavarians. The news was first heard in England on the 24th of November, and so exasperated the popular hatred of Gondomar that he thought it necessary to apply to the Council for protection, who granted him a guard for his house. Among the political writings which the time brought forth was one entitled " Vox populi, or News from Spain, which may serve to warn both England and the United Provinces how far to trust to Spanish pretences." It was in the form of an imaginary conversation, and had come out just before. The Government were enquiring after the author;' who had taken the precaution to put himself out of reach; and it was probably one of the specimens of "lavish discourse and bold censure in matters of state" which suggested to Bacon the expediency of the Proclamation.

The disaster of Prague did not materially affect the preparations for the coming Parliament; for it tended only to strengthen and stimulate the popular desire for the defence of the Palatinate; and the more the House of Commons was bent upon that, the more easy it would be to deal with about domestic matters. But it did very materially alter the position of the Government upon the question, and opened a new prospect of settlement. Hitherto James had been unable to support his son-in-law without supporting what he conceived to be an unjustifiable rebellion--a bad cause. He was ready to support him only on condition that he resigned what he had no right to-which was the throne of Bohemia; but this Frederick would not do when he might, and since the war began he could hardly be asked to do it: for he could not with honour abandon his post while the enemy were at his gates, except upon conditions for his Protestant subjects more favourable than could be obtained. Now however-being a fugitive, without crown, people, army, or ally, he might without dishonour confess himself beaten and give up the game. By renouncing his pretensions to the Bohemian throne he would at once relieve James from his perplexity,

1 "Besides divers other businesses of the council here. . . I have another in hand, which is the discovery of that seditious book called Vox populi, whereof I have a hope to find out the author, and am now busy about it, having upon search of a suspicious person found out another pamphlet in his chamber of the like nature entitled Sir Walter Ralegh's ghost, or a conference between Gondomar the Friar Confessor and Father Baldwin the Jesuit, at Ely-house in Holborn. I assure your Lordship it is as seditious a book as the other, if not much worse, but not yet printed.' Naunton to Buckingham, 28 Nov. 1620. Fortescue Papers, p. 143.

and enable him with a clear conscience to make the recovery of the Palatinate his own cause. And it was upon this express condition that the King now assisted him with money, and prepared to assist him with arms, to recover it: an action in which upon the same condition he expected to have the co-operation of the King of Spain; who still intending Prince Charles to be his son-in-law, would surely never consent to the alienation of his sister's possessions. The winter months gave time for negotiations, which he set on foot immediately; and prepared to meet his Parliament with a declaration that he still hoped to recover the Palatinate by peaceful measures, but meant, if they failed, to go to war for it.

The next letter contains the King's decision upon the certificate of the three referees concerning the proposed patent for engrossing transcripts of wills, dated December 12.

TO THE LORD CHANCELLOR, AND THE LORD MANDEVILLE, LORD TREASURER OF ENGLAND.1

My honourable Lords,

His Majesty is pleased according to your Lordships' certificate to rely upon your judgments, and hath made choice of Sir Robert Lloyd, knight, to be patentee and master of the office of ingrossing the transcripts of all wills and inventories in the two Prerogative-Courts, during his Highness's pleasure, and to be accountant unto his Majesty for such profits as shall arise out of the same office. And his Majesty's farther pleasure is, that your Lordships forthwith proportion and set down, as well a reasonable rate of fees for the subject to pay for ingrossing the said transcripts, as also such fees as your Lordships shall conceive fit to be allowed to the said patentee for the charge of clerks and ministers for execution of the said office. And to this effect his Majesty hath commanded me to signify his pleasure to his Solicitor General, to prepare a book for his Majesty's signature.

And so I bid your Lordships heartily well to fare, and remain
Your Lordships' very loving friend,

Royston, December 17, 1620.

G. BUCKINGHAM.

TO THE LORD CHANCELLOR.2

My honourable Lord,

As soon as his Majesty's convenience would permit, I have acquainted him with the draught of the proclamation your Lordship sent me by his Majesty's direction; which his Majesty liketh in every point so well,

tr

1 Harl. MSS, 7000. f. 35. Original. Docketed "17° Decemb. 1620. His M. pleasure signified by my Lo. of Buckm to yor Lp. and my Lo. Treasurer touching the manner of the patent for engrossing the transcripts of wills."

2 Harl. MSS, 7000. f. 37. Original. Docketed by Meautys "Dec. 21, 1620. Warrant for a proclamation against lavish speech."

1620.]

ANALYSIS OF PARLIAMENT BUSINESS.

155

both in matter and form, that he findeth no cause to alter a word in it, and would have your Lordship acquaint the Lords of the Council with it (though he assureth himself no man can find anything in it to be changed), and to take order for the speedy setting of it forth. And so I rest

Theobalds, 21 Dec. 1620.

