TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM,1 My very good Lord, This extreme winter? hath turned with me weakness of body into a state that I cannot call health but rather sickness, and that more dangerous than felt, whereby I am not likely to be able to wait upon your Lordship as I desired, your Lordship being the person of whom I promise myself more almost than of any other; and again to whom, in all loving affection. I desire no less to approve myself a true friend and servant. Most affectionate to do your Lp. service, FR. ST. ALBAN. My desire to your Lordship is to admit this gentleman, my kinsman and approved friend, to relate to you my business, whereby to save further length of letter, or the trouble of your Lordship's writing back. 12. These, as I have observed before, were only the irritations and interruptions of Bacon's life. His life itself at this time was occupied with his instalments of Natural History. When he made his vow that he would produce one or more of these in each succeeding month (a rash vow if it had not left him free to release himself from it upon any sufficient occasion), he assigned to the first six successive months the following portions-the History of Winds; of Density and Rarity; of Heaviness and Lightness; of Sympathy and Antipathy of things; of Sulphur, Mercury, and Salt; of Life and Death. The History of Winds, together with introductions to the remaining five, was published in November. But on further consideration he determined to change the order, and take the History of Life and Death next. This he did because he thought it would be more immediately useful, by turning the industry of medical men to higher aims than that of curing a few diseases, and pronouncing the rest incurable. But it proved to be a work of much greater length than the first,-about twice as long in fact, and it seems to have taken about three months to 1 Gibson Papers, vol. viii. f. 221. Very rough copy in Bacon's hand. No flyleaf, indorsement, or date. 2 Chamberlain in a letter to Carleton of 7th December, 1622, notices the severity of the winter as so great that there were 270 or 280 deaths in London weekly. S. P. vol. 134, no. 66. 和 1622-3.] PUBLICATION OF HISTORIA VITÆ ET MORTIS. 1 399 finish and carry it through the press. "In none of his writings," says Mr. Ellis, "is there more appearance of research: " nor have any of his writings of this kind received such high praise, from a judge so competent, as this has received from Haller, in the passage which Mr. Ellis quotes. I do not know that any step which has been made in medical science can be traced to it-such steps are rarely made in any science except by men who have made the study of it their special occupation; but the spirit and general principles of the investigation probably gave impulse and direction to more students than were aware of it; 2 and at any rate the work sufficiently accounts for the employment of his own time during the winter months of 1622, and gave additional proof of his fitness for the high vocation to which only he now aspired. "That Lord," says Chamberlain, writing on the 10th of February, 1622-3, "busies himself altogether about books, and hath set out two lately, Historia Ventorum 'and De Vita et Morte, with promise of more. I have not yet seen either of them, because I have not leisure: but if the life of Henry the 8th, which they say he is about, might come out after his own manner, I should find time and means enough to read it." 3 There seemed at this time to be a glimmer of better fortune. Buckingham, who had become in his correspondence with him much. more like his former self, had been as good as his word, and on the 20th of January brought him to kiss the King's hands. Sir Edward Conway, a man favourably disposed towards him, had been made. Secretary of State. There had been complaints against Cranfield, and quarrels between him and Williams. Mandeville, who had always been an admirer and a friend, was shortly to be allied to Buckingham by the marriage of his son with a kinswoman of his; and there was a rumour abroad that he would be made Lord Chancellor, and that Bacon would succeed him as President of the Council, and have his debts paid out of the King's coffers. Friendly words from Williams do not count for much, for we have already seen that he could use them when both his feelings and actions were 1 Among the letters entered in Stephens's catalogue and not found, is one dated 2 Jan. 1622, addressed to Buckingham; beginning "as I do not doubt; and described as sent "with his book of the prolongation of life." 2 "Quicquid Cartesius habet, si quod boni habet, hoc unicè isti debet, neque melior autor haberi potuit, licet ejus nomen ab imperitis adeo supprimatur." Boerhaave's Methodus Stud. Medicin. I. 56, quoted by Mr. Ellis. Phil. Works, ii. p. 93, note. 3 S. P. vol. 138, no. 23. On the 10th January preceding, Sir T. Wilson reported to the King that Bacon had applied to him for such papers as he had in his custody relating to Henry the 8th's time. Ib. vol. 137, no. 13. 4 S.P. Locke to Carleton, 1 Feb. 1622-3. S. P. vol. 138, no. 3. quite the reverse. But if he was assured that Buckingham's feelings towards Bacon had changed, there was no danger, whatever his own feelings might be, of active opposition from him. -- Whether all this boded any real good to Bacon it is difficult to judge. But if it did, his evil fate interfered once more to cross it. An adventure so extraordinary and beyond all reasonable probability that it seemed to him "like a fable of the poets," took Buckingham suddenly out of England and kept him at Madrid for eight months. The last unlucky dispute between the King and the House of Commons upon a point of mere constitutional theory, which had nothing to do with the immediate business of the day, and might certainly have been postponed, as similar quarrels had often been postponed before, to a more convenient season ;-a dispute arising out of an incidental remark made by the King, which had no bearing upon the questions under consideration and was not intended as a preface to any action-and one in which neither party would have lost, by putting it by for the present, any advantage in dealing with it at the proper time; while both would have gained in the better chance of attaining the object for which at present both were contending this dispute, ending as it did in another dissolution with mutual dissatisfaction, with no provision made for raising an army, and with the utter destruction of all the moral effect upon opinion abroad which had been hoped for from the exhibition of "the good and perfect union between the King and his subjects," had {produced a sudden change in the policy and plans of Spain. Since the Spanish government found that there was no chance of obtaining by means of the marriage with England any considerable advantages for the Catholic Church, they had secretly abandoned the intention of carrying it out, and only kept the treaty on foot as a means of accomplishing their other ends. But such a breach as this between the King and his Parliament opened new prospects. Gondomar believed that it was the end of Parliaments in England. Even Digby felt that our trust must now be in the laurel branch without the sword; for the support of Parliament could not be relied upon for means of war; that if the Palatinate was to be recovered it must be through the co-operation of Spain; and that the co-operation of Spain could only be secured by concluding the marriage. Of this, however, he was in good hope. For it had always been their policy to make England believe that they were sincere in desiring the restoration of the Palatinate, and he thought it impossible that Philip should consent to send his sister with a dowry of 500,000l. to a country with which, if he did not mean honestly in that, he 1 Sir H. Saville, 7 June, 1621. 1622-3.] 66 VISIT OF THE PRINCE TO SPAIN. 401 would certainly be at war in a very short time. That Philip did not mean honestly about the Palatinate appears to be certain. He meant to hold James in the belief that he would help to obtain it for him, until it were otherwise disposed of; and then to tell him that he could do no more. As early as March, 1622, he had conveyed to the Emperor a secret assurance to that effect. He had informed him that the transfer of the Electorate to Maximilian would not be opposed at Madrid, provided it were so carried that James could be made to believe "that the thing had been done against the wish of the King of Spain." How far he was in earnest at this time about the marriage it is not easy to make out. But the breach between the King and his last Parliament, as it had convinced Digby that Parliament could not be relied upon for effective support in case of war, appears to have inspired Gondomar with a fresh hope of converting England. The Prince, who had not shown much interest as yet in his own marriage, was much grieved for his sister; and Gondomar seems not only to have created in him the same belief which had been so strongly impressed upon Digby, that the restoration of the Palatinate would follow the marriage as a matter of course, but to have persuaded him that a visit to Madrid incognito, with only two servants, would expedite the marriage. If he were weak enough to go, it was not likely that he would be strong enough to resist the influences which would then be brought to bear upon him; and if the future King of England could be brought to profess himself a Catholic, the marriage would prove a very profitable investment, It had been settled before Gondomar left England that the visit should be paid, if on his arrival in Spain he found it advisable. On the 27th of September, just after the news of the fall of Heidelberg had reached England, the Prince and Buckingham wrote to remind him of it. In the beginning of December they received from him a private message that he would be glad to see the Prince. In February, 1622-3, they got leave to go. On the 7th of March they arrived at Madrid. And at this time it was that, according to the indiscreet avowal of the Spanish minister Olivarez, the match began to be really intended on the part of Spain.3 The history of the diplomatic game between the young and old players which followed does not concern me at present except as it concerned Bacon, and it concerned him chiefly as withdrawing from the Court at a critical time the two persons whose influence over the King might have counteracted that of the busiest and most useful of the councillors with whom they left him. For Cranfield, 2 Gardiner, vol. ii. p. 254. 2 D 1 Gardiner, vol. ii. p. 282. VOL. VII. 3 Gardiner, vol. ii. p. 405. . . but though he rose through the favour of Buckingham, had grown so fast into credit with the King, that (according to Clarendon) he had begun to think he needed his favour no longer, and in his absence "was not only negligent in the issuing out such sums of money as were necessary for the defraying those unlimited expenses had the courage to dispute his commands and to appeal to the King, whose ear was always inclined to him." And if Cranfield could use his influence with the King to resist Buckingham's demands when they concerned his own business or pleasure, we may easily imagine the fate of those which concerned only Bacon's means of living. The Prince and Buckingham left England in disguise on the 18th of February, and the letters which follow will tell their story for themselves. TO SIR EDWARD CONWAY.2 Good Mr. Secretary, When you visited me, you expressed in so noble a fashion a vif sense of my misfortunes, as I cannot but express myself no less sensible of your good fortunes, and therefore do congratulate with you for your new honour now settled. The excellent Marquis brought me yesterday to kiss the King's hands. So as now methinks I am in the state of grace. Think of me and speak of me as occasion serveth. I shall want no will to deserve it, at least nobleness is never lost. I rest Your affectionate friend FR. ST. ALBAN. Bed. house, this 21th of Jan., 1622. TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.3 Excellent Lord, I perceive this day by Mr. Comptroller that I live continually in your Lordship's remembrance, and noble purposes, concerning my fortunes, as well for the comfort of my estate as for countenancing me otherwise by his Majesty's 1 Clarendon, book i. p. 62. 2 8 P. Dom. James I. vol. 137, no. 23. Original: own hand 3 Gibson Papers, vol. viii. f. 173. Copy: corrected in Bacon's hand. No flyleaf. Indorsed "To the Duke of Buckingham." 4 Sir John Suckling. |