Your Lp's faithful friend and servant,

G. BUCKINGHAM.

TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM,1

My very good Lord,

I was so full of cold, as I could not attend his Majesty today. Yesterday I dispatched the proclamation with the Council. There was a motion to have sharpened it; but better none, than over sharp at first. I moved the Council also for supplying the committee for drawing of bills and some other matters, in regard of my Lord Hobart's sickness, who I think will hardly scape: which, though it be happiness for him, yet it is loss for us.

Meanwhile, as I propounded to the King (which he allowed well), I have broken the main of the Parliament business into questions and parts, which I send. It may be, it is an overdiligence; but still methinks there is a middle thing between art and chance: I think they call it providence, or some such thing; which good servants owe to their sovereign, specially in cases of importance and straits of occasions. And these huffing elections, and general licence of speech, ought to make us the better provided. The way will be, if his Majesty will be pleased to peruse these questions advisedly, and give me leave to wait on him; and then refer it to some few of the Council, a little to advise upon it. I ever rest

Your Lordship's most obliged friend,

December 23, 1620.

and faithful servant,
FR. VERULAM, Canc.

I have not met with any traces of the paper here referred to. It would have been interesting to observe whether among these "questions and parts" there was any hint of apprehension as to the

1 Gibson Papers, vol. viii. f. 138. Copy by Meautys. No fly-leaf. Indorsed "Dec. 23, 1620. The Lo. Chancellor to my Lo. Marquess Buckingham, inclosing some questions and cases of Parliament business."

security of his own position. I should not expect to find any. His hopes of good to the state from this Parliament were already much clouded; but I do not think it had yet occurred to him that he had anything to fear for himself.

The Proclamation which he had despatched with the Council on the 22nd was no doubt the same in which the King had found nothing to alter on the 21st, and which was published on the 24th: It may therefore be taken for one of his own compositions,-writing in the person of the King.

A PROCLAMATION AGAINST EXCESS OF LAVISH SPEECH OF

MATTERS OF STATE.1

Although the commixture of nations, confluence of ambassadors, and the relations which the affairs of our kingdom have had towards the business and interests of foreign states, have caused during our regiment a greater openness and liberty of discourse even concerning matters of state, which are no themes or subjects fit for vulgar persons or common meetings, than hath been in former times used or permitted;

And although in our own nature and judgment we do well allow of convenient freedom of speech, esteeming any overcurious or restrained hand carried in that kind rather as a weakness or else overmuch severity of judgment than otherwise; yet nevertheless forasmuch as it is come to our ears by common report that there is at this time a more licentious passage of lavish discourse and bold censure in matters of state than hath been heretofore, or is fit to be suffered, we have thought it necessary, by advice of our Privy Councell, to give forewarning unto our loving subjects of this excess and presumption, and straitly to command them and every of them from the highest to the lowest to take heed how they intermeddle by pen or speech with causes of state and secrets of empire either at home or abroad, but contain themselves within that modest and reverend regard of matters above their reach or calling that to good and dutiful subjects appertaineth ;

As also not to give attention or any manner of applause or entertainment to such discourse, without acquainting some of our Privy Councillors or other principal officers therewithal,

1 Rymer's 'Fœdera,' vol. vii. pt. 3, p. 187, a.d. 1620.

1620.] PROCLAMATION AGAINST TOO FREE SPEAKING. 157

respective to the place where such speeches shall be used, within the space of four and twenty hours, under pain of imprisonment and our high displeasure: and let no man think after this our warning to pass away with impunity, in respect of the multitude and generality of offenders in this kind, but know that it will light upon some of the first or forwardest of them to be severely punished for example to others.

And if we shall be sensible of this kind of contempt even towards such of our loving subjects as are obedient to our laws and conformable to our proceedings in Church and Commonwealth, unto whom we cannot impute it to proceed otherwise than out of rashness, evil custom, or too much passion, much more let them look to it who in respect that they are otherwise liable to our laws or of suspected affection to our government, may give us just cause to think that it proceedeth from the overflow of a worse or more corrupt fountain;

Neither let any man mistake us so much as to think that by giving fair and specious attributes to our person they can cover the scandals which they otherwise lay upon our government, but conceive that we make no other construction of them but as fine and artificial glosses the better to give passage to the rest of their imputations and scandals.

Witness our self at Whitehall the four and twentieth day of December.

9.

To shew the terms upon which two people stand towards each other, there are few things more significant than the manner in which a request is declined. It appears that about this time Bacon desired a favour of the King, which he asked Buckingham to recommend, and that Buckingham wished to be excused. So much seems certain. What the favour was, or how or on what grounds it had been applied for, we are left to gather from the reply. But there can be no doubt, I think, that the favour desired was "the making of a Baron"; that is, the privilege of naming some one to be raised to that rank and receiving the consideration. It was au ordinary form of reward. Rich men would give large sums for peerages, and the King would occasionally transfer the benefit of the bargain to a servant whom he wished to oblige. There was a rumour about three years before (though I have not met with